Multicultural America: An Encyclopedia of the Newest Americans

Multicultural America

How to go to your page This eBook set contains 4 volumes. The front matter for volume 2, 3, and 4 has its own page numbering scheme, consisting of a volume number and a page number, separated by a colon. For example, to go to page iii of Volume 2, type “Vol2:iii” in the "page #" box at the top of the screen and click "Go." To go to page “iv” of Volume 3, type “Vol3:iv”… and so forth. The page numbering for the main content of the book is continuous throughout.

Multicultural America AN ENCYCLOPEDIA OF THE NEWEST AMERICANS Volume 1

Ronald H. Bayor, Editor

Copyright 2011 by Ronald H. Bayor All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Multicultural America : an encyclopedia of the newest Americans / Ronald H. Bayor, editor. v. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-313-35786-2 (hard copy : alk. paper) · ISBN 978-0-313-35787-9 (ebook) 1. Cultural pluralism·United States·Encyclopedias. 2. Multiculturalism·United States·Encyclopedias. 3. Immigrants·United States·Encyclopedias. 4. Ethnology· United States·Encyclopedias. 5. Minorities·United States·Encyclopedias. 6. United States·Ethnic relations·Encyclopedias. 7. United States·Race relations·Encyclopedias. I. Bayor, Ronald H., 1944E184.A1M813 2011 305.800973·dc22 2011004677 ISBN: 978-0-313-35786-2 EISBN: 978-0-313-35787-9 15

14

13

12

11

1

2

3

4

5

This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit www.abc-clio.com for details. Greenwood An Imprint of ABC-CLIO, LLC ABC-CLIO, LLC 130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911 Santa Barbara, California 93116-1911 This book is printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America

Contents

Preface, ix Introduction, xiii Chronology, xxvii Afghan Immigrants, 1 Ceri Oeppen Argentinian Immigrants, 39 Judith Ann Warner Bahamian Immigrants, 79 Kathryn Beard Bangladeshi Immigrants, 109 Ahrar Ahmad Brazilian Immigrants, 149 Franklin Goza Cambodian Immigrants, 205 Justin Corfield Chilean Immigrants, 237 Cristián Doña-Reveco Chinese Immigrants, 277 Jonathan H. X. Lee Colombian Immigrants, 353 Enrique S. Pumar Costa Rican Immigrants, 381 Thea S. Alvarado v

vi | Contents

Cuban Immigrants, 413 Guillermo J. Grenier Dominican Immigrants, 471 Ramona Hernández and Anthony Stevens-Acevedo Ecuadorian Immigrants, 533 Kenneth Kincaid Egyptian Immigrants, 577 Caroline Nagel Eritrean Immigrants, 617 Tricia Redeker Hepner Ethiopian Immigrants, 657 Solomon Addis Getahun Filipino Immigrants, 701 Maria Paz Gutierrez Esguerra Ghanaian Immigrants, 753 Baffour K. Takyi Guatemalan Immigrants, 799 Timothy Steigenga and Sandra Lazo de la Vega Guyanese (Indo-Guyanese) Immigrants, 845 Stephen J. Sills and Natassaja Chowthi Haitian Immigrants, 887 Bertin M. Louis Jr. Honduran Immigrants, 933 Suyapa G. Portillo Villeda Indian (Asian Indian) Immigrants, 969 Karen Isaksen Leonard Indonesian Immigrants, 1027 Jennifer Cho Iranian Immigrants, 1069 Maboud Ansari Iraqi Immigrants, 1111 Mary C. Sengstock

Contents | vii

Israeli Jewish Immigrants, 1149 Steven J. Gold Jamaican Immigrants, 1189 Alwyn D. Gilkes Japanese Immigrants, 1247 Eiichiro Azuma Kenyan Immigrants, 1287 Nicole C. D’Errico and Scott G. Feinstein Korean Immigrants, 1329 Won Moo Hurh Laotian Immigrants, 1397 Helen K. Kim Lebanese Immigrants, 1427 Stephen J. Sills Liberian Immigrants, 1459 Hana Brown Mexican Immigrants, 1493 Alma M. Garcia Nicaraguan Immigrants, 1557 Lisa Konczal Nigerian Immigrants, 1595 Mojúbàolú Olúfúnké Okome Pakistani Immigrants, 1655 Kathleen M. Moore Palestinian and Jordanian Immigrants, 1695 Randa Bassem Serhan Panamanian Immigrants, 1731 Joanna Doran and Anulkah Thomas Peruvian Immigrants, 1777 Erika Busse-Cárdenas and Rodrigo Lovatón Dávila Puerto Ricans, 1843 María E. Pérez y González

viii | Contents

Salvadoran Immigrants, 1903 Carlos B. Cordova Somalian Immigrants, 1965 Franklin Goza Sudanese Immigrants, 2013 Deidre Ann Tyler Taiwanese Immigrants, 2043 Franklin Ng Thai Immigrants, 2097 Jenjira Yahirun Trinidadian and Tobagonian Immigrants, 2135 Teruyuki Tsuji Venezuelan Immigrants, 2191 Magaly Sanchez-R. Vietnamese Immigrants, 2229 Hien Duc Do Selected Bibliography, 2277 About the Editor and Contributors, 2279 Index, 2287

Preface

Most Americans are aware of the many new immigrants arriving in the United States but know little about them. This encyclopedia was planned to provide thorough studies of these newest immigrants, who have come mainly after the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act. After that legislation, America shifted from a country that excluded people on the basis of national origins to a more inclusive society that welcomed people from many lands. Never before had so many immigrants arrived from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. These volumes are directed toward readers who want comprehensive narrative information, along with a set of special features to bring these new groups to life. Statistics are provided, but the text emphasizes history, identity, and culture. The four volumes include 50 country entries, ranging alphabetically from Afghanistan to Vietnam. Relatively little-known immigrant-sending nations such as Bangladesh, Eritrea, Ghana, Indonesia, Jordan, Nigeria, and Thailand are covered, along with well-known and major senders like China, Dominican Republic, India, Jamaica, Mexico, and Taiwan. All are covered in great detail. Readers can easily search for a country and find information under topic sections within the country essay. Most essays are from 10,000 to 20,000 words each, with scholars, many from the nations being discussed, providing knowledgeable analyses of the countries. Authors include sociologists, historians, anthropologists, political scientists, geographers, ethnic studies experts, and other social scientists. Each author was asked to divide the essay into seven categories followed by appendices. The main categories are Background, covering geography and history; Causes and Waves of Migration, focusing on early and later immigration, especially after 1965; Demographic Profile, concentrating on population size, age, educational and economic attainment, and health; Adjustment and Adaptation, centering on family, life-cycle rituals, changing gender relations, links to the ancestral home, social organizations, religion, language, the ethnic press, food, music, and holidays. Section 5, Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture, depicts the immigrant groupÊs path toward citizenship, intergroup relations, forging an American identity, political

ix

x | Preface

participation, and return immigration; the last two sections present information on The Second and Later Generations, with such issues as ethnic identity, cultural identification, and educational attainment, and Issues in Relations between the United States and the Country of Origin, looking at forecasts for the 21st century. Furthermore, each essay chapter has various statistical tables, chosen individually by each author, relating to the immigrants and their community, a list of notable Americans from that nationality, either U.S.-born or with careers based in America, a glossary of pertinent words, references used in the chapter, and an annotated further readings list for those who wish to pursue study of the group. Finally, authors were asked to provide sidebars, particularly of young individuals who were willing to tell their immigration and adjustment stories. This aspect personalizes the immigrant experience for each nation and allows the reader to connect with the immigrantÊs world. Readers will be able to acquire a full understanding of these newest Americans: who they are; why they came to America; what is their culture; what are their skills and educational levels; whether they still have links to the Old World; and if there has been a development of a new American identity. These questions are essential for understanding the immigrantsÊ experiences, and what impact they are having on the United States. The encyclopedia is the first book to bring together all this information for ready reference, and it reveals interesting but little-known facts about our new immigrants. For example, many of the newest immigrants come with higher skills and more education than their European predecessors; they are often upwardly mobile at a faster rate; and they are frequently bilingual into succeeding generations. Gender roles have changed very quickly as immigrant women entered the U.S. labor force and secured new family authority. Accepting American social mores brought significant change to family dynamics. In specific cases, the essays show many intriguing aspects of the new immigrants. For example, Ghanaians and other Africans have had a mixed response from U.S.-born African Americans; Iraqi immigrants have included Christians, Muslims, and Jews; Indonesia is the worldÊs largest Muslim country, but a significant number of Indonesians in the United States are Protestant or Catholic; many Israeli immigrants return to Israel, which is not the usual pattern for immigrants to the United States; Kenyans, as with most east Africans, have very high rates of educational attainment in the United States; American anti-Muslim attitudes have deeply affected immigrants from Muslim nations such as Pakistan and have made adjustment more difficult even for the 25 percent of Pakistanis born in the United States; and Argentina and Brazil, major immigrant-receiving nations for most of their histories, suddenly became significant sending nations to the United States in the late 20th century. Many revelations in this reference work will surprise the reader but also increase their understanding of what America is and who is an American. Connections with previous immigrant waves are also described.

Preface | xi

Immigrants from AmericaÊs past arrivals and those coming since 1965 formed migration chains, found both hostility and acceptance in America, had to adjust to a new culture and learn a new language, found ethnic niches in the economy, developed an ethnic press, retained many of their food choices, entered into American politics, and maintained emotional links to the Old World. As always, each made a contribution to American life and enhanced U.S. society and culture.

Acknowledgments A project such as an encyclopedia depends on the work of many people besides the editor and contributors. Some essays have incorporated but updated some material found in Greenwood PressÊs New Americans Series, including „Cuban Immigrants‰ by Guillermo J. Grenier, with material from The Cuban Americans by Miguel Gonzáles-Pando, and „Haitian Immigrants‰ by Bertin M. Louis Jr., with material from The Haitian Americans by Flore Zéphir. Other essays that have been thoroughly updated with substantially new content by the original authors are The Dominican Americans by Ramona Hernández and Anthony Stevens-Acevedo; The Mexican Americans by Alma M. Garcia; Puerto Ricans in the United States by Maria E. Perez Gonzales; The Salvadoran Americans by Carlos B. Cordova; The South Asian Americans in the „Indian Immigrants‰ essay by Karen Leonard; and The Vietnamese Americans by Hien Duc Do. The Encyclopedia had its beginnings with a suggestion from Sandy Towers, senior acquisitions editor for Greenwood Press, now ABC-CLIO, and her support for this project is appreciated. I would also like to acknowledge the help of developmental editor Lindsay Claire, and especially Anne Thompson. Anne had a special role to play in the completion of this work, and I doubt it would have seen publication without her guidance and assistance. Thanks as well go to the essay authors, particularly those who were prompt in their submissions and cooperative in regard to revisions. Finally, my wife, Leslie N. Bayor, deserves thanks for her love and support.

This page intentionally left blank

Introduction

It is well known that America is a nation of immigrants, but less understood are the patterns, laws, and effects of that immigration. The multitude and variety of AmericaÊs immigrants have shaped the country from the colonial period to the present. Although the sending countries have changed over the years, the reasons for coming to America have not. This introduction provides a short history of immigration, with special attention to the period after 1965, when new laws restructured the immigration process. Individuals from the colonizing European powers settled colonial America. The majority were from England but included as well settlers from such countries as Spain, France, Holland, Sweden, the German states, and, as forced immigrants, those from various African areas (Daniels 1990). Except for numerous people brought as slaves, immigrants have generally seen America as a land of opportunity, where they could start new lives. Immigration was a product of being pushed from the Old World countries and pulled toward America. The push factors could be lack of employment and land, wars, oppressive governments, discrimination, overpopulation, and the impact of the Industrial Revolution. Factors in AmericaÊs pull could be individual and generational opportunity, a rise in class status, property ownership, and freedom of religion (Daniels 1990). Not all immigrants stayed; some colonies failed, and many immigrants at various periods in American history returned to their ancestral homes. Some came with no intention of staying and planned only to spend a few years in North America, make some money, and return home to buy property. But for those who stayed, whether the Irish famine immigrants of the 1840s, the Cubans fleeing CastroÊs revolution in the 1960s, or the Ethiopians responding to war in the 1990s (see Cuban and Ethiopian chapters), commonality existed in regard to the elements of their push pull histories. It was also usual for immigrants to form chain migrations, in which one family or town member would arrive first and then other family or townspeople would follow, often going to the same American location (Daniels 1990).

xiii

xiv | Introduction

Immigration meant a difficult journey, but immigration laws did not hamper arrival at first. In fact, there were few restrictions on those arriving, and there was no one who was an illegal immigrant. Quotas and limits on the total number who could be admitted were for future times. Immigrants could even include convicts and debtors. Entry was easy, unless a colony or state quarantined a ship due to disease. Restrictive laws did not appear until well into the 19th century. The tribulations of the passage over were also very different in the initial years. Coming by sail and later steamship, traveling in cargo or passenger ships, immigrants had rough journeys to the New World. They were routinely placed in the steerage areas, below the water line and where the steering mechanisms had once been housed. Jammed together with little light and air, immigrants sometimes faced disease, particularly typhus and smallpox, as they crossed the ocean to America. Arrival locations for cargo ships were based on where they dropped off European manufactured goods and picked up American raw material. Later in the century, steamships had regular service and stopped at numerous ports. By the end of the 19th century, travel time could be from a few days to two weeks (Kraut 1982). This is a different experience from immigrants arriving by airplane or through overland routes in contemporary times. The laws governing immigration became increasingly severe as the country experienced more immigrants and more diversity. While naturalization laws dealing with securing citizenship became an issue as early as the beginning of the 19th century, the first federal immigration law did not appear until 1882, after the Supreme Court deemed that immigration was a federal, not a state matter. The Chinese were the first ethnic group to be singled out for restriction and exclusion. While nativists feared Irish Catholics becoming citizens, it was the Chinese who were banned from even coming to America. Ostensibly directed only at Chinese laborers and initially passed for a ten-year period, it had the effect of barring most Chinese and was eventually extended indefinitely. Chinese already in America but China-born could not become citizens, a situation that was evident after 1870 (Daniels 1990; 2004). The entry of a racial/ethnic factor in immigration was new but indicated a sense of the countryÊs prejudices and a precursor to what was to be legislated later. Further legislation in the 1880s and 1890s prevented the entry of such categories of people as contract laborers, the insane, diseased individuals, criminals, polygamists, and those who might become charity cases. A few years later came restrictions against anarchists or others who would support the overthrow of the U.S. government. Within these years of individual-based restrictions, the second attempt to bar an Asian group was secured. The GentlemenÊs Agreement with Japan of 1907 1908 prevented Japanese laborers from entering the United States Through this pact, Japan also would not allow laborers to leave their country. As a result of this agreement, only a very small number of Japanese would be able to enter the United States (Daniels 1990).

Introduction | xv

By the end of the 19th century two important changes had occurred in relation to immigration. The federal government opened New YorkÊs Ellis Island immigration reception center in 1892, indicating the federal control of immigration processing, and immigration patterns had shifted away from Northern and Western Europe to Eastern and Southern Europe. Ellis Island became the gateway to America for most Europeans. In 1910, the Angel Island processing center in San Francisco Bay was opened for primarily Asian immigrants. The differences between the two centers illustrate the American attitudes toward European and Asian immigrants. Ellis Island allowed most immigrants through relatively easily, while Angel Island largely became a detention center. As immigration shifted to Eastern and Southern Europe, the country saw an increasing number of Jews and Italians. Large numbers of both groups arrived in the United States from the 1880s to the beginning of World War I in 1914. Both these white groups, like the Irish before them, were met with great hostility. Considered as not white enough, and representing races and cultures that nativists felt were unassimilable and would overwhelm and outbreed Anglo-Saxon Protestant America, these immigrants inspired new restrictionist laws, the first against Europeans. Starting with congressional attempts in the 1890s to secure a literacy test for arriving immigrants (the legislation was passed in 1917), the hostility finally resulted in oppressive national quota laws by the 1920s. The Literacy Act required the immigrant „to read any recognized language‰ and also included an Asiatic Barred Zone to bar more Asian immigrant (Daniels 2004). The 1920s legislation set the immigration patterns for the next 40 years. New strategies to limit immigration came into play in 1921 with the Emergency Quota Act, which was extended to 1924. Fearful that immigration would increase too much after the war, Congress reacted to the nationÊs general desire to limit the immigrant numbers and control their origins. A numerical cap (357,000) was placed on immigration from the Eastern Hemisphere, while no limitation was put on immigration from the Western Hemisphere: Latin America, the Caribbean, and Canada. A countryÊs quota was set at three percent of that countryÊs nationals living in the United States as of the 1910 census. The intent was to give preference to Northern and Western European immigrants. The lawÊs purpose was also to restrict Eastern and Southern Europeans from entering the United States, and to limit others planning to arrive. This legislation was considered temporary and was replaced by a much more stringent National Origins Act in 1924. In 1924, after the nationÊs rising concern with radicalism in the United States, and worries about the new immigrants overtaking AmericaÊs culture, politics, and so-called genetic purity, Congress passed new legislation that closely followed the wishes of the Ku Klux Klan. Historian Roger Daniels calls the 1924 act „the greatest triumph of nativism‰ (Daniels 2004). This law, which was set to go fully into effect in 1929, set an immigration cap of approximately 150,000 and nationality

xvi | Introduction

quotas based on two percent of a countryÊs citizens as enumerated in the 1890 U.S. census, before the wave of Eastern and Southern Europeans had arrived. The lawÊs results were once again to give preference to Northern and Western Europe and to further restrict Jewish and Italian immigration. Asians were virtually excluded, while Western Hemisphere immigrants had no numerical cap. For example, Great Britain received a large percentage of the immigration total, while Italian immigration was cut by about 150,000 (Barkan 1996). The law as it was fully enacted in 1929 set quotas based on a convoluted knowledge of the ethnic origins of the American people and used the 1920 census as the guide. The United States stood in the 1920s as a country that wished to have only those who reflected the original settlers. In an environment that was anti-Catholic and anti-Semitic and considered Asians as excludable inferiors, the country was not immigrant-friendly. These attitudes were borne out further in the 1930s Depression years, as the nation closed its doors to refugees fleeing Nazism and Fascism and repatriated/deported more than 500,000 Mexicans Americans, both those born in the United States and in Mexico (Barkan 1996). For a nation of immigrants, these were sorry days, and for a nation that was soon to be the worldÊs leader, the immigration laws became more and more a relic of a discriminatory past. Interestingly, many of the anti-immigration fears and arguments heard in contemporary times were evident in the 1920s and before. Immigrants as disease carriers, as criminals, taking jobs away from native-born Americans, changing the countryÊs ethnic and racial make-up, bringing radicalism (terrorism) to the United States, and introducing people who could not be assimilated were all aspects of nativism then and now. As the United States became more cognizant of the rest of the world and AmericaÊs allies, features of the immigration laws underwent change. The first indication of new thinking related to China, fighting alongside the United States against Japan in World War II. In 1943, the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed, although the quota for China (105 immigrants) was very low. However, Chinese-born individuals could now become naturalized citizens, a goal that had been denied to them earlier. A few years later, Filipinos and East Indians, also allies, were allowed small quotas (Barkan 1996). While the Chinese-related changes indicated an attempt to foster unity among the allies and among the American people and minimize ethnic hostility, other events showed another American attitude. The incarceration of about 110,000 West Coast Japanese Americans during the war, citizens and noncitizens, demonstrated the prejudices still evident. Also the Zoot-suit riots in Los Angeles, in which U.S. servicemen attacked Mexican American youth, illustrated negative attitudes toward this group. Yet, this was also a time when the United States was in desperate need of workers, due to the shortage caused by the entry of many Americans into the armed forces and by the Japanese American imprisonment. As a result, the Bracero program was started in 1943 and lasted in various forms until 1964. The Bracero plan

Introduction | xvii

was a temporary worker program that allowed large numbers of primarily Mexican laborers to come to the United States to work and then return to Mexico. Undocumented Mexicans also came into the country illegally in an effort to avoid the literacy law and an immigrant head tax. The illegal immigrants were not yet an issue for the United States, due to the effectiveness of the Bracero program and its outreach to Mexicans who wanted to work and earn in the United States (Daniels 1990; Reimers 1992). Other than the War Brides Act in 1945, which provided entry for American military spouses and children, the major postwar immigration controversy involved the refugees displaced by the war. Humanitarian concerns about the war-ravaged refugees prompted an effort to open the immigration gates, but anxiety about assimilation and political ideology brought opposition. After heated congressional debate, the Displaced Persons Act of 1948 was passed. What was unusual about the legislation is that it focused on refugees rather than immigrants, but nonetheless it eased entry into the United States for some. The United States allowed almost onehalf million refugees into the country from 1948 to 1952, raising many issues about immigration policy, particularly the topic of nationality quotas. Due to the refugee situation, some countriesÊ quotas were filled far into the future (Barkan 1996). The United States after World War II became the leader of the free world, representing a counterpoint to the Soviet Union and communism. The Cold War brought these two powers into competition, and immigration, as well as American racial policy, became more serious international issues. The American people during the early 1950s McCarthy years found themselves trying to present the face of equality to the world while still mired in racial segregation, and fear of unassimilable and ideologically suspect newcomers. Congress reflected these fears while pursuing refugee and immigration solutions. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1952 (McCarran-Walter Act) brought significant policy changes but maintained the controversial quota system. It did, however, remove all race/nationality barriers to immigration and naturalization. Some groups still had very small quotas, particularly those coming from the AsiaPacific Triangle (mostly East Asian countries such as Korea and Japan), but nobody was excluded. However, a racial bias was clear. For example, a Chinese individual born in and living in a country with a substantial quota would still be considered Chinese and part of ChinaÊs small quota (Daniels 2004; Barkan 1996). Furthermore, family reunification as a nonquota immigration category became a stronger aspect of U.S. policy. Antisubversive provisions were also part of this act in relation to the spread of communism. The 1952 act can be regarded as an interim step toward the substantial modifications of the 1965 Immigration Act. As the country moved toward the liberalization found in the 1965 act, it was clear that there were a number of stepping stones. America as a world power meant paying attention to refugee issues, special skills needed in the United States, and

xviii | Introduction

family reunification. These concerns resulted in more nontraditional immigrants, many of whom came in as nonquota. Favored consideration in the 1950s and early 1960s was given to refugees from such areas as Hong Kong, Hungary, Cuba, the Middle East, and Africa through the Refugee Relief Act of 1953, the Refugee-Escapee Act of 1957, and special admission programs. A significant change was that Asians could be admitted as refugees (Daniels 2004; Barkan 1996). There were in essence two immigration policies that were operative: one based on immigration and quotas, the other on refugees and nonquota entry. The ceiling or maximum for those coming to America was shifting rapidly. The total amount allowed into the United States through the McCarran-Walter Act became meaningless as refugee admissions through presidential declarations or congressional legislation increased the number. The immigration policy shift was due not only to AmericaÊs new place in the world and Cold War influence, but also to a perceptible awakening to issues of diversity and civil rights during the late 1950s and into the 1960s. The Civil Rights movement brought enhanced concerns about racial/ethnic discrimination in relation to voting and public accommodations but also to immigration issues. John F. KennedyÊs election as president in 1960 brought to the White House someone who was deeply interested in immigration. After KennedyÊs assassination, Lyndon Johnson carried forward the plans for a new immigration act. A robust economy also helped to secure public support for more new Americans. The intent of the 1965 legislation, as noted in congressional debates, was to do away with discriminatory quotas, thereby ending an inequitable system. However, there was no desire to change migration patterns. The assumption was that Eastern and Southern Europeans, previously disfavored, would now find a new opening to enter the United States. Political leaders did not expect to see Asians, Hispanics, and Africans benefiting the most from this law (Reimers 1992). America was still Europe-oriented, but this act was to change immigration patterns and some attitudes as well as reinvigorate the nativist opposition. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 stressed family reunification as a preference, which was thought of as a way to help such countries as Poland and Italy, with large backlogs of prospective immigrants and with family ties to the United States. Parents, spouses, and young children would be nonquota immigrants who could enter beyond the maximum allowed. Also, preference was given to certain skills needed in the United States. Most importantly, the Act ended the national origins quota system. There was no longer a discrimination-based policy on where an individual was born. Initially the Western Hemisphere had no country limit and no preference system, which helped those Latin American countries sending significant numbers. In the Eastern Hemisphere, each country had a 20,000-person cap and preferences that favored family reunification. In 1978, a change resulted in every country around the world having a 20,000-person limit. This shift meant

Introduction | xix

that the Asian-Pacific TriangleÊs low quotas were eliminated, and these countries also had a 20,000 immigrant quota. A major change was to impose a controversial ceiling on Western Hemisphere immigration, similar to what had been done previously for the Eastern Hemisphere. A political compromise to secure the end of the national origins quotas led to this provision. While eventually each nation was to have a cap, there was also immediate interest in providing a limit on total immigration. Ending quotas did not diminish the concern with the total numbers arriving. Ceilings of 170,000 for the Eastern Hemisphere and 120,000 for the Western Hemisphere were written into the legislation. In 1978, a worldwide cap of 290,000 was set and then later changed to 270,000. However, parents, spouses, and children could still enter as nonquota (Daniels 1990; Reimers 1992). The attempt to impose a ceiling convinced many Americans that immigration could be controlled while still providing a nondiscriminatory policy. The surprise came with the large numbers who entered as nonquota immigrants beyond the hemisphere and individual country caps. Also, special refugee admittances, as with the Vietnamese during the late 1970s, continued. The limit on the Western Hemisphere also came at the same time as the end of the Bracero program. Large numbers of Mexicans still wanted to work and earn in the United States, but all could not enter legally (Daniels 2004; Reimers 1992). The undocumented immigrant issue began to take shape by 1969. Furthermore, as Great Britain restricted immigrants from former Caribbean colonies, many migrants came to the United States instead. Immigration patterns would change relatively quickly as the new sending countries became mainly those in South and Central America, the Caribbean, Asia, and Africa. The United States began to see more arrivals from Mexico, Vietnam, Korea, India, China, El Salvador, the Dominican Republic, and Nigeria. In 1950, the two leading sending nations were Poland and Germany; by 1980, they were Mexico and Vietnam (Barkan 1996). Through immigrant networks and chain migrations, more non-Europeans began to dominate the immigrant flow and develop concentrations in certain U.S. areas. In the case of Asians, for example, skill preferences in the Act brought many to America and, once permanent immigrant status was achieved, relatives could arrive using family reunification preferences. Refugees were also part of the Asian migration, especially after the Vietnam War had ended. A similar situation developed for Hispanics and West Indians. While a maximum existed, many arrived as nonquota immigrants due to family ties, and refugee admittances, or as poverty-driven undocumented aliens. Given world problems due to wars, natural disasters, and poverty, the United States began to admit more refugees from troubled areas (Reimers 1992). The refugee increase explains a great deal about the shifting patterns and larger numbers of immigrants. An indication of changing policies came with the Refugee Act of 1980. This legislation altered the definition of refugee to include not only those fleeing

xx | Introduction

communism but also people needing entrée due to political or other persecution. The Act introduced the „right of asylum, and created a new legal category of refugee, an Âasylee,Ê ‰ especially in regard to political asylum, even for political refugees already in the United States. It increased the refugee numbers that could be admitted and provided for possible special emergency cases. Refugees could become legal resident aliens after one rather than two years, which meant that their road to citizenship was set and family members would soon be eligible for admittance (Daniels 1990; Reimers 1992). The Refugee ActÊs importance was that it set the stage for Haitians and others fleeing poverty and oppression to eventually be admitted as easily as Cubans escaping communism. But this change did not come until later, and meanwhile these so-called economic refugees had great difficulty entering the United States legally through the 1980s. Americans felt growing concern with immigration and refugee policies in the 1980s and after, as it appeared to many that our borders were porous. The problem was not in border control, but rather the same push-pull factors that drew earlier migrants. Poverty, the need of jobs, the desire to seek economic opportunity, and freedom from oppressive governments pushed and pulled immigrants to America seeking a better life. They would come legally or illegally. Some overstayed tourist or student visas; others crossed mainly the southern border but also that in the north. Jobs were available in agriculture, in the garment industry, in poultry production, in hotel work and other service industries; and employment even with harsh conditions and low wages still offered more opportunity than in the sending countries (Barkan 1996). Trying to secure some control over the immigrant numbers and deal with the need for agricultural laborers, Congress thought it had an answer in the Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA). The act created an amnesty program that allowed undocumented aliens who had taken up residence in the United States before January 1, 1982, and stayed in the country since that time to be legitimized. Almost three million individuals secured permanent status as a result of this legislation (Barkan 1996). Temporary agricultural workers could also secure amnesty if they had labored for at least 90 days from May 1985 to May 1986. They would be designated as temporary aliens and could then become permanent resident aliens. The ActÊs intent was to satisfy both the public in regard to hopefully solving the illegal immigrant issue, and the growers who needed this labor. This provision was particularly controversial because it did not stop the undocumented flow but merely served to legitimize those already in the United States. The arbitrary date could also divide families by allowing for the deportation of some family members and thereby creating an unfair situation (Reimers 1992). Amnesty remains a contentious issue into the present time. Employer sanctions were the other main IRCA issue. In an effort to force employers to discontinue the hiring of undocumented aliens, fines and jail time could

Introduction | xxi

be implemented. Employers were designated as responsible for checking employee documents, but this presented problems. Immigration and other documents such as Social Security cards could be forged, and employers were not always interested in, nor were they mandated to make sure that, the papers were legitimate. Furthermore, rather than checking documents, employers might simply refuse to hire Hispanics so as to avoid any investigation that would lead to penalties (Reimers 1992). The success or failure of the IRCA rested more on the state of the economy and society than on other issues in both Mexico/Central America and the United States. If jobs were available in the United States and employers needed workers, no law would stop the flow from the south. The undocumented kept arriving even after the border patrol was strengthened and the journey led to some immigrant deaths (Reimers 1992). It should be noted as well that Hispanics were not the only ones to enter the country illegally. Europeans such as the Irish also showed up at the border, and due to the same economic push-pull factors (Daniels 1990). This Act also began a lottery to help nations that the 1965 Immigration Act had negatively affected. Generally this applied to countries such as Ireland, whose immigration numbers had decreased. With the lottery, they could enter without regard to any preference category (Daniels 2004). IRCA was generally a failure, since it stopped neither the border crossings nor the hiring of undocumented employees. While many legal and illegal immigrants were adjusting well, acculturating to American society, and adding to the U.S. economy and society, the American public was not satisfied on a number of points. Anger existed in regard to the governmentÊs failure to control U.S. borders, the growing Hispanic influence on American culture and language, and continued immigrant ties to the old country. Nativist concerns of earlier years reappeared in the form of fears of the new Americans out-breeding and overwhelming the traditional Americans of European ancestry, and fears of the quickly increasing foreign-born in such regions as the American South, which had not been significant immigrant receiving areas previously (Barkan 1996). While it is very clear that Cubans revitalized Miami and South Florida and Koreans emerged to provide merchant services in depressed minority neighborhoods that virtually saved the economic life of these areas, ethnic conflict emerged as a by-product of the new immigrant waves (Reimers 1992). As always, new immigrants and older groups fought over resources: schools, neighborhoods, government aid, politics, and jobs. Korean grocers and the surrounding black population did not always get along, nor did Hispanics and blacks who fought over political power and neighborhood control (Foner 2000). Controversies regarding racial identity also reappeared. Many African, Caribbean, and Hispanic newcomers were surprised at the level of racial discrimination and consciousness still evident in the United States For those who had come from allblack nations or from areas that were biracial, the intensity of white American attitudes toward skin color was astonishing (Foner 2000). This issue was readily

xxii | Introduction

apparent in immigration policy in regard to the welcome given to white Cubans as opposed to black Haitians. In a further effort to clarify immigration policy and deal with recurrent problems, Congress passed the Immigration Act of 1990. Family reunification was again the main focus, along with job skills. An amnesty was approved for immigrant familiesÊ undocumented relatives denied legalization due to the arbitrary date of the IRCA amnesty provision. These relatives had to have arrived in the United States by May 1988 (Reimers 1992). The law also set a 700,000 (later 675,000) cap on total immigration, although the maximum did not include „refugees, asylees, and IRCA legalizations,‰ as well as close relatives and special cases of nonquota immigrants. Each country has a 25,620 limit rather than the 20,000 noted earlier. Provision was made for more asylum visas, and the category „temporary protected status‰ was introduced to deal with emergency cases (Barkan 1996). The IRCA lottery concept endured from that earlier legislation. The American public and politicians focused more strongly on the undocumented immigrants during the 1990s and after, particularly so after 9/11. The Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996 (IIRIRA) was the 1990s response, as were various attempts to deny not only illegal immigrants, but initially even legal immigrants, from securing government benefits (Daniels 2004). The IIRIRA dealt with increasing border control, streamlining and strengthening deportation procedures and adding further reasons for deportation, preventing aliens from being smuggled into the United States, making the granting of asylum more onerous, and providing better employer substantiation of immigrant workerÊs documents (Siskind Susser Bland). As the New York Times reported, the „law eliminates broad class-action lawsuits . . . by groups complaining of illegal conduct over issues including warrantless searches of farm workersÊ homes and lawsuits on behalf of Haitian, Guatemalan and Salvadoran asylum seekers‰ (Johnston 1996). Immigration by itself was no longer as important an issue as how the immigrants arrived in America (legal or undocumented). The country grew anxious about porous borders and illegal immigrants, especially after 9/11. A frightening concept for many Americans was in not knowing who was coming over the border. Muslim immigrants were immediately placed in a new category and received more scrutiny. Many men here on student, tourist, and other temporary visas were arrested and placed in long-term detention while they were being screened. Most were deported (Sachs 2002; Lichtblau 2003). Muslim men who were to be deported but evaded the order received special Justice Department attention to find them (Lewis 2002). Also, in November 2001, „the State Department said . . . that it would slow the process for granting visas to young men of Arab and Moslem nations in an effort to prevent terrorist attacks‰ (Lewis and Marquis 2001). In essence, all Muslim and Arab immigrants were considered terrorists until proven otherwise. Muslim immigration declined temporarily after 9/11 but picked up again by 2006. Clearly facing

Introduction | xxiii

a more hostile American public, the majority still sought American life for the usual reasons: „economic opportunity and political freedom‰ (Elliott 2006). As a result of the attack on the Twin Towers and already evident resentment against all, and especially undocumented, immigrants, various states and the federal government passed laws making it more difficult for legal and illegal immigrants to secure driverÊs licenses, and for employers to hire illegal aliens. Some state legislatures also disallowed undocumented immigrants from receiving unemployment insurance. Federal law made citizenship mandatory for all airport screeners and legal immigration required for any other airport worker (Swarns 2003). The new Department of Homeland Security also had an impact on immigrants, and particularly those from certain nations. Since 2003, Homeland Security has been in charge of enforcing the immigration laws. The Immigration and Naturalization Service was placed under the new Department of Homeland Security and renamed the Immigration and Customs Enforcement division (ICE). This had an effect on immigrant detentions, asylum seekers, and employers of illegal immigrants, who faced more investigations and raids (Bernstein 2004; Editorial 2009; Manrique 2009; Preston 2006; Preston 2007). Controversy remains strong, particularly on the undocumented immigration issue, and Congress has yet to develop a new comprehensive immigration act. Meanwhile, due to congressional inaction, more states, particularly on the Mexican U.S. border, have begun to formulate tougher laws. Arizona in 2010 passed the nationÊs most severe law dealing with illegal immigrants. The law, which is considered „the broadest and strictest immigration measure in generations,‰ increases police authority over illegal immigrants and requires immigrants to be able to prove their legal status in this country if the police stop them for a legal violation. Opponents felt that these provisions would lead to ethnic profiling and allow the police to harass legitimate Hispanic immigrants as well as U.S. citizens (Archibold 2010). U.S. government lawyers have challenged the law on the basis that it is unconstitutional, since past Supreme Court decisions have authorized only the federal government to regulate immigration. In July 2010, U.S. District Court Judge Susan Bolton suspended the implementation of significant parts of the law. Arizona is filing an appeal (Reuters 2010). The many and diverse immigrants who have arrived in America since 1965 indicate in some ways a divergence from the last period of large-scale immigration in the 1880 1920 period. Besides coming from different world regions, they are generally better educated and higher skilled and thereby more upwardly mobile. The immigration laws now stress family reunification, which encourages chain migration and networks. The job preference aspects bring in a greater variety of occupational skills than before. Many immigrants already have a familiarity with English and with American culture due to American movies and TV programs. Assimilation into American life can be easier and quicker. Furthermore, there is less

xxiv | Introduction

sense of dislocation, since modern technology allows constant contact with family members and friends left behind (Foner 2000). Immigration has met with hostility and fear due to 9/11, the economic recession, and concerns about an open border and about the effect on American culture. Nativistic attitudes will always exist. Yet, contemporary immigrants, whether from Nigeria, China, or Colombia, bring to the United States needed skills and labor and a desire to fit into the countryÊs life. America still has a great pull on people, evident since colonial days. Ronald H. Bayor References Archibold, Randal C. 2010. „Arizona Enacts Stringent Law on Immigration.‰ New York Times, April 23. Barkan, Elliott Robert. 1996. And Still They Come: Immigrants and American Society, 1920 to the 1990s. Wheeling, IL: Harlan Davidson. Bernstein, Nina. 2004. „Out of Repression, into Jail: Detention for Asylum-Seekers Is Routine, but U.S. Is Taking Another Look.‰ New York Times, July 15. Daniels, Roger. 1990. Coming to America: A History of Immigration and Ethnicity in American Life. New York: Harper Perennial. Daniels, Roger. 2004. Guarding the Golden Door: American Immigration Policy and Immigrants since 1882. New York: Hill and Wang. Editorial. 2009. „More Immigration Non-Solutions.‰ New York Times, July 12. Elliott, Andrea. 2006. „More Muslims Arrive in U.S., after 9/11 Dip.‰ New York Times, September 10. Foner, Nancy. 2000. From Ellis Island to JFK: New York’s Two Great Waves of Immigration. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Johnston, David. 1996. „Government Is Quickly Using Power of New Immigration Law.‰ New York Times, October 22. Kraut, Alan. 1982. The Huddled Masses: The Immigrant in American Society, 1880–1921. Arlington Heights, IL: Harlan Davidson. Lewis, Neil A. 2002. „A Nation Challenged: Immigration Control; I.N.S. to Focus on Muslims Who Evade Deportation.‰ New York Times, January 9. Lewis, Neil A., and Christopher Marquis. 2001. „A Nation Challenged: Immigration; Longer Waits for Arabs; Stir Over U.S. Eavesdropping.‰ New York Times, November 10. Lichtblau, Eric. 2003. „Threats and Responses: Government Report; U.S. Report Faults The Roundup of Illegal Immigrants after 9/11.‰ New York Times, June 3. Manrique, Jenny. 2009. „Detained Asylum-Seekers Find It Harder to Win Release.‰ New York Times, June 1. Preston, Julia. 2006. „U.S. Puts Onus on Employers of Immigrants.‰ New York Times, July 31.

Introduction | xxv Preston, Julia. 2007. „Surge in Immigration Laws around U.S.‰ New York Times, August 6. Reimers, David M. 1992. Still the Golden Door: The Third World Comes to America. 2nd ed. New York: Columbia University Press. Reuters. 2010.‰Key Parts of Arizona Anti-Immigration Law Blocked.‰ New York Times, July 29. Sachs, Susan. 2002. „A Nation Challenged: Detainees; Civil Rights Group to Sue over U.S. Handling of Muslim Men.‰ New York Times, April 17. Siskind Sesser Bland. IIRIRA 96: A Summary of the New Immigration Bill. [Online information; retrieved 7/10.] http://www.visalaw.com/96nov/3nov96.html. Swarns, Rachel. 2003. „Threats and Responses: Security Concerns; Immigrants Feel the Pinch of Post 9/11 Laws.‰ New York Times, June 25.

This page intentionally left blank

Chronology

1500s–1600s

European settlers in America, introduction of Africans as slaves.

1820s–1840s

Large-scale migration from Ireland.

1880s–1910s

Immigration patterns change to Southern and Eastern Europe.

1882

Federal government passes first immigration restriction act, Chinese Exclusion Act.

1892

Federal depot for processing immigrant arrivals: Ellis Island opens.

1880s–early 1900s

Restrictive laws barring various categories of immigrants: insane, criminals, those with certain diseases, anarchists, and so on.

1907–1908

GentlemanÊs Agreement with Japan barring Japanese laborers.

1910

Angel Island immigrant depot opens.

1917

Literacy requirement for immigrants; Asiatic Barred Zone created.

1921

Emergency Quota Act.

1924–1929

National Origins Quota Act, favoring Northern and Western Europe over Eastern and Southern Europe, Asians largely excluded.

1930s

Great Depression, few immigrants arrive, U.S. refusal to permit entry of many refugees fleeing Nazism and Fascism.

1942

Incarceration of Japanese Americans.

1943

Chinese Exclusion Act repealed. xxvii

xxviii | Chronology

1943

Bracero program started, bringing Mexican laborers into the United States.

1945

War Brides Act, allowing entry of military spouses and children.

1948

Passage of Displaced Persons Act.

1952

Immigration and Nationality Act (McCarran-Walter Act), maintaining national origins quotas but ending Asian exclusion.

1950–1960

Refugee policy developed to deal with emergency cases in China, Hungary, Indonesia, and Cuba through Refugee Relief Act of 1953, Refugee-Escapee Act of 1957, and Cuban Refugee Program.

1964

Bracero Program ended.

1965

Immigration and Nationality Act, ending national origins quota system.

1970s–present

Immigration patterns shift from Europe to Asia, Africa, and Latin America.

1980

Refugee Act, setting policy on refugee admittance.

1986

Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA), establishing amnesty program.

1990

Immigration Act of 1990, further efforts to control immigration.

1996

Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act passed, designed to eliminate undocumented immigrant entry.

2001, September 11

Terrorist attack raises concerns about border control and immigration.

2003

Immigration and Naturalization Service put under Department of Homeland Security and renamed the Immigration and Customs Enforcement Division.

2010

Arizona passes law against undocumented immigrants; federal government challenges law; U.S. District Court rules against parts of law.

Afghan Immigrants by Ceri Oeppen

Introduction There are an estimated one hundred to one hundred and fifty thousand Afghans living in the United States (Oeppen 2009). Afghans first started fleeing Afghanistan in sizeable numbers in response to its occupation by Soviet forces (1979 1989); prior to that small numbers of Afghans had travelled to the United States, mainly for education purposes. After the Soviet withdrawal, the number of Afghan arrivals lessened but the subsequent civil war and Taliban regime meant that few Afghan Americans returned and instead arranged for family members to join them, where possible. The majority of Afghans came as refugees but many have now been naturalized. Afghans are living throughout the United States, mainly in urban areas, with key concentrations including the San Francisco Bay Area, New York City, and the Washington, D.C., area. Ethnographic fieldwork with Afghans in the San Francisco Bay Area, conducted by the author in 2006 2007, is combined with secondary sources to form the basis for this chapter. Between the end of the Cold War and September 11, 2001, Afghanistan dropped somewhat from public consciousness. However, following the U.S.-led coalition operations in Afghanistan, political events in the United States and Afghanistan are once more intertwined. Since 2002, some Afghan Americans have returned to work, at least temporarily, for the Afghan government or for international and nongovernmental organizations working on humanitarian projects in Afghanistan. However, there has been no large-scale return movement.

Chronology Afghanistan has a long and complex history. Here a chronology is provided to indicate some key events that may be significant as a cause for Afghan migration, including to the United States. Others have provided more detailed histories (see Dorronsoro 2005; Dupree 1973; Hyman 1992; Omrani and Leeming 2005). 1919–1929

Reign of King Amanullah, who tried to modernize Afghanistan, including provisions for womenÊs rights and a Western-style education system. 1

Chronology | 3

1921

King AmanullahÊs government establishes a program to send students overseas for educational purposes.

From the 1940s

More students are sent to countries such as the United States as well as the USSR, Germany, and France for university education.

1973

King Zahir Shah is ousted by his cousin, Prime Minister Daoud. Daoud then declared Afghanistan a republic, and himself president.

1978

President Daoud and his family killed in a coup („the Saur Revolution‰) led by Taraki and Amin, members of the Leftist PeopleÊs Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA).

1979

Political parties are formed in exile, especially in Peshawar, Pakistan. Soviet troops enter Afghanistan to support the Communist government and install Karmal as President.

1980–1989

War between the Soviets and the mujahideen. Throughout this period, four to six million refugees flee Afghanistan.

1986

Najibullah, chief of the intelligence service „KhAD,‰ takes power, as Karmal resigns.

1989

The Soviets withdraw from Afghanistan.

1990–1992

NajibullahÊs government and the mujahideen fight for control of Afghanistan. The refugee population reaches a peak of over 6 million, as many flee rocket attacks on Kabul.

1992

The mujahideen take control of Afghanistan.

1993–1994

Factional fighting for control of Kabul intensifies between different mujahideen groups.

1994

The Taliban emerge from religious schools in Pakistan and capture Kandahar.

1995

The Taliban capture Herat.

1996

The Taliban capture Kabul, thus consolidating their control.

1996–2001

The Taliban bring a degree of stability to Afghanistan but their methods of control are brutal and disregard human rights.

2000–2002

Severe drought affects much of the country, particularly the north.

2001

Terrorist attacks of September 11. U.S.-led coalition forces and the Northern Alliance cause the Taliban to flee.

4 | Afghan Immigrants

2002–2003

Some 2 million refugees return to Afghanistan, mainly from Pakistan and Iran. With international assistance security improves in Kabul, but the central government has little control outside Kabul.

2004

The leader of the transitional government, Hamid Karzai, is elected as president.

2005

Parliamentary elections are held.

2005-date

The Afghan government and international forces led by NATO struggle to contain the Taliban, whose hold over the country, particularly in the south and east, continues to grow in strength.

2009

Presidential elections are held. Incumbent Hamid Karzai wins amidst widespread allegations of electoral fraud.

2010

President Barack Obama announces plans to begin withdrawing U.S. troops from Afghanistan beginning in July 2011.

Background Geography Afghanistan is a landlocked country slightly smaller in area than the state of Texas, bordered to the west by Iran, to the east by Pakistan, and to the north by Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and in the northeast, it shares a short border with China. The landscape and environment of Afghanistan is variable but much of the country is mountainous, with the Hindu Kush (an extension of the Himalaya range) dominating from the northeast to the center of the country. The climate is arid or semi-arid, with hot summers and cold winters. In low-lying areas, agriculture, particularly production of fruit, nuts, and wheat, is made possible by extensive irrigation. Afghanistan is famous in the region for its melons and grapes although the years of conflict have destroyed intricate irrigation systems in many areas, and now Afghanistan has become infamous for its opium poppy crop, which requires little water or investment. In hillier areas, pastoral grazing is available for goats and sheep, and karakul lamb skins are a source of export income. Afghanistan also contains many mineral and energy resources including natural gas and apparently the worldÊs finest emeralds and lapis lazuli. Many of these resources are either not utilized or are exploited in a dangerous and haphazard manner. Environmental hazards include earthquakes, drought, floods, and extremely cold winters, which are especially significant for internally displaced people and

Background | 5

returned refugees who do not have access to adequate shelter. In cities, pollution and lack of adequate sanitation are also a hazard.

History of Afghanistan Archaeologists have found evidence of human activity in what is now called Afghanistan from the Middle Paleolithic (Dupree 1973). Omrani and Leeming write that by 1500 B.C.E. when Aryan tribes from Central Asia crossed into the region, there had already been „for more than a thousand years, the domestication of animals, agricultural cultivation of the land, and settlements in small villages and urban conurbations‰ (2005, 31). They continue by noting that the trade connections of this civilization reached from Mesopotamia to the Indus Valley (Omrani and Leeming 2005). The use of the Afghan stone lapis lazuli in the sarcophagus of Tutankhamen gives an indication of the reach of Afghan products in ancient times. By the first century C.E., Afghanistan was a key location on the Silk Road, a series of trade connections that linked China to Rome. The countryÊs history as well as its current situation owes much to its geopolitical location. Afghanistan has often been the furthest reach, or the buffer, of great empires. The Persians, Alexander the Great, the Indian Mauryans, the Arabs (bringing with them Islam), and Ghengis Khan have all laid claim to parts or all of what is now called Afghanistan. It was not until the mid-18th century that Ahmad Shah Durrani, a Pashtun tribal leader, consolidated a region that came to be known as Afghanistan, or land of the Afghans (Afghan being another name for Pashtun at the time). In the process of consolidation, he gradually brought other groups in the region, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and Turkmen, under his control. By the 19th century, Afghanistan was a key arena in „the Great Game,‰ the vying for power and influence between Tsarist Russia and Imperial Britain. AfghanistanÊs role as a buffer between „empires‰ continued into the 20th century, as the Soviets tried to extend their control into South Asia, and the West tried to prevent the spread of Communism. Both sides in the Cold War used aid and technical assistance to try and influence Afghan leaders and gain their support. Whereas AfghanistanÊs geopolitical location has allowed savvy Afghan leaders to play foreign powers off against each other, it has also been a key factor in causing conflict there. The recent history of Afghanistan, particularly the last 30 years of conflict, is more significant in terms of providing a context for Afghan migration to the United States. Although individuals and small groups had been forced to leave Afghanistan as refugees prior to the late 1970s for dissent against those in power or in response to localized family feuds or discrimination, it was the coup of April 1978 (or „the Saur Revolution‰) that can be seen as the starting point for mass persecution and refugee flight. The coup was led by Amin and Taraki of the PeopleÊs Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA), a pro-Moscow Leftist/Communist party. The PDPA

6 | Afghan Immigrants

was supported by outside sources, namely Moscow, and did not enjoy the support of the majority of people (Dorronsoro 2005; Kakar 1995). After the coup, antiCommunist parties began to establish themselves in refugee settlements in Peshawar, Pakistan, and people in the countryside began to rebel against the authoritarian regime that pushed land reform and other Soviet-backed programs onto a largely unsupportive rural population. At the same time, divisions within the PDPA between the Khalq and Parcham factions led to the suppression and exile of people from within the party. In autumn 1979, Taraki died (allegedly murdered) and Amin took power. The PDPA became increasingly dependent on the Soviet Union, as resistance against it in the countryside increased. In December 1979, Soviet troops entered Afghanistan; Amin was killed and the Soviet Union installed Babrak Karmal from the Parcham faction as president. Between the Saur revolution in 1978 and the Soviet invasion in 1979, it is estimated that „between 50,000 and 100,000 people disappeared or were eliminated‰ (Dupree and Hatch Dupree 1988, 17). The war fought between the mujahideen (the Afghan resistance) and the Soviet Union and Soviet Union sponsored Afghan government lasted almost 10 years, and during that time, millions of Afghans were killed or injured, or fled the country, most of them to camps in Pakistan or urban areas in Iran. For those with significant money or connections, the threat of targeted attacks was greater; however, for the majority of Afghans, fear of conscription into the National Army or being caught in cross fire between the mujahideen and the army and Soviet forces were greater threats. Although the war was centered around the conflict between the mujahideen and the Soviet occupying forces and the Afghan PDPA government, there is no doubt that the significance of the conflict was felt further afield. Afghanistan became a key battlefield in the Cold War, with the United States and other Western states funding and arming the mujahideen for their own strategic reasons. The significance of the jihad against the atheist Communists was also important for those in Muslim countries such as Saudi Arabia, as well as for other Muslim resistance fighters in the Soviet Republics of Central Asia. These supporters were not only a source of financial support but some (including Osama Bin Laden) travelled to Afghanistan to fight against the Soviets themselves, the effects of which are still felt today. The Soviet Union withdrew from Afghanistan in January 1989. Although the Communist Najibullah remained president, the mujahideen political parties became stronger, and in 1992, NajibullahÊs government fell. This prompted a return of over 2 million refugees (Maley and Schmeidl 2008) who had originally left due to the Communist government. However, it also set off a new flow of refugees: those who were associated, or perceived to be associated, with the PDPAÊs regime. In addition, the fall of the PDPA led to a new turn in the conflict as the competition between different mujahideen parties initiated a civil war. Friction between the

Background | 7

An Afghan mujahideen (“one engaged in struggle” or jihad ) demonstrates the firing technique for a surface-to-air Stinger missile in 1988, when the United States supported the mujahideen against Soviet forces in Afghanistan. The Soviets withdrew the next year. (U.S. Department of Defense)

different mujahideen groups had always been there but the removal of a common enemy made it impossible for them to work together, despite efforts at forming a coalition government starting with Sibghatullah Mujaddidi as transitional leader, followed by Burhanuddin Rabbani. Whereas much of the jihad against the Soviets had taken place in the countryside, the civil war was fought largely over cities, especially Kabul. The conflict also changed in nature, from guerrilla-style to more „conventional‰ warfare, and the groups fighting for Kabul used airborne bombing to devastating effect. While the West lost interest in Afghanistan in the post Cold War era, regional powers such as Iran, Uzbekistan, India and Russia increased their influence over key Afghan political groups; supporting the parties with military and financial resources, as well as pursuing their own national strategic goals. These factors, combined with the conservative Islamist or fundamentalist ideology of some of the mujahideen parties and the lack of effective national government leading to lawlessness and banditry, meant that despite some return migration, the refugee population exceeded 6 million people in the early 1990s (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees [UNHCR] 2000).

8 | Afghan Immigrants

Throughout the 1990s, Afghans in Afghanistan and the refugee settlements in Pakistan, Iran, and further afield became more and more disillusioned with the actions of the former freedom fighters of the mujahideen. In 1994 a group of young men, mainly Pashtun and from the refugee settlements of Pakistan, emerged as the Taliban, led by Mullah Mohammad Omar. They were welcomed by many in the southern majority Pashtun areas of Afghanistan, where their strict adherence to Sharia law curtailed banditry and their Pashtun ethnicity appealed to Pashtun nationalists. In 1995 they captured Herat in northwestern Afghanistan, and their control was cemented when they captured Kabul in September 1996. By the late 1990s, they controlled all of Afghanistan except the area around the Panjshir Valley in northeast Afghanistan. The Taliban were antimodern fundamentalist Deobandi Islamists whose governance of Afghanistan was based on a combination of their interpretations of Sharia and Pashtunwali, the tribal code of the Pashtuns. The draconian nature of their rule was particularly felt by those in urban areas who had been used to a less conservative lifestyle. Their rules against women working or travelling unaccompanied; against kite flying, music and other entertainment; their control of dress and appearance for men and women; as well as their persecution of specific ethnic groups such as the Hazara all contributed to the refugee crisis; while some who supported the TalibanÊs goals returned to Afghanistan, others left. The Taliban were supported financially and ideologically by a number of outside actors, including the Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) agency of Pakistan and al-Qaida. According to Dorronsoro (2005, 236), in 1999 up to a third of Taliban fighters were „foreign fundamentalists.‰ When al-Qaida attacked the United States on September 11, 2001, Mullah Mohammad Omar and the Taliban refused to hand over Osama Bin Laden, citing the code of Pashtunwali regarding his status as „a guest.‰ In retaliation a U.S.-led coalition, with on-the-ground fighting conducted largely by the Northern Alliance, attacked the Taliban; and by November 2001, the coalition had captured most of the key strategic sites in Afghanistan. These attacks led to further refugee flight, as civilians fled the coalition bombing and those associated with the Taliban regime fled the Northern Alliance. However, at the same time huge numbers of refugees started to return to Afghanistan; over 4 million refugees had returned by 2005, predominantly from Pakistan and Iran (based on UNHCR data, amalgamated by Kronenfeld 2008). In December 2001 the United Nations organized Bonn Agreement established the Afghan Interim Authority with Hamid Karzai as its leader, whilst the international community pledged billions of dollars to help reconstruct Afghanistan. Hamid Karzai was later elected as head of the Afghan Transitional Authority until presidential elections took place in October 2004, when he was elected president. At the time of writing, almost a decade after the Taliban retreat, despite largescale returns of refugees, there remains a large population of Afghan refugees,

Causes and Waves of Migration | 9

almost three million according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR 2009). The Taliban is currently gaining strength, and security in Afghanistan is deteriorating day by day. The lack of security discourages return and may lead to increased refugee flows once again. At the same time, poverty and lack of employment opportunities in Afghanistan cause people to travel abroad, making it difficult to identify whether people are leaving due to the political or the economic climate. This section has summarized a hugely complicated history and conflict; war in Afghanistan has been on so many fronts for so many reasons·ideology, ethnicity, class, tribe, access to resources, local feuds, regional or international disputes· and it is impossible to do justice to the variety of factors involved and the evolution of the conflict in such a short space. More importantly, reporting on the political history of the conflict and numbers of refugees certainly does not do justice to the bravery, suffering, injury, and deaths of millions of Afghan individuals. Some Afghans living in the United States have published their memoirs or family stories (Anwar 2004; Qudrat Aseel 2003; Saed and Muradi 2010; Sultan 2006), which provide a more personal account of the conflict, as do books based on fieldwork in Afghanistan and neighboring countries (Harpviken 2009; Klaits and Gulmamadova-Klaits 2006; Monsutti 2005).

Causes and Waves of Migration Before the late 1970s there were very few Afghans in the United States; the small number of Afghans who were in the United States before the late 1970s were generally students (which is discussed further on in this chapter).

Later Waves of Immigration According to Eigo (2000), 200 Pashtuns (Afghans) arrived in the United States in the 1920s, probably from British India but very little is known about these travelers. Eigo also states that 230 Afghans were naturalized as U.S. citizens between 1953 and the early 1970s, but most migration between Afghanistan and the United States prior to the 1980s was temporary and based on studentships and training. During his reign (1919 1929), King Amanullah established a program of sending students abroad for training; this was expanded by later governments. From the 1940s onwards American geopolitical interests in Afghanistan were increasing. At the same time the United States strengthened trade relations with Afghanistan, and by the 1950s 20 percent of Afghan exports (by value) were going to the United States, second only to the USSR (Eltezam 1966). In partnership with the Afghan government, students and young professionals were sent to the United

10 | Afghan Immigrants

States to further their training. After World War II, other countries such as Germany, France, Saudi Arabia, and the USSR were also arranging student exchanges and training young Afghans. These countries and the United States were also playing an important role in developing Kabul University, with specific faculties being in partnership with foreign universities. Universities in the United States were partnered with the agriculture, engineering, and architecture departments (Cowen and McLean 1984). Prior to the early 1980s, only a small number of Afghans were living in the United States·including some Afghan students and even fewer Afghans married to U.S. citizens. With the 1978 coup in Afghanistan and the subsequent Soviet invasion in 1979, hundreds of thousands of Afghans fled Afghanistan as refugees. Although the vast majority of Afghan refugees went to Pakistan and Iran, those who had the necessary financial and social capital traveled farther afield, particularly to the then Federal Republic of Germany, which in the early years of the Soviet occupation had only minimal entry requirements for Afghans. Many Afghans now living in the United States spent at least some time in Pakistan and sometimes also European countries such as Germany before their arrival in the United States. Others were able to travel out of Afghanistan directly to the United States, ostensibly for business or family reasons, and then apply for asylum after arrival, but this was more difficult as the PDPA made it very difficult for people to leave the country. In the early 1980s, Afghan refugees arriving in the United States were predominantly educated professionals, some of whom had been educated abroad, including in the United States. Many had worked for the Afghan government or had other highstatus employment positions such as university professors, doctors, and lawyers. As they established themselves in the United States, they were able to sponsor less well-off family members to join them, which meant that later arrivals were generally less educated and had fewer resources. Figure 1 shows the number of Afghanborn arrivals in the United States since 1982. By the 1990s, the end of the Cold War lessened the U.S. governmentÊs strategic interest in Afghanistan and with it the political symbolism of refugees fleeing Communist countries. Consequently, the numbers of Afghans accepted by the United States as refugees decreased, and by the late 1990s, family reunification was the main migration route for Afghans arriving in the United States; with only 40 to 60 Afghans arriving each year under the diversity program (U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service 1992 2001). By the year 2000, the numbers of Afghans being accepted as refugees began to rise again as American awareness about the TalibanÊs abuse of human rights, and particularly subjugation of women, began to grow. Since 1999, the United States has run a resettlement program for Afghan refugees in Pakistan who have been identified as having special protection needs by the UNHCR. Robson et al. (2002) suggest that these new arrivals can be divided into two groups: victims of torture, racial, and political persecution, where

Demographic Profile | 11

the main applicant is usually a male head of household; and „women-at-risk‰ cases, often widows and/or the victims of domestic violence, sexual exploitation, or other human rights abuses.

Demographic Profile Size and Composition of Community The 2000 U.S. Census records forty-five thousand Afghan-born in the United States (U.S. Census Bureau 2008b). This is an undercount of the total population of Afghan descent, as it is based on numbers born in Afghanistan so will not include the children born of Afghan parents in the United States or in refugee settlements elsewhere. The 2000 Census records just over seventeen thousand Afghan-born householders, with an average household size of four. Based on this, a total Afghan population of over sixty-eight thousand can be estimated. However, even this is likely to be a conservative estimate and is certainly lower than estimates given by Afghan community organizations. According to Lipson and Omidian (1997) and Yollin (2002), some Afghans have avoided taking part in censuses or have misunderstood the questions. In addition, population estimates based on data from 2000 are out of date given the increase in Afghan arrivals seen since then (see Figure 1). Taking into account the new arrivals it can be estimated that the Afghan population in the United States is between one hundred and one hundred and fifty thousand (Oeppen 2009). California, particularly the San Francisco Bay Area, has the greatest concentration of Afghans in the United States. Alongside California, other key states include New York, New Jersey, Virginia, and Maryland: these five states accounted for almost 80 percent of the Afghan-born in 2000 (Migration Policy Institute 2008b). Afghan refugee arrivals given resettlement assistance by organizations such as Catholic Charities have been placed in a variety of urban areas, but the importance of social networks, as well as the role of family reunification as a migration route means that over time Afghans have grouped together in particular urban areas, including the San Francisco Bay Area, areas around New York City, and around Washington, D.C. However, this pattern may change over time as changing priorities, particularly the desire to buy an affordable home, cause younger Afghans to disperse somewhat. In the San Francisco Bay Area, Afghans are gradually moving out of what used to be the „hub‰ of the community, the Fremont/Hayward area, dispersing to other towns further inland, in search of more affordable homes. See Tables 1 and 5 for figures on legal permanent resident status for Afghans. For information on refugee settlement, see Tables 3 and 4. The term Afghan comprises a number of ethnic groups, the population of Afghanistan being extremely heterogeneous. Within Afghanistan, the most populous

12 | Afghan Immigrants

Two Afghan American women walk past an American flag October 24, 2001, in the “Little Kabul” district of Fremont, California. The Afghan community in Fremont is showing support for the United States by displaying flags. Fremont has one of the largest Afghan communities in the United States. (Justin Sullivan /Getty Images)

ethnic groups include Pashtun, Tajik, Hazara, Uzbek, Turkmen, Baluchi, along with many other smaller groups. The majority of the Afghan population is Sunni Muslim, although some groups, in particular people of Hazara ethnicity, are ShiÊa. Alongside ethnic and religious variety, there are a variety of tribal, political, and class divisions; divisions between urban and rural; and divisions by region·all of which contribute to the heterogeneity of the Afghan American population, as some people from all groups and backgrounds have made their way to the United States. These internal differences and divisions should be kept in mind when referring to the „Afghan American community.‰

Age and Family Structure Ethnographic research with Afghans in the United States suggests that the majority of Afghans have migrated in family groups (see Lindgren 2004; Oeppen 2009; Omidian 1996; Smith 2008; Zulfacar 1998); however, it is sometimes the case that one family member will travel first and make arrangements for the rest of the family to follow. Consequently, there are Afghans of all age ranges living in the United States, and the gender balance is almost equal, being 51 percent male (U.S. Census Bureau 2008b). Data from the 2000 U.S. Census show a large proportion of middleage Afghans but this is because it is based on people born in Afghanistan, not all

Demographic Profile | 13

those of Afghan descent. The „women-at-risk‰ refugee resettlement category may lead to a small increase in female-headed households, as will the temporary return migration of a small number of Afghan males, but the majority of Afghan households are based on married-couple families.

Educational Attainment The vast majority of Afghans who arrived in the United States in the early 1980s were educated to a high standard at Kabul University and/or universities in Europe or North America and came from the middle or upper classes of urban Afghanistan. Both men and women were well-educated, and most men, and some women, had professional careers. As they established themselves, they were able to sponsor the migration of poorer or less well-connected relatives and consequently, Afghans who arrived later tend to be less educated; however, this is a generalization and not true for all. Afghans who have arrived since 1999 through the „women-at-risk‰ program follow a similar pattern (Robson et al. 2002). Those who arrived in 1999 and 2000 were largely professionals or highly skilled, whereas those who arrived later were more likely to be from the lower or middle socioeconomic classes. According to the 2000 Census, almost 30 percent of the Afghan-born population over 25 years old have a bachelorÊs degree or higher (U.S. Census Bureau 2008b). Although this is lower than many immigrant populations from Asia, it is high for a refugee population and higher than the 24 percent of the total U.S. population who have a bachelorÊs degree or higher (U.S. Census Bureau 2008a). Many Afghans have found that their educational qualifications are not recognized by U.S. employers. Some have gone back to university or night school, but for most, the economic responsibility of supporting family in the United States and in Afghanistan or Pakistan has made going back to school impossible. Instead, some Afghans transfer their hopes and expectations onto their childrenÊs educational and employment achievements.

Economic Attainment Afghans have taken on a variety of employments in the United States, and their economic attainment is also varied. For those that came from a low-income situation in Afghanistan, even an income from public welfare may represent an increase in their household income. For the majority from middle- or upper-class backgrounds, however, finding employment commensurate with their Afghan qualifications and work experience has been difficult. Ethnographic research with Afghans in the United States suggests that men, in particular, have found this downward mobility difficult and in comparison to Afghan women have been more resistant to taking on low-status employment.

14 | Afghan Immigrants

However, in an effort to regain status and to support family, many Afghans work extremely hard, often in more than one job. For those who have been in the United States since the 1980s, over time they have been able to work their way up from menial jobs such as restaurant waiting staff, taxi drivers, child minders, and shop assistants to higher-status and higher-income positions. For some this has meant buying their own business, such as a restaurant or grocery store. Others have been able to achieve professional careers although often not in the area they had worked in Afghanistan. In California, for example, some Afghans have found work in social welfare organizations assisting with the resettlement of new refugees. Others have been able to work in a similar field to their previous employment in Afghanistan although not to as high a level; for example, someone who worked as a university professor in Afghanistan may work in the United States as a school teacher, or someone who worked as a doctor may work as a medical examiner for an insurance company. Afghans in the United States often say that Afghans „have to be the boss,‰ and while said with good humor, many Afghans, in the San Francisco Bay Area at least, do work for their own or family businesses or work as semi-independent agents for larger companies such as insurance or real estate companies. Those who have been in the United States since the 1980s are often „comfortably‰ well-off. Most have the attributes of a „typical‰ American family, their own cars, a mortgage, and comfortable homes. However, some still feel nostalgic for their previous status as the urban elite of Afghanistan.

Health Statistics and Issues Specific health issues for Afghans in the United States are arguably related to their experiences of conflict in Afghanistan and the difficulties associated with refugee flight. On arrival, problems related to the difficulties of travelling out of Afghanistan, often on foot, and living in unsanitary conditions in refugee settlements in Pakistan, may include gastrointestinal complaints, respiratory illness, measles, and malnutrition (Robson et al. 2002). In the longer term, related to the often traumatic events Afghans have witnessed or been victim of, health complaints are more likely to be related to psychological distress. According to Lipson and Omidian (1997), based on community surveys of Afghans in the San Francisco Bay Area in the mid1990s, the most common longer-term health complaints are stress, depression, and post-traumatic stress disorder. Key issues for Afghans accessing health care in the United States are the cost of health insurance or the availability of Medicaid. Additional problems include the lack of qualified medical interpreters and frequent misunderstandings between Afghan patients and non-Afghan health care professionals over cultural differences related to the understanding of diagnosis, illness, and treatment (see Lipson et al. 1995; Lipson and Omidian 1997; Omidian and Lipson 1996).

Adjustment and Adaptation | 15

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals Life-cycle rituals are key social events in Afghanistan, bringing together large extended families. They also represent an opportunity to demonstrate family wealth and hospitality by hosting parties. Specific practices vary in different regions of the country and particularly between rural and urban areas but have their basis in Islamic rituals and are usually led by a mullah (a religious official). They may also vary between different ethnic groups and between Sunni and ShiÊa Afghans. The birth of a first child, especially if a son, is a cause for day-long celebrations, as is a sonÊs circumcision, which occurs before their seventh birthday. Engagements and marriages are almost always arranged by families rather than between the bride and groom, and marriages are generally seen as a union between families rather than between individuals. The preferred marriage arrangement is between parallel cousins (e.g., a son to their fatherÊs brotherÊs daughter) but not all Afghan marriages are between cousins, as urbanization, modernization, and migration have made this type of arrangement more difficult. Death and funerals are also surrounded by set rituals that vary by region but are based on Islamic beliefs about Judgment Day. The body of the deceased is washed by close relatives of the same sex, wrapped in white cloth, and buried before sundown. Post burial ceremonies are traditionally held by family at 14 days, 40 days, and one year after the death (Dupree 1973). In the United States, Afghans perform these rituals but adapt them to their new environment. Engagement parties and weddings are the most overtly celebrated life-cycle rituals. Afghan entrepreneurs have taken advantage of this opportunity by setting up banqueting halls with all the facilities to host these ceremonies, which often involve hundreds of people. As well as the rituals associated with the ceremony itself these events usually involve a sit-down meal, live music, and dancing. In more conservative families, celebrations may have separate areas for women and men, but this appears to be increasingly rare. In the United States, there is greater opportunity for young Afghan men and women to meet each other. In addition, the dispersal of Afghan families and social groups through migration can also make arranging marriages between family members more difficult. Consequently, the rate of arranged marriage is decreasing, although most young Afghans would seek family approval for their marriage even if they chose their spouse themselves. Transnational arranged marriage, particularly between Afghan men living in America and Afghan women living in Pakistan or Afghanistan also occurs. Marriage between Afghans and non-Afghans is still relatively rare, but this may change as the second generation grows up. In areas of the United States with large Afghan populations, there are Afghanrun mosques where funereal rituals can take place. Otherwise they may take place

16 | Afghan Immigrants

With Afghan performer Mahwash singing in Farsi from a stage behind her, two-year-old Nadia Khawja dances on the edge of the dance floor during a wedding reception in Hayward, California, November 11, 2001. (AP Photo/Julie Jacobson)

at the family home or in a mosque run by another Muslim group, although this can cause problems because of variations in funeral practices between different Muslim cultures. In some cases Afghans accompany their deceased relatives to be buried in Afghanistan, or they may travel to Afghanistan or elsewhere to hold a prayer ceremony with relatives.

Families and Changing Gender Relations For most Afghans, in Afghanistan and the United States, the family is the most important social unit. Often, the value many Americans put on individualism and independence seems alien. The Afghan American author Tamin Ansary describes individuals as „buds or leaves‰ on the „larger branch‰ of „their people,‰ or their family (Ansary 2002, 16 19). Traditionally in Afghanistan, extended families lived together in one compound or at least in one village or valley. By the 20th century, this was beginning to change, especially with rural-urban migration and later, the conflict and refugee crisis. Many Afghans in the United States have extended family spread between Asia, Europe, America, the Middle East, and Australasia; the telephone and Internet provide a way to keep in touch, and family events such as weddings provide an opportunity to see each other for those who can afford the

Adjustment and Adaptation | 17

airfare. Over time many Afghan refugees have re-migrated in order to be closer to their family members. Afghan families tend to be hierarchical, with elders (grandparents) playing an important role in family decisions and in passing on traditions to grandchildren when parents are too busy working to do so. They also tend to be patriarchal, with male members representing the family to the outside world, although women may play a more important role in the private sphere. Refugee migration and adaptation to life in a different socioeconomic environment has caused „traditional‰ family roles and relationships to shift. Elder Afghans may find themselves bored and isolated, as their children are at work and grandchildren at school. They also find what they perceive to be a lack of respect to older people in American society distressing and fear that their grandchildren will not respect them. The power relations between spouses may also change, as women are more likely to have to work full-time in the United States than in Afghanistan and their contribution toward family income becomes more significant. In her ethnographic study of Afghans in the San Francisco Bay Area Aging and Family in an Afghan Refugee Community, Omidian (1996) looks at intergenerational and gender relations in more detail.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity In the „early years,‰ the 1980s, Afghans in the United States focused on survival, finding jobs and accommodation, and supporting the migration of family members. As numbers of Afghans in certain areas such as California, New York, and Virginia increased, some Afghans formed community organizations to arrange social events, to support new arrivals and raise money and awareness for the situation in Afghanistan. Communities also began to raise money to build Afghan mosques. Afghan entrepreneurs opened Afghan grocery stores and restaurants. During the jihad against the Soviets the presence of a common enemy brought together Afghans of differing social and ethno-linguistic backgrounds, to some extent. However, during the civil war, political differences between ethno-linguistic groups became exacerbated, and the tension was felt amongst Afghans in the United States also, although perhaps to a lesser extent, as many came from an urban educated background where different ethnic groups were more mixed, including through intermarriage. For Afghans in the United States, „retaining‰ a sense of national culture and identity means holding on to the Afghanistan they remember; for many, the Afghanistan they remember means is more closely related to the Afghanistan of what some refer to as „the golden era‰ of the 1960s and 1970s, rather than Afghanistan as it is today. The celebration of national holidays, speaking national languages, eating Afghan food, and attending Afghan events such as weddings are all ways in which Afghans living in the United States link to their sense of Afghan-ness.

18 | Afghan Immigrants

Afghan Americans also connect to Afghanistan by partaking in transnational activities such as sending remittances, raising money and awareness for humanitarian projects in Afghanistan, and making short-term return visits. All these activities were apparent during ethnographic fieldwork with Afghans in California (Oeppen 2010).

National/Regional-Language Press and Other Media Subscription-based Dari- and Pashto-printed newsletters exist, as do community radio stations but the key sources of media are the Internet (for those with access to it) and satellite and cable television. Local Afghan communities take advantage of community cable television to show Afghan music videos, discuss the news in Afghanistan and the diaspora, and provide other information (e.g., about local businesses and events). Since the expansion of the media in Afghanistan, satellite television directly from Afghanistan has become increasingly popular. The British Broadcasting CorporationÊs (BBC) Persian and Pashto language services also provide an important source of current news and comment from Afghanistan, as does their Web site.

Celebration of National Holidays The holidays celebrated by Afghans in the United States can be divided into three categories: Afghan, Islamic, and American. The key Afghan holiday of Now Ruz (New Year), celebrated on the vernal equinox, is also celebrated by Iranians. This holiday is celebrated by Afghans of all backgrounds. Special food is prepared including haft mewa („seven fruits,‰ compote made of dried fruits in their own syrup). Many Afghans celebrate the coming of spring with a picnic, if the weather allows. In California, there is an annual outdoors festival, which attracts thousands of Afghans, with concerts, poetry readings, and food and handicraft stalls. Also in California, Afghan community organizations have successfully lobbied the State Legislature to recognize Now Ruz as an Afghan holiday (California Legislative Assembly 2002). Another Afghan national holiday is August 19, when Afghans celebrate independence from Britain. Although Afghanistan was never formally conquered by the British, August 19, 1919, is recognized as the date that Britain gave up on trying to gain official control of Afghanistan. Afghans, as a predominantly Muslim population, also celebrate Islamic holidays, especially Eid al-Fitr, held at the end of the fasting month of Ramadan. Afghans living in the United States also take advantage of American national holidays such as Christmas and Thanksgiving as an opportunity to take time off work and spend time with their families. Afghan children have also got involved in other American holidays such as ValentineÊs Day, Halloween, and MotherÊs Day, largely through the influence of the American media and school activities.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 19

Foodways Afghan food bears testament to AfghanistanÊs geographic position and history. Influences from Indian, Persian, Tibetan, Central Asian, and Middle Eastern food can all be identified in a national cuisine, which is at the same time uniquely Afghan. The staple food, depending on region, is one of the various types of bread or rice (either plain or as a pilau), which are supplemented by qormas (stews containing meat, vegetables, and/or pulses, and sometimes fruit and nuts) or kebabs. Afghan cuisine also includes aushak and mantu, which could be described as „stuffed dumplings‰; various pickles and chutneys; and dairy products. Fresh and dried fruits, nuts, pastries, and candies provide snacks. Tea, either black or green, and sometimes flavored with cardamom, is the staple drink and drunk throughout the day. The book Afghan Food and Cookery by Saberi (2000) is a wonderful source of recipes and cultural information about Afghan food. Afghans in the United States cook and eat Afghan food alongside the variety of other cuisines in America. Afghan restaurants in the United States often specialize in the Afghan dishes that are more difficult to cook at home such as kebabs, and some Afghan grocery stores have in-store bakeries to provide Afghan bread that is difficult to cook in a domestic oven. Indian, Pakistani, and Middle Eastern restaurants are also popular amongst Afghans, especially those who prefer to eat only halal food.

Yusef Rouzy, from Afghanistan, has cooked for 20 years at the Afghan Kebab House #1, a restaurant serving Afghan cuisine on Ninth Avenue in New York City. (Gabe Palacio/Getty Images)

20 | Afghan Immigrants

Some Afghan foods can be time-consuming to prepare, and those who work fulltime take full advantage of time-saving kitchen equipment such as food processors. Afghan American cooks can also use shortcuts to produce Afghan food, such as wonton wrappers to make mantu and uncooked tortillas to make bolani, a kind of vegetable-stuffed bread.

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Afghanistan has a long history of musical and artistic culture, again influenced by its geographic location and history. As in other Islamic countries, music and musicians tread a difficult path. On the one hand, music is an important component of cultural identity and widely played at parties and ceremonies. On the other hand, being a professional musician is sometimes seen as a low-status position, even though their skills are respected and sought after. The ethnomusicologist John Baily was trained in classical Afghan music in the 1970s and has since written about the role of music for Afghan refugees in exile, including in the United States (Baily 1999, 2005). Baily suggests that music plays a therapeutic role for Afghan refugees and is also a source of cultural identification. Weddings are a key venue for Afghan musicians in the United States, as are commercial concerts, which sometimes involve bringing over Afghan musicians from Pakistan and other sites in the Afghan diaspora such as Germany. Although there are traditional Afghan musical instruments such as the rubab, dutar, and tabla, Afghan music in the United States has been influenced by Western pop music and Afghan musicians now often use electric keyboards and drum machines to play Afghan music. Afghan musicians commonly play traditional „folk‰ tunes, as well as their own compositions. Musical sets often include the attan, the national dance of Afghanistan.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Paths toward Citizenship Based on data from the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service yearbooks and the Migration Policy Institute (2008a), between 1971 and 2005, almost thirty-three thousand people born in Afghanistan acquired U.S. citizenship; a majority of the forty-five thousand Afghan-born recorded in the 2000 U.S. Census. The main path to U.S. citizenship for Afghans is through naturalization. The naturalization oath requires the potential U.S. citizen to forgo other national allegiances (Bloemraad 2006), but in practice dual citizenship is „tolerated‰ and individuals have not been prosecuted for maintaining dual citizenship for decades (Kivisto and Faist 2007).

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 21

Initially, many Afghans in the United States intended to return to Afghanistan after the Soviets left the country, but the subsequent civil war and Taliban rule discouraged many from returning, and acquiring U.S. citizenship became the pragmatic option. In particular, whereas legal permanent residents can only sponsor the immigration of their spouse or unmarried children, citizens can sponsor a wider range of relatives for family reunification including married children, parents, and siblings.

Intergroup Relations A basis for social interaction and relations between groups is shared language and the majority of Afghans who have been in the United States since the 1980s speak good English. Those who had been educated in English-medium schools in Kabul or had traveled for university to Britain or the United States were, understandably, more fluent. The United States is a multicultural society and also home to a large number of Iranian and Pakistani immigrants. Iranian Farsi and Afghan Dari are mutually understandable, some Pakistanis speak Pashto, and those Afghans who had spent time in Pakistan can communicate with Urdu speakers. For some Afghans, an enthusiasm for Bollywood films means they can converse with Hindi-speaking immigrants as well. The events of September 11, 2001, had the potential to completely ruin relations between Afghans living in the United States and their non-Afghan neighbors. Some Afghans were the victims of increased suspicion, especially when traveling and at airports, and some were the victims of racism that also affected others who looked like they might be connected with Islamic countries. However, the aftermath of September 11, 2001, despite provoking fear and suspicion between Afghans and non-Afghans, also had the opposite effect, opening doors for Afghan Americans to present their point of view to the American public. Writing in the Afghan online magazine Lemar-Aftaab, Maiwandi (2001) writes: [I]n the midst of all the tension, a tremendous thing started to happen: The level of activism in the Afghan-American community grew exponentially . . . Afghans joined existing groups, created new ones, and became first-time activists, granting interviews and taking to public speaking to get the word out. We swallowed our nervousness and put our suffering people in front of ourselves. Lindgren (2004), who was carrying out ethnographic fieldwork into Afghan womenÊs community participation in 2001, notes that both AfghansÊ and AmericansÊ interest in Afghanistan and Afghan Americans grew massively. For the Afghan women in LindgrenÊs study, outsider interest in the Afghan community gave them new experiences in public speaking and networking with non-Afghans and had a positive impact on inter-group relations. Lindgren (2004) also wrote that particularly after September 11, 2001, greater efforts were made by Afghan community

22 | Afghan Immigrants

organizations to cooperate with other Muslim South Asian communities who were also afraid of retaliation.

Forging a New American Political Identity Afghan political identity in the United States has largely been shaped by events in Afghanistan. In the 1980s, Afghans in the United States would host visits from mujahideen leaders, who were seen as „freedom fighters‰ by American media, to raise awareness and funds for the jihad against the Communists. During the civil war of the early 1990s, Afghans were dismayed by what some saw as the abandonment of Afghanistan by Western powers after the end of the Cold War, and the politics of Afghan communities in the United States became more internalized. With the emergence of the Taliban, some groups lobbied the U.S. authorities, particularly regarding the TalibanÊs abuse of human rights, while others who supported the TalibanÊs Pashtun nationalist goals hosted publicity and fundraising visits from Taliban officials to the United States. After September 11, 2001, many Afghans tried to downplay internal ethnic divisions and portray a united community of Afghan Americans in order to maximize their impact on U.S. authorities, with mixed success. Afghan involvement in domestic U.S. politics is mixed. Younger Afghans have been involved in voter registration drives and supporting various politicians; however, it appears that large numbers of Afghans do not vote in American elections, although large-scale data do not exist to supplement this ethnographic observation. American politicians who have shown support or interest in Afghanistan such as Nancy Pelosi and Barbara Boxer have been more successful in interacting with Afghans on local domestic issues; and it is at the scale of local politics that a small number of Afghans are more active. Examples include sister-city campaigns such as the successful one between Hayward, California, and Ghazni, Afghanistan; or the campaigning of organizations such as the Afghan Health Partnership Program in California to obtain higher quality access to health care through the increased availability and training of health interpreters.

Return Immigration Whatever their feelings about the post 9/11 so-called war on terror, most Afghans agree that they now have an enhanced opportunity to visit Afghanistan·in comparison to during the Soviet-Mujahideen war, civil war, or Taliban rule periods. Since 2002, large numbers have taken the opportunity to visit Afghanistan, but the trips have generally not involved a permanent return migration. Most trips are short-term visits to see family and friends or simply to see how things have changed. Small numbers of Afghan Americans, from all age groups have returned for medium-term trips to work in the new government or to participate in reconstruction projects, but in most cases, the visitors have kept „a base‰ in the United States and do not travel

The Second and Later Generations | 23

with their entire family. The Afghan government, through the Afghan embassy in Washington, D.C., has been active in encouraging skilled professionals to return, to assist with reconstruction and development (Oeppen 2010). Data on return visits by Afghans in the United States are limited. As an indication of the volume of return trips from the San Francisco Bay Area, during 2006, staff at an Afghan travel agency in Fremont, California, reported selling an average of two to three hundred tickets to Kabul per month, but these are most likely to be for visits rather than long-term return. The owner of a travel agency in Virginia that sells tickets to customers across the United States estimates that about ten to fifteen thousand are sold to Afghans yearly but that in the years 2002 and 2003 that figure was much higher. These figures only give an indication, as returnees may book their tickets online or through other sources, or fly to Pakistan or Iran and travel overland from there. Ethnographic research with Afghans in California suggests that Afghans who have lived in the United States since the 1980s may find return a difficult and emotional experience. Returning often acts as a catalyst for the returnee to consider not only how Afghanistan has changed but also how much they have changed during their life in the United States (Oeppen 2009).

The Second and Later Generations Afghans have only been living in the United States in sizeable numbers since the 1980s; consequently, there is little information about the second generation, and

Views of Afghan elders on the cultural identity of the second generation: “The thing is to introduce our culture and religious priorities to our kids, for our kids to learn Afghan culture and raise them somehow as American Afghans. I know that won’t last generations. Maybe, if we didn’t do anything this would be the end of our culture here and the Americanization process would start but we would like to somehow prolong this transfer . . . The culture in Afghanistan is very rich.” (Male interviewee, interview with the author, California, 2006) “Our children are in the position to pick and choose aspects of Afghan and American culture, we just hope they pick the best bits of both, and leave the bad bits.” (Female interviewee, interview with the author, California, 2006

24 | Afghan Immigrants

the third generation will only emerge in future years. What has been written about the younger generations tends to focus on the concerns of older generations regarding Americanization and declining respect for elders and Afghan cultural traditions amongst younger Afghans (Omidian 1996). Younger Afghans appear to be less interested in differences between Afghan ethnic groups and political affiliations and are more likely to refer to themselves as Afghan Americans or Americans. Through school and university, they are also more likely to spend more time with non-Afghans, who may influence their views and approaches to situations; however, due to the importance of family, parents and relativesÊ social and political viewpoints are likely to have a strong influence in young Afghan AmericansÊ lives. Educational attainment is an important status indicator for many Afghans, and Afghan parents encourage their children to work hard in school and achieve the

Afghan students, Arezo Kohistani, left, Nadima Sahar, center, and Mahbooba Babrakzai stand in front of the DOW and NASDAQ tickers at the business school at Roger Williams University in Bristol, Rhode Island, May 3, 2006. Babrakzai and Kohistani are business majors, while Sahar is working on a business minor to go with her politcal science degree. The three Afghan women were given free tuition to school as part of a program started by Paula Nirschel, wife of Roger Williams University president Roy Nirschel, after the September 11, 2001, attacks to educate Afghan women in American institutions. (AP Photo/Stew Milne)

The Second and Later Generations | 25

Youth Profile The First Publisher of an Afghan Journal in the United States at the Age of 18 Mizgon Zahir was born in Hayward, California, on May 11, 1983, to an Afghan family. She was the first of her family to be born in the United States. Mizgon knew from a young age that she wanted to be a journalist. In grade school she had an advice column for her school paper called “Ms. Know it All.” At the age of 13 she was introduced to Farida Anwary, who was amongst one of the first women in Afghanistan to pursue journalism. Farida Anwary had a 24-hour satellite radio program on which she allowed Mizgon to start her own radio show. Ayenda, meaning “future,” was the first Afghan American live radio program produced to bridge the intergenerational divides within the Afghan community. Her radio program was a success, but more conservative Afghans met it with much resistance. The radio station eventually met its end because of financing issues, but by this time Mizgon was onto her next journalistic venture. She was writing for Pacifi c News Service’s Youth Outlook magazine regarding the lives of young Afghan Americans. In August of 2001, Mizgon introduced the idea of Afghan Journal to Sandy Close, the executive director of Pacifi c News Service. After the events of September 11, 2001, the funding became available to publish the magazine. Mizgon was 18 years old and the publisher of the first intergenerational Afghan American magazine in the United States. Her magazine highlighted the voices of the least understood but most newsworthy population at the moment. Mizgon missed her first day as a freshman at Cal State University East Bay to talk on a panel regarding hate crimes. She became the voice that would put a face other than that of terrorism to the Afghan community in Fremont, California. Mizgon published, and is continuing to publish, articles regularly in newspapers and magazines regarding the issues faced by Afghans in diaspora. She has spoken at numerous universities, newsrooms, and community centers regarding the media coverage of Afghan Americans post–9/11. In December of 2005 Mizgon completed her undergraduate education at Cal State University East Bay with a bachelor of arts in English literature and began a master of science program at Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism. Mizgon completed her studies at the journalism school in October 2009. Her master’s project covers the secret lives of Afghan American women in the United States. Mizgon is one of the first Afghan Americans to attend the journalism school at Columbia University. She is currently authoring a book on the lives of Afghan American women and continuing her career as a freelance journalist.

26 | Afghan Immigrants

professional careers that many Afghan parents in the United States had, or hoped to have, before they left Afghanistan. However, despite this goal, many Afghan parents work long hours, sometimes in multiple jobs and do not always have the time, or in some cases, the English-language skills to support their childrenÊs education. Some parents have also sent their children to supplementary school to study Afghan languages or Islam. For some parents in California, having their children learn more about Islam has had unintended results: wanting their children to be aware of their religious heritage, they sent them to a local Islamic institute for supplementary classes, only to be dismayed when their children started demanding behavior from the rest of their family that parents perceived to be based on an overly strict interpretation of Islamic practice, influenced by what they saw as Arab interpretations of Islam.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Afghanistan The key issue for relations between the United States and Afghanistan is the ongoing war in Afghanistan between the United States (alongside NATO forces) and the insurgency, led by the Taliban. Although many Afghans living in the United States initially welcomed the U.S.-led invasion and removal of the Taliban, the slow pace of reconstruction, the growing strength of the Taliban, corruption in the Afghan government, and civilian casualties have all lessened Afghan American support for the war. At the same time, slow progress and military casualties have also lessened mainstream American support for the war. In addition to the war, the United States is a significant donor to Afghanistan and the Afghan government, as Afghanistan represents an economic and geostrategic opportunity for the United States. Arguably the intensity of, and challenges faced by, relations between the United States and Afghanistan will continue for the foreseeable future.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Table 1 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status in the United States: Fiscal years 2000–2009 Year

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

Total

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

1,011

1,202

1,759

1,252

2,137

4,749

3,417

1,753

2,813

3,165

Country of birth: Afghanistan

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security (2009).

Table 2 Naturalization of people of previous Afghan nationality in the United States, 1971–2005 Year

Number

1971 1972 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Total

14 12 23 18 14 38 26 48 83 71 83 77 61 82 154 297 528 905 1,051 1,141 1,392 1,047 1,539 1,994 2,014 3,936 1,724 1,693 2,638 2,738 1,938 1,424 1,235 1,323 1,464 32,825

Source: Collated from U.S. INS yearbooks (1981–2006) and Migration Policy Institute data (2008a).

28

Table 3 Refugee admissions of Afghan-born to the United States, 1980–2005

Total arrivals

Refugees

Refugees as percentage of total arrivals

1980

722

250

35

1981

1,881

1,604

85

1982

1,569

1,340

85

1983

2,430

2,321

96

1984

3,222

3,032

94

1985

—

—

—

1986

2,831

2,600

92

1987

2,424

2,141

88

1988

2,873

2,597

90

1989

3,232

2,606

81

1990

—

—

—

1991

2,879

2,100

73

1992

2,685

2,082

78

1993

2,964

2,233

75

1994

2,344

1,665

71

1995

—

616

—

1996

—

369

—

1997

1,129

356

32

1998

831

137

16

1999

878

54

6

2000

1,012

113

11

2001

1,207

257

21

2002

1,764

1,044

59

2003

—

716

—

2004

2,137

1,418

66

2005

4,749

4,049

85

Total

45,763

35,700

78

Note: (–) data not available. Source: Collated from U.S. INS yearbooks (1981–2006).

29

Table 4 Afghan refugee resettlement by state, top 10, 2000–2008 U.S. State

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

Total

California

202

346

157

205

96

60

63

38

44

1,211

Texas

134

269

147

113

51

125

82

54

21

996

Arizona

134

288

162

130

59

125

—

22

66

986

Virginia

168

233

85

86

73

38

71

33

47

834

Missouri

186

180

114

74

52

74

34

27

6

747

New York

108

113

73

75

50

51

62

35

58

625

Georgia

122

154

73

79

35

75

44

16

23

621

48

151

85

79

21

22

40

34

74

554

65

168

80

21

61

30

8

8

4

445

109

108

60

41

57

27

5

4

4

415

Idaho Florida Massachusetts

Source: Collated from U.S. Department of Health and Human Services (2009).

Table 5 Persons born in Afghanistan obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009, by state of residence and gender

Leading states of residence

Total

Male

Female

Arizona

102

50

52

California

982

514

468

Colorado

65

29

36

Connecticut

42

23

19

Florida

55

28

27

Georgia

88

49

39

Illinois

36

21

15

Maryland

74

50

24

Massachusetts

14

7

7

Michigan

29

12

17

Nevada

35

13

22

New Jersey

44

23

21

New York

340

190

150

36

19

17

North Carolina Ohio

16

13

3

Pennsylvania

64

37

27

Texas

164

99

65

Virginia

521

285

236

55

27

28

Other

403

243

160

Total

3,165

1,732

1,433

Washington

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security (2009).

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics | 31

Arrivals of Afghan-born in the USA, 1982–2005 4,500 4,000 3,500

Arrivals

3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 2005

2004

2003

2002

2001

2000

1999

1998

1997

1996

1995

1994

1993

1992

1991

1990

1989

1988

1987

1986

1985

1984

1983

1982

Figure 1 Arrivals of Afghan-born in the United States, 1982–2005 Source: Collated from U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) yearbooks (1983–2004)

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics It is possible to identify people born in Afghanistan in the 2000 U.S. Census, although the accuracy of these data has been contested by Afghan community organizations, who argue that the census figures underestimate the size of the Afghan population (for example, see Yollin 2002); however, as the only nationwide source of data on Afghans in the United States, the census data can give some useful indicators on things such as educational attainment and occupation sector. Table 6 Educational attainment of Afghan-born in the United States (25 years and over), 2000 Education attainment Less than 9th grade

Number

Percentage

4,345

13

9th to 12th grade, no diploma

4,145

12

High school graduate

7,560

22

Some college, no degree

6,035

17

Associate degree

2,340

7

Bachelor's degree

6,315

18

Graduate or professional degree

3,855

11

34,595

100

Total Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2008b).

32 | Afghan Immigrants Table 7 Occupation sector of employed Afghan-born in the United States (16 years and over), 2000 Occupation sector

Number

Percentage

Management, professional, and related

6,330

28

Service

3,495

16

Sales and office

7,895

35

4

—

Construction, extraction, and maintenance

1,200

5

Production, transportation, and material moving

3,445

15

22,369

100

Farming, fishing, and forestry

Total Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2008b).

Appendix III: Notable Afghan Americans As many Afghans who migrated to the United States came from the educated elite of Afghanistan, it is not surprising that Afghan Americans have made notable contributions to U.S. cultural, economic, intellectual, and social life. What follows is a short description of a limited selection of these people, focusing on their activities in the United States. Tamim Ansary. Author and columnist. Author of East of Kabul, West of New York and Destiny Disrupted: A History of the World Through Islamic Eyes. Samira Atash. Fashion designer, actress, producer, and ethical entrepreneur specializing in fair-trade fashion products. Farhad Darya. Pop musician and fundraiser. Arezow Doost. News anchor and reporter for CBS and Fox News. Ashraf Ghani. Anthropologist at the World Bank. Nominated for position of UN Secretary General. Candidate in 2009 Afghan presidential elections. Khaled Hosseini. Doctor and author. Author of the bestsellers The Kite Runner and A Thousand Splendid Suns. Goodwill ambassador for UNHCR. Ali Ahmad Jalali. Broadcaster for Voice of America, Distinguished Professor at the National Defense University. Zalmay Khalilzad. Highest ranking Afghan American in the government of George W. Bush, serving as Ambassador to the UN, Iraq, and Afghanistan from 2005 to 2009.

References | 33

Habib Qaderi. Pop musician. Nazif Shahrani. Professor of anthropology at Indiana University, Bloomington. Baktash Zaher. Actor, pilot, and businessman. CEO of Paramount Business Jets.

Glossary Deobandi: Someone who follows the Deoband Islamic movement. Halal: From the Arabic word for „lawful,‰ generally used to refer to food that is lawful for Muslims to eat. For example, food that does not contain pork products or alcohol. Jihad: From the Arabic word for „struggle,‰ generally used to refer to a (military) campaign fought on religious grounds. Khalq: Meaning „people‰ or „masses,‰ a wing of the PeopleÊs Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Mujahideen: A fighter in a jihad. Parcham: Meaning „banner‰ or „flag,‰ a wing of the PeopleÊs Democratic Party of Afghanistan. Pashtunwali: The code of honor associated with the Pashtun tribal group of Afghanistan and Pakistan. Pilau: A rice dish, where the rice is flavored with spices and is often cooked in meat broth. Afghan pilaus usually contain pieces of meat and often nuts and/or dried fruit. Saur Revolution: Saur is an Afghan month that corresponds with the zodiac month of Taurus. In that month in 1978, the PeopleÊs Democratic Party of Afghanistan took power, killing the then president, Daoud.

References Ansary, T. 2002. West of Kabul, East of New York. New York: Picador. Anwar, M. H. 2004. Memories of Afghanistan. Bloomington, IN: Author House. Baily, J. 1999. „Music and Refugee Lives: Afghans in Eastern Iran and California.‰ Forced Migration Review 6: 10 13. Baily, J. 2005. „So Near, So Far: KabulÊs Music in Exile.‰ Ethnomusicology Forum 14 (2): 213 33. Bloemraad, I. 2006. „Becoming a Citizen in the United States and Canada: Structured Mobilization and Immigrant Political Incorporation.‰ Social Forces 85 (2): 667 95. California Legislative Assembly. 2002. „Assembly Concurrent Resolution No. 155· Relative to Afghan New Year.‰ In Assembly Concurrent Resolution No. 155; Resolution Chapter 17. Sacramento: California Legislative Assembly.

34 | Afghan Immigrants Cowen, R., and M. McLean, eds. 1984. International Handbook of Education Systems: Volume III Asia, Australasia and Latin America. Chichester, UK: Wiley. Dorronsoro, G. 2005. Revolution Unending: Afghanistan 1979 to the Present. New York: Columbia University Press. Dupree, L. 1973. Afghanistan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Dupree, L., and N. Hatch Dupree. 1988. „Afghan Refugees in Pakistan.‰ In U.S. Committee for Refugees 1987 World Refugee Survey. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Committee for Refugees. Eigo, T. 2000. „Afghan Americans.‰ In Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, edited by J. Lehman, 16 27. Detroit: Gale. Eltezam, Z. A. 1966. „Economic Review: AfghanistanÊs Foreign Trade.‰ Middle East Journal 20 (1): 95 103. Harpviken, K. B. 2009. Social Networks and Migration in Wartime Afghanistan. Basingstoke, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Hyman, A. 1992. Afghanistan under Soviet Domination, 1964–91. Basingstoke, UK: Macmillan. Kakar, M. H. 1995. Afghanistan: The Soviet Invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979– 1982. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kivisto, P., and T. Faist. 2007. Citizenship: Discourse, Theory, and Transnational Prospects. Oxford: Blackwell. Klaits, A., and G. Gulmamadova-Klaits. 2006. Love and War in Afghanistan. New York: Seven Stories Press. Kronenfeld, D. A. 2008. „Afghan Refugees in Pakistan: Not All Refugees, Not Always in Pakistan, Not Necessarily Afghan?‰ Journal of Refugee Studies 21 (1): 43 63. Lindgren, T. G. 2004. „Impact of Afghan WomenÊs Community Participation: An Ethnographic Inquiry.‰ DPhil. diss., Department of Community Health Systems Nursing, University of California, San Francisco. Lipson, J. G., T. Hosseini, S. Kabir, P. A. Omidian, and F. Edmonston. 1995. „Health Issues among Afghan Women in California.‰ Health Care Women International 16 (4): 279 86. Lipson, J. G., and P. A. Omidian. 1997. „Afghan Refugees in the U.S. Social Environment.‰ Western Journal of Nursing Research 19 (1): 110 26. Maiwandi, N. A. 2001. „The Afghan-American Response.‰ Lemar-Aftaab, January December [Online article retrieved 10/08.] http://afghanmagazine.com/2001/essay/ nadia.html. Maley, W., and S. Schmeidl. 2008. „Finding Durable Solutions in Contested Transitions: The Case of the Afghan Refugee Population.‰ Presented at the ISAÊs 49th Annual Convention, March 26, San Francisco, California. Migration Policy Institute. 2008a. „United States: Acquisition of Citizenship by Country of Former Nationality, 1987 to 2005.‰ [Online article retrieved 10/08.] http://www. migrationinformation.org/datahub/countrydata/data.cfm.

References | 35 Migration Policy Institute. 2008b. „WhoÊs Where in the United States?‰ [Online article retrieved 10/08.] http://www.migrationinformation.org/datahub/whoswhere.cfm. Monsutti, A. 2005. War and Migration: Social Networks and Economic Strategies of the Hazaras of Afghanistan. London: Routledge. Oeppen, C. 2009. „A Stranger at Home: Integration, Transnationalism and the Afghan Elite.‰ DPhil. thesis, Department of Migration Studies, University of Sussex, Brighton, United Kingdom. Oeppen, C. 2010. „The Afghan Diaspora and Its Involvement in the Reconstruction of Afghanistan.‰ In Beyond the “Wild Tribes”: Understanding Modern Afghanistan and Its Diaspora, edited by C. Oeppen and A. Schlenkhoff, 141 56. New York: Columbia University Press. Omidian, P. 1996. Aging and Family in an Afghan Refugee Community: Transitions and Transformations. New York: Garland. Omidian, P., and J. G. Lipson. 1996. „Ethnic Coalitions and Public Health: Delights and Dilemmas with the Afghan Health Education Project in Northern California.‰ Human Organization 55 (3): 355 60. Omrani, B., and M. Leeming. 2005. Afghanistan: A Companion and Guide. Hong Kong: Odyssey Books and Guides. Qudrat Aseel, M. 2003. Torn between Two Cultures: An Afghan-American Woman Speaks Out. Sterling, VA: Capital. Robson, B., J. G. Lipson, F. Younos, and M. Mehdi. 2002. „The Afghan: Their History and Culture, a Culture Profile for the Cultural Orientation Resource Center.‰ [Online article retrieved 10/08.] http://www.cal.org/CO/afghan/index.html. Saberi, H. 2000. Afghan Food and Cookery. New York: Hippocrene. Saed, Z., and S. Muradi. 2010. One Story, Thirty Stories: An Anthology of Contemporary Afghan American Literature. Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press. Smith, V. J. 2008. „The Information Needs and Associated Communicative Behaviors of Female Afghan Refugees in the San Francisco Bay Area.‰ PhD thesis, Department of School of Communication and the Arts, Regent University, Virginia Beach, Virginia. Sultan, M. 2006. My War at Home: A Memoir. New York: Washington Square Press. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR). 2000. The State of the World’s Refugees: Fifty Years of Humanitarian Action. Oxford: Oxford University Press. United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. 2009. „UNHCR Statistical Yearbook 2009.‰ [Online article retrieved 12/10]. http://www.unhcr.org/4ce532ff9.html. U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. 1981 2002. Statistical Yearbooks of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Justice Immigration and Naturalization Service. U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. 2003 2004. Yearbooks of Immigration Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office.

36 | Afghan Immigrants U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service. 2006. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2004. Washington, D.C.: Office of Immigration Statistics. U.S. Census Bureau. 2008a. „American FactFinder, Census 2000.‰ [Online article retrieved 10/08]. http://factfinder.census.gov/home/saff/main.html?_lang=en. U.S. Census Bureau. 2008b. „Foreign-born Profiles (STP-159).‰ [Online article retrieved 12/08]. http://www.census.gov/population/www/socdemo/foreign/STP-159-2000tl.html. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. 2009. „Refugee Arrival Data.‰ [Online article retrieved 07/09]. http://www.acf.hhs.gov/programs/orr/data/refugee_arrival_data.htm. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. 2009. „Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents.‰ [Online article retrieved 07/09]. http://www.dhs.gov/files/statistics/data/dslpr.shtm. Yollin, P. 2002. „Wide Array of Estimates of Bay Area Afghans: Little Kabul Gets Even Littler‰ San Francisco Chronicle, November 5. [Online article retrieved 10/08]. http:// articles.sfgate.com/2002-11-05/bay-area/17570868_1_afghan-american-associationcensus-bureau-kabul. Zulfacar, M. 1998. Afghan Immigrants in the U.S.A and Germany: A Comparative Analysis of the Use of Ethnic Social Capital. Münster: Lit Verlag.

Further Reading Akbar, Said Hyder, and Susan Burton. 2005. Come Back to Afghanistan: A California Teenager’s Story. New York: Bloomsbury Publishing. The story of Said Hyder Akbar, a young Afghan American college student whose father worked as a spokesman for Afghan president Hamid Karzai in the years following September 11, 2001. A personalized source of information on the situation in Afghanistan following the fall of the Taliban and the identity struggles faced by Afghan Americans returning to Afghanistan. Ansary, Tamin. 2002. West of Kabul, East of New York. New York: Picador. A memoir by Tamin Ansary, born in Afghanistan to an Afghan father and American mother. Ansary describes his childhood in Afghanistan and his journeys as a young man through the Islamic world, during which he tried to learn more about his background and identity. Dorronsoro, Gilles. 2005. Revolution Unending: Afghanistan 1979 to the Present. New York: Columbia University Press. An authoritative yet nuanced account of the events in Afghanistan over the last 30 years. Essential reading to understand the background of conflict that foreshadows the situation in contemporary Afghanistan. Dupree, Louis. 1973. Afghanistan. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. This almost encyclopedic work on Afghanistan was published before the Soviet occupation, authored by an American academic who spent much of his professional life living and working in Afghanistan. Although published in the 1970s it remains the most comprehensive all-round book on Afghanistan, providing rich details on environmental, historical, social, and cultural aspects of life in Afghanistan.

Further Reading | 37 Hosseini, Khaled. 2003. The Kite Runner. London: Bloomsbury. This international bestseller (and film, directed by Marc Foster) tells the story of Amir, who grew up as part of the wealthy elite of Kabul but fled with his father as refugees in response to the Soviet occupation. He and his father settle in the San Francisco Bay Area, but Amir finds it difficult to come to terms with his past and eventually decides to revisit Afghanistan. Kakar, M. H. 1995. Afghanistan: The Soviet invasion and the Afghan Response, 1979–1982. Berkeley: University of California Press. A historical account of a key period in AfghanistanÊs modern history. Brought to life by the author, an Afghan academic (now living in the United States), who was imprisoned by the Communist government for criticizing the regime. This book is partly an academic book and partly a personal account based on his own and his fellow prisonersÊ experiences. Omidian, Patricia A. 1996. Aging and Family in an Afghan Refugee Community: Transitions and Transformations. New York: Garland. The key ethnographic account of Afghan Americans in the San Francisco Bay Area, California. Provides an important reference point for comparing the situation of Afghan Americans in the early to mid-1990s to their current situation, particularly following September 11, 2001. Qudrat Aseel, Maryam. 2003. Torn between Two Cultures: An Afghan-American Woman Speaks Out. Sterling, VA: Capital. A memoir written by an Afghan American woman born in the United States. Maryam Qudrat Aseel reflects on her familyÊs background as educated urban Afghans, very different from Western stereotypes of Muslim Afghanistan. She also writes about her experiences as a Muslim woman living in the United States after September 11, 2001. Saberi, Helen. 2000. Afghan Food and Cookery. New York: Hippocrene. Helen Saberi married an Afghan and lived in Afghanistan for 10 years. This excellent recipe book contains a wide variety of Afghan dishes (adjusted for the American cook) and a wealth of cultural information about the significance of different Afghan holidays and the food associated with them. Sultan, Masuda. 2006. My War at Home: A Memoir. New York: Washington Square Press. Masuda Sultan was born in Afghanistan but fled with her family to the United States as a young child. This memoir charts her journey to becoming a confident human rights advocate, via her arranged marriage, learning more about her Muslim Afghan American identity, and her return visits to Afghanistan.

This page intentionally left blank

Argentinean Immigrants by Judith Ann Warner

Introduction The Latin word for silver is argentum, and Argentina is occasionally referred to as the „Land of Silver.‰ The Republic of Argentina is located on the southernmost portion of the Americas and covers 15 percent of its land mass. It has a population of over 41 million and the vast majority are Roman Catholic. Originally colonized by the Spanish, Argentina has been a major immigrant receiving nation. During the time period of the second stream of immigration to the United States (1880 1920), Argentina was a primary destination of Spanish and Italian émigrés. Although Argentina is viewed as a Spanish-speaking country with a Spanish cultural tradition, the reality is that it is ethnically diverse. Nationalities of late 19th- and early 20thcentury immigrant groups included Czechs, Danish, French, Germans, Hungarians, Jews, Japanese, Irish, Koreans, Lebanese, Poles, Swiss, and Welsh. Many of these immigrants came as sojourners and almost half returned to their original homeland. Many stayed because of their investment in time and labor or because their families and children had become attached to their new country. Argentine culture is imbued with nostalgia because of the impossibility of return to the sending country. In the 21st century, Argentina continues to support immigration, although recent arrivals originate from the other Southern Cone countries of Bolivia, Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Peru. The Southern Cone comprises the southernmost countries of Latin America and, as a political designation, is typically used to refer to Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay. Argentina has developed into an immigrant sending country. Repeated economic turmoil during the 20th and 21st centuries has motivated certain of ArgentinaÊs educated and skilled immigrants to leave the county for better opportunities. Contemporary destinations include the United States, Spain, and Italy. Many Argentinean Americans are highly educated professionals who came to the United States as foreign students or with needed occupational skills. About 144,000 Argentine immigrants reside in the United States and, due to small population size, this group is under-studied. In the United States, this group is classified as „Hispanic/ Latino‰ but the diversity of ArgentinaÊs own immigrant population calls into question whether Argentine immigrants will embrace this designation or participate in Hispanic political groups. A major issue for the United States and Argentina is the

39

Chronology | 41

consequences of an outflow of skilled workers. As a developing country, Argentina has lost some of its best and brightest due to a 20th- and 21st-century history of economic troubles.

Chronology 1516

Discovery by Juan Díaz de Solís.

1542

Viceroyalty of Peru is established and includes territory later known as Argentina.

1580

Permanent Spanish colony established in Buenos Aires as part of the dependency of Rio de la Plata.

1776

Rio de La Plata becomes a viceroyalty.

1814–1817

Argentinean War of Independence.

1816

United Provinces of the Rio Plata declaration of independence from Spain.

1860–1930

Postcolonial immigration from Spain and Italy.

1946

General Perón is elected and institutes a pro-urban development policy, nationalizing industry and services and destabilizing the peso.

1950–1969

First phase of Argentinean immigration to the United States.

1955

Argentinean military coup removes Perón.

1970s–1980s Second phase of Argentinean immigration to the United States occurs in response to political and economic troubles. 1973

Perón is recalled from exile to serve as president.

1974

Isabel Perón becomes president after her husband dies.

1976

Argentinean military junta stages a coup.

1976–1982

Military dictatorship and „Dirty War‰ of political repression of dissidents.

1982

Argentinean military forcibly occupies the Falkland Islands on the basis of a territorial claim and Britain enters into war, inflicting defeat.

1983

Democratic elections return to Argentina.

2001–2002

Economic crisis prompts presidential resignations, violent popular protest, and international immigration.

42 | Argentinean Immigrants

Third phase of Argentine immigration to the United States begins in response to economic troubles. 2007

President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner is elected. The wife of former president Néstor Kirchner, she is the first female president of Argentina.

Background Geography of Argentina Argentina is the eighth largest country in the world and second largest South American country (Central Intelligence Agency [CIA] 2010). The internationally recognized surface area of Argentina is 1,068,302.7 square miles. Approximately 1 percent (11,700 square miles) is water. Argentina has a boundary with the Atlantic and Antarctic oceans that is 2,899 miles long. It contains both the highest and lowest points of land on the South American continent. Cerro Aconcagua, at 22,834 feet, is the highest peak in the Americas while Laguna del Carbón is located at ⫺344 feet below sea level, the lowest point in South America. Argentina is divided into six regions: (a) The Pampas is an area west and south of the capital, Buenos Aires. It contains a humid pampa and a dry pampa, famous for its grazing and beef production and a source of oil deposits; (b) Gran Chaco in the north is a seasonally dry or wet area used for livestock and cotton; (c) Mesopotamia is located between the Paraná and Uruguay rivers and includes grazing zones and subtropical rainforests; (d) Patagonia is a semiarid steppe region that includes the otherwise cool and wet Tierra del Fuego; (e) Cuyo is located in the Andes mountains, which provides water for irrigation in a fruit and wine region; and (f) The Northwest (NOA) contains parallel Andean mountain regions up to 20,000 feet and river valleys suitable for agriculture. Two-thirds of ArgentinaÊs population lives in the Pampas region (Rodriguez 2000).

History of Argentina Prior to European contact, Amerindians lived in at least 10 cultural and social population groups of varying means of subsistence. After discovery by Juan Díaz de Solís in 1516, Spain came to designate the area now known as Argentina as within the Viceroyalty of Peru by 1542 (Ferradás 2003). A Buenos Aires colony was established in 1580 within the dependency of Rio de la Plata, which was elevated to a viceroyalty in 1776. Spanish men were accompanied by Spanish women, and Creole (Spaniards born in the New World) families developed. Children of Spanish men and Indian women were known as meztizos. Mestizos became urban artisans

Background | 43

and laborers and rural herders. In the 17th and 18th centuries, African slaves were imported and worked in agriculture and as servants. The decline of Spain fostered South American revolutions of independence and, in 1816, Rio de la Plata evolved toward separate nationhood. Initially, Spanish settlers, their descendents, and indigenous peoples comprised the population. Periodic assaults on Amerindians fragmented their societies and cultures while decimating their population (Floria and Belsunce 1971). After 1870, European investment and immigration led Argentina to economic prominence as the 10th wealthiest country in the world. Meat and grain production led an agricultural export driven economy based on British and French investment (Lewis 1990). At the 1900 millennium, Argentina ranked as one of the worldÊs wealthiest nations. In the 20th and 21st centuries, it has suffered recurrent financial crises due to government deficits, extraordinary rates of monetary inflation, external debt, and investorÊs withdrawal of money from the nationÊs banks (CIA 2010). During the 20th century, Argentinean decline was based on reduced pricing for agricultural exports and increased demand for return on foreign investment. During World War I and World War II, Argentina exported food, but the world economy was undergoing transformation. In 1946, Argentinean General Juan Perón was elected and, with the efforts of First Lady Eva Perón, began the social movement called „Peronism.‰ Perón promoted urban industrial development, nationalized key industries and services, and improved wages and working conditions. This economic reorganization destabilized prices and exchange rates, causing the peso to greatly lose value and inflation to dramatically increase. The remainder of 20th-century Argentinean history is marked by military coups dÊétat and repeated returns to democratization related to conflicts between conservatives allied with the military and Peronists. In 1966, the military staged another coup and, although repressive, the military invested in public works and reduced a trade deficit. Military government led to political violence, and Perón was recalled from exile in 1973 and was democratically elected. His death in 1974 led to his replacement by his third wife, Isabel Perón. In 1976, renewed financial crisis led to the return of military government. The junta designated a national organization renewal process that fostered repression of dissidents in what has been termed the „dirty war‰ (Anderson 1993). Alleged and forensic evidence has partially proven that thousands of dissidents were „disappeared.‰ Financial crisis and a disastrous effort in 1982 to establish ArgentinaÊs claim on the Maldives (Falkland Islands) led to democratic elections in 1983. The military dictatorship had deregulated finance, deindustrialized, repeatedly frozen wages, and run up a record foreign debt. This pattern of financial imbalance has persisted into the 21st century. In 2001, interim president Adolfo Rodriguez Saa defaulted on foreign debt owed by the government. In 2002, Eduardo Duhalde presided over a country in which

44 | Argentinean Immigrants

Juan Perón, shown here with his wife, Eva, was the dominant figure in Argentine politics from 1946 until his death in 1974. (AFP/Getty Images)

60 percent of the population had incomes below the poverty line. The GNP grew at a rate of 8.5 percent annually over the next six years. Debt restructuring, which reduced payment burden; resurgent industry; and monetary expansion allowed renewed growth, but inflation reoccurred and, in 2007, business and export taxes were invoked and economic growth slowed as the world entered recession. In 2009, per capita income was $13,800, and 13.9 percent of the population have below poverty level incomes. Public debt was estimated at 49.1 percent of GNP.

Ethnic Relations Argentina was originally lightly populated by Amerindian groups. Spanish colonization brought disease and forced labor or population movement that decimated the indigenous peoples. Surviving indigenous groups were subject to genocidal military campaigns throughout the 1880s. At present, Amerindians are thought to be less than 1 percent of the Argentine population although statistics on Amerindians residing in urban areas are inaccurate and there may be more (Ferradás 2003). From the late 1800s to the mid-1900s, the Rio de la Plata region was the site of slave trade (Ferradás 2003). Estimates are that blacks and mulattoes of African and

Background | 45

European origin constituted 25 30 percent of the Buenos Aires population. The size of the Buenos Aires Afro Argentine population dramatically declined in the 19th century until only 8,005 Afro Argentines were enumerated in a population of 433,375. It is thought that urban epidemics, civil war, and intermarriage accounts for this steep decline in population. By 2000, less than 4 percent of the Buenos Aires population claimed Afro Argentine ancestry. In the 19th century, European immigrants competed with the Afro Argentine and mestizo population for work and housing (Ferradás 2003). Immigrants came to outnumber native-born Argentineans. The displacement of Amerindians and Afro Argentines combined with the massive immigrant population growth to impact on Argentine identity. Ethnically, Argentineans identify as white of European descent. This view is based on the Buenos Aires population and discounts both the indigenous presence in rural provinces and the in-migration of mestizos from neighboring nations as well as mulattoes and blacks from Brazil and Uruguay. Ethno-racial conflict ensued, and immigrants were stereotyped as lower class and criminals. Although the world views Argentina as a Spanish country, it has been a destination for an ethnically diverse immigrant population. Ninety percent of the Argentinean population originates from Italy and Spain (Ferradás 2003). In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Argentina received immigrants from Europe (Germans, Poles, Welsh, Irish, Hungarians, Czechs, Danish, French, Jews, and Swiss); Asia (Koreans, Japanese); and the Middle East (Lebanese). Although up to one half of these immigrants returned to their homelands, many stayed in Argentina because of investments or family ties.

Immigration to Argentina Historically, Argentina has been a major immigrant receiving nation. Today, it is a site of immigration, transit, and emigration (Jachimowitz 2006). In the 1800s, Argentina experienced a wave of immigration parallel to the second wave occurring in the United States (INDEC 2004, 1). The expansion of the industrial age and postcolonial migration brought an increase in the foreign-born population from 12.1 percent in 1869 to 25.4 percent in 1895. Foreign immigrants peaked at 29.9 percent in 1914 prior to the worldwide drop in movement associated with World War I and World War II. After World War II, immigrants constituted 15.3 percent of ArgentinaÊs population and then dropped to 13 percent in 1960. By the time of the Argentine economic crisis in 2001 2002, the number of foreign-born in the population had dropped to 5 percent (Williams and Hatton 2005). As a developing nation, Argentina does not attract the volume of immigration of the United States, but it continues to have immigration receptive policies and attracts people, albeit at a declining rate. In 1970, 9.5 percent of the population was foreign-born, decreasing to 6.8 percent in 1980, and 5 percent in 1991. Argentina

46 | Argentinean Immigrants

An immigrant family at their homestead in about 1920. Argentina’s robust agricultural economy attracted a large immigrant influx, resulting in mixed-ethnicity populations. (Library of Congress)

has steadily gained immigrants from its neighbors Paraguay, Chile, and Uruguay (Ferradás 2003). Like many Latin American countries, Argentina has experienced an internationalization of its labor market (Lattes, Santibanez, and Castillo 1998), but it chiefly attracts migrants from the neighboring Southern Cone countries and is part of a regional migration subsystem (Massey et al. 1998). This population movement is thought to be a part of the trend in rural to urban migration in Latin America, but instead of migrating to cities within their country, many immigrants are choosing to go to cities across borders (Massey et al. 1998). Historically, demand for labor in Buenos Aires and other Argentine cities drew other Southern Cone migrants. From the mid-1800s through the present, approximately 2 to almost 3 percent of its foreign-born population originated from bordering nations. The Southern Cone population also includes unauthorized immigrants who were legalized in amnesties given in 1974 and 1984. Amnesty recipients were from Chile (35%), Paraguay (33%), Uruguay (13%), and Bolivia (14%) (Massey et al. 1998, 201). Recently, the MERCOSUR agreement has strengthened economic and labor market ties with nearby countries. MERCOSUR established a free-trade zone including Argentina, Paraguay, Brazil, and Uruguay. Overall, the 2001 Argentine census found that immigrants constituted 1,531,940 of the Argentinean population (INDEC 2004, 2). Immigration from bordering

Background | 47

countries is becoming more important. Paraguayan immigration has been steadily increasing from 13.8 percent of the population in 1980 (13.8%) to 325,046 (21.2%) in 2001. Bolivians numbered 118, 141 (6.2%) in 1980 and 233,464 (15.2%) in 2001. Paraguay and Bolivia account for over one-third of ArgentinaÊs foreignborn population. Indeed, South American immigration has displaced Europe as the source of Argentine immigration. In 1980, Italian immigrants comprised 488,271 (25.7%) but dropped to 216,718 (14.1%) in 2001. Similarly, Spanish immigrants totaled 373,984 (19.7%) in 1980 and decreased to 134,417 (8.8%) in the 2001 census. Immigration from Poland and Germany also declined along with Chile, the only neighboring nation to show a decline in immigration rates to Argentina. Overall, the number of foreign-born individuals in Argentina showed a drop through 2001; however, certain bordering or nearby Southern Cone countries, including Peru, are an increasing component of ArgentinaÊs third wave of immigration. After 1950, international migration from bordering countries such as Paraguay was unregulated (Parrado and Cerrutti 2003). Individuals from countries bordering on Argentina are not required to obtain a visa, although visitors are not permitted to work. Employers are seldom sanctioned, because unauthorized hiring and periodic amnesties (which occurred in 1964, 1974, 1984, and 1992) legalized the status of Southern Cone labor migrants who stay. Paraguayan male migrants are positively selected in terms of education and skill. Typically, they have education past primary school and labor specialization, such as leather work. If they can expect a better return on their labor, they invest in a trip to Argentina (Parrado and Cerrutti 2003). In Paraguay, limited access to land and credit prompts migrants to seek economic improvement abroad. Differences in economic conditions fluctuate, and migrants seek to use differentials, such as overvaluation of the Argentine peso, to accumulate income. Unequal patterns of development between neighboring countries foster labor migration. Argentina attracts unskilled foreign workers. Many of these workers are shortterm unskilled labor migrants who anticipate working in Argentina for short periods of time and then returning to the homeland or migrating to another country (Jachimowitz 2006). From 1950 to 1974, import substitution industrialization, a policy to develop Argentine industry and reduce reliance on exports (Skidmore, Smith, and Green 2009), was relatively successful, and per capita income in Argentina increased by 50 percent from $5,000 to $7,000 dollars (Parrado and Cerrutti 2003, 107). This period was characterized by demand for low-skilled and manual labor migrants. In the mid-1970s, economic stagnation occurred and income leveled off, followed by an economic downturn in the 1980s when per capita income declined from $7,600 to $5,600. In the 1990s, Argentine per capita income began to increase again. Labor migration fluctuates in relation to economic conditions in Argentina and differences in wages in other Southern Cone countries. Many unskilled migrants are coming to stay permanently.

48 | Argentinean Immigrants

The 2010 population of Argentina is estimated at 41,343,201 (CIA 2010). In 2010, 97 percent of the Argentinean population was racially classified as „white‰ and 3 percent as mestizo (white and Amerindian) or Amerindian. The 2011 Argentinean census is likely to determine that immigration is growing as 953,363 applied for permanent residency from 2000 to 2008. The greatest number of applications is from South American countries: Paraguay (319,492), Bolivia (240,467), Peru (138,355), Chile (23,231), Uruguay (22,733), Brazil (19,547), Columbia (16,539), Ecuador (6,564), and Venezuela (4,618). The globalization of international migration has resulted in the generation of flows between Asian countries and Argentina. China is the fourth-ranked sending nation, with 34,746 immigrants, and South Korea is tenth, with 10,279 immigrants. Intriguingly, the United States is the fifth ranked sending country (with 24,626 immigrants)·it is a nation of modest emigration patterns as individuals and families seek success worldwide.

Human Trafficking Human traffickers use Argentina as both a source and destination for men, women, and children subject to forced labor and sexual exploitation (CIA 2010). The victims originate in rural areas and are brought to urban areas to be taken abroad or locally impounded. Child sex tourism is a known social problem, and Argentina is a receiving nation for women and children from Paraguay, Brazil, and the Dominican Republic. Argentinean women and girls are sent to neighboring countries, Mexico, and western Europe by sex traffickers. In turn, men and women from Bolivia, Peru, and Paraguay are brought for forced labor in agriculture, sweatshops, and domestic service. Because of this illegal migratory transit pattern, Argentina is on the United StatesÊ Tier 2 Watch List for lack of results in suppressing human trafficking due to lack of services for victims and local corrupt involvement of officials with traffickers. In 2009, the Argentine Congress passed a federal anti-trafficking law.

Waves and Causes of Immigration The first phase of Argentinean immigration to the United States began in the 1950s. Argentinean industrialization was economically problematic and income, working conditions, and quality of life issues prompted professionals to emigrate (Marrow 2007a). From 1960 to 1970, 185,000 Argentineans left, primarily choosing the United States and Spain as destinations (Jachimowitz 2006). These individuals were highly skilled native-born citizens. Professionals, including medical doctors and scientists, left Argentina. The United States received 16,246 (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 6 11). Detailed statistics on Argentineans in the United States did not become available until 1970, the end of this first phase, when the U.S. Census added the category „Other Hispanics.‰ From 1960 to 1969, 49,384

Background | 49

applied for and received legal permanent residence (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 6 11). The second phase of Argentinean immigration began in the mid-1970s, when a wave of emigration from Argentina occurred in reaction to the „Dirty War‰ (1976 1983), acts of repression orchestrated by a military dictatorship. Emigrating Argentineans were fleeing political persecution and had less education than the population of their new homelands, although they had more education than the average Argentinean. Certain petitions for political asylum were granted to Argentineans (Reimers 2005). From 1970 to 1979, 30,303 Argentineans applied for and received permanent residency (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 6 11). Doctors, university professors, health professionals, and teachers predominated (Pellegrino 2000). In the 1980s, emigration continued as hyperinflation reduced buying power of the Argentine peso and the economy continued to suffer. From 1980 to 1989, 23,442 Argentineans were admitted as permanent residents (Pellegrino 2000). This flow was primarily constituted of unskilled laborers, but the high proportion of professionals resulted in classification of emigration losses as a „brain drain‰ (Marrow 2007a). Beginning in the 1980s, engineers and teachers were especially likely to emigrate. After the military dictatorship was replaced by a democratic government, many exiles remained in new host societies. From 1990 to 1999, an additional 30,065 were admitted to the United States (Pellegrino 2000). The third phase of Argentinean emigration is connected to economic issues. In the 2001 2002 Argentinean economic crisis, due to lack of funds for $100 billion in external debt payments, many Argentineans responded to high unemployment and inflation by considering emigration. They left for Spain, Italy, the United States, Canada, Australia, and Israel (Marrow 2007a). The middle class suffered a reduced quality of life as half of the population experienced poverty and unemployment rose to 20 percent. ArgentinaÊs finances improved by 2004, but ArgentinaÊs National Migration Directorate (cited in Marrow 2007a) indicates that 255,000 left as emigrants from 2001 to mid-2003, and estimates are that 300,000 had left by 2005 (Jachimowitz 2006). This was six times the number of Argentinean emigrants from 1993 to 2000. A 2002 survey recorded that one-third of ArgentinaÊs population would leave if they could (Marrow 2007a). The United States does not act to welcome economic migrants. It embraces regulated immigration based on family reunification and job preference rankings oriented toward admission of skilled labor (Warner 2009). The United States Justice DepartmentÊs response was to limit temporary visas for business and tourism due to a concern that Argentineans would overstay and become undocumented immigrants (Reimers 2005). Argentineans continued to enter the United States and reports indicated settlement in Florida and New York. Unofficial estimates counted 40,000 to 180,000 Argentines in Florida in 2002 (Marrow 2007a). At that time, the

50 | Argentinean Immigrants

Argentine government requested that the United States authorize temporary protected status (TPS) for Argentineans living in the United States without documents. This was declined. Argentina attracts migrants of working-class and agricultural backgrounds from neighboring Southern Cone countries, but skilled emigrants tend to settle in developed nations, particularly the United States (Massey et al. 1998). Lack of economic opportunity in Argentina pushes Argentineans to emigrate to destinations like the U.S. and European nations perceived to have the pull of more economic opportunity. Like other Latin American countries, the young and skilled workers seek to improve their lives abroad (Jachimowitz 2006). As of March 2005, over one million Argentineans had left the country to various destinations due to its economic problems. Economic pressures on the middle class; structural tensions in terms of the number of individuals with higher education and positions available; and salary and promotion opportunity differentials have all contributed to brain drain. The United States continues to be a major receiving nation, and the number of Argentine arrivals has increased in the first decade of the 21st century. In 1999, 1,393 Argentineans were admitted as permanent immigrants, increasing to 5,170 in 2008 (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 12 15). The majority of Argentinean immigrants arriving in 2008 came as immediate relatives of U.S. citizens (2,783) or under family-sponsored preferences (181) (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 27 30). Significantly, 1,944 Argentineans were sponsored under the employment preference category of U.S. immigration law. Many Argentineans enter the United States on business, tourism, and other temporary visas each year, ranging from 539,304 in 1999 to 383,803 in 2008 (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 67 70). Prior to the economic troubles of 2001 2002, 546,796 entered the United States on visas in 2001 (67 70). This dropped to 252,233 in 2002 because of U.S. policy to restrict entrants considered possible to become unauthorized immigrants and has only rebounded somewhat by 2007 2008 (67 70). The brain drain is facilitated by a process in which individuals who are allowed to enter as non-immigrants are able to transition their status to permanent residents. For example, 10,140 Argentineans entered as students and exchange visitors in 2008 (76 79). An additional 22,684 came under the visa category for temporary workers and their families (76 79). In 2008, temporary workers primarily entered with H1B visas as members of specialty occupations (6,583); workers with extraordinary ability/achievement (1,078); athletes, artists, or entertainers (1,451); intracompany transferees (5,427); and treaty traders and investors (1,558) (Yearbook of Immigration Statistics 2008, 84 87). Although many students and professionals may later return to Argentina, initial entrance facilitates the accumulation of social capital and ties facilitating immigration, including sponsorship by employers. The American public understands that the immigration system is primarily based on numerical quotas by hemisphere and country. Nevertheless, these caps are not

Demographic Profile | 51

always the basis by which individuals are admitted. Temporary visa holders can apply to adjust their status to permanent resident (Warner 2009). If an Argentine foreign student completes a PhD in a scientific or high technology field of high demand, they may find an employer willing to sponsor them. More than half of immigrants who become permanent residents are status adjusters. This calls into question how the system impacts those on country waiting lists, who may have applied earlier but have to wait longer. The United States is perceived to need skilled professionals but Congressional action to facilitate legislation to enable their entrance has not passed.

Demographic Profile Argentinean Americans are primarily descended from Spanish, Italian, and other European immigrants to Argentina. Among these entrants were Jews and thirdgeneration descendents of Italians. Argentinean Americans tend to be better educated than other Latin American immigrants and to be active as professionals and in business (Marshall 1988). Argentinean Americans originate from a Spanishspeaking country in South America, but in many ways their traits resemble that of second-stream European immigrants (Reimers 2005).

Size and Composition of the Community Argentinean immigrants are a component of the South American population in the United States. In 2007, the American Community Survey found that South American immigrants and their foreign-born children numbered 2,499,000 of the total U.S. Population (Greico 2010, 6). Argentinean immigrants and their descendents numbered 194,000. Sixty percent of Argentinean Americans live in three major immigrant receiving states: California, Florida, and New York (Jachimowitz 2006). There are sizable numbers of Argentinean immigrants in the New York City, Miami Beach, and Los Angeles metropolitan regions. Most come under the family reunification provision of the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, but an indirect method of emigrating is to initially arrive as a skilled worker (using an H-1b Visa), exchange visitors (J-1 Visa), or on an L-1 visa for a company transfer. These individuals later adjust their status to permanent resident. Recent Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics (2010) data indicates that 2,317 Argentineans received legal permanent resident alien status in 2000. Applications peaked in 2006 at 7,327 and dropped in 2007 through 2009. Argentineans receiving legal permanent resident alien status numbered 5,780. The leading state of residence for Argentinean new permanent residents was Florida, with 2,392. See Table 16 for a list of the leading states of residence for Argentineans obtaining legal permanent resident status in 2009.

Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000 to 2009 Region and country of birth

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

2,317

3,297

3,661

3,129

4,805

7,081

7,327

5,645

5,353

5,780

REGION Total Argentina

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Demographic Profile | 53

Abelardo Abraham (left) and an unidentified friend eat in an Argentine cafe on Miami Beach, Florida, April 29, 2008. The two men now live in Miami after moving from Argentina. Since 2000, south Florida has seen an increase in immigration from South American countries such as Colombia, Venezuela, and Argentina. (AP Photo/J. Pat Carter)

Age and Family Structure The Argentinean immigrant population is not sufficiently large to receive a separate census enumeration like that of Mexico. The 2000 U.S. Census provides an online 5 percent PUMS microdata sample, which can be analyzed using the SAS statistics program. The PEW Hispanic Center provides demographic profiles of the 10 largest „Other Hispanic‰ groupings in the United States, but Argentineans did not fall under this category. It would be useful to enumerate the demographic composition of all Other Hispanic population groupings to determine age, family structure, and the impact these categories have on U.S. immigration preferences as well as on the development of families in the United States.

Educational Attainment Argentina was one of the earliest countries in Latin America to expand education in the 20th century. Argentineans value education, which is mandatory from age 6 to 14. Argentina made available universal primary and secondary education. Based on

54 | Argentinean Immigrants

financial ability, families choose between a variety of public and private schools for elementary, high school, and college education. Public universities do not require tuition. Bilingual schools have been increasing and include Spanish and English, Spanish and Italian, and Spanish and German alternatives. Many students choose to study medicine, law, and technological careers such as engineering. Argentine public universities have promoted scientific and technical research, particularly in physics and biology. By the 1980s, three Argentineans had won Nobel prizes: Bernardo Houssay (1947), Luis Leloir (1970), and Cesar Milstein (1984). Educational attainment facilitates the assimilation of Argentinean immigrants in the United States. Latino immigrants to the United States are increasing in education and Argentinean immigrants bolster the overall educational level of this U.S. Census designated group (Lowell and Suro 2002). Approximately 38 percent of Argentinean immigrants have some college education and 50 percent have secondary education (Lowell and Suro 2002, 10). Overall, 35 percent of South American immigrants and 33 percent of Argentineans have completed a college education. Argentineans may come as students studying professions in demand before becoming immigrants (Tremblay 2005). Student mobility is involved in high skilled migration, and the U.S. employment preference category for immigration facilitates adjustment to permanent resident status. Qualified individuals are more easily assimilated into the labor markets of their adoptive countries. Proficiency in the language of the host country and possession of a degree from that country gives these student migrants an advantage in obtaining work and eventual permission to legalize a long-term stay. The United States is often chosen as a country for study and retains many foreign students who may begin the immigration process with an H1B Visa for skilled workers in demand. A survey undertaken by the National Science Board (2000) indicates that over 60 percent of Argentinean students studying in the United States had some plans to migrate and that over 30 percent had definite plans. The gain of professionals benefits the United States but deprives Argentina of skilled labor, a situation conceptually referred to as brain drain.

Economic Attainment Argentinean Americans tend to have higher education and are skilled workers and professionals. About one-half of Argentineans arriving from 1965 to 1970 were unskilled workers (Rodriguez 2000). Both skilled and unskilled Argentineans have been pushed toward emigration by economic and political instability. Better educated individuals often have greater resources to sustain migration, and by 1970, the percentage of Argentine origin immigrants with more than 10 years of education was four times greater in the United States than in Argentina. The 1990 census indicated that 21 percent of Argentinean immigrants in metropolitan Los Angeles and New York had a BA or other higher education.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 55

By 2002, more than two-thirds of Argentine immigrants worked in professional and supervisory jobs and less than one-third in unskilled work (Canales 2007). This pattern matches educational levels. Average earnings were almost $30,000 a year. Approximately 15 percent of Argentinean immigrantsÊ earnings were below poverty level as compared to 8 percent of the native-born. Almost 15 percent of Argentinean immigrants earned at 1 to 1.5 times poverty level income. Mean per capita income was $23,589.99 (Bonilla-Silva and Dietrich 2008). Male Argentinean immigrants worked in manufacturing, construction, business, transportation, and communication. Reflecting the high level of urbanization of the Argentine population, they were less likely to be employed in agriculture. Gender patterns in the United States have changed, and more women work, including immigrant women. The 1980 census indicated that 58 percent of Argentinean women immigrants aged 25 59 were in the labor force while 52 percent of native-born women worked outside the home. A majority of Argentinean immigrants are employed as managerial and professional workers (39.77%) or in sales and office work (24.68%). Other areas with sizeable employment are services (14.84%); and production, transport, and material moving (10.96%) (Bonilla-Silva and Dietrich 2008, 159)

Health Statistics, Issues Life expectancy in Argentina is 72 years for men and 78 years for women (World Health Organization 2010). The top four causes of death are ischemic heart disease, cerebrovascular disease, lower respiratory infections, and diabetes mellitus. ArgentinaÊs health patterns parallel those of developed nations due to their investment in medical training and research. As the size of the Argentine population increases in the United States, it would be useful to collect data on health trends in this population.

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals Argentine families are very influenced by Spanish and Italian cultural tradition. They involve close nuclear family relationships and extended family ties to aunts, uncles, cousins, and in-laws. Grandfathers and grandmothers are respected and weekly family reunions on Sundays with an asado (barbecue) or Italian pasta are common (Palermo 2003). American families are often geographically dispersed in the same community, state, or nation due to employment. Adult children separate to go to college or otherwise live on their own. After marriage, the Argentinean family is a focal point of

56 | Argentinean Immigrants

life, and children reside with their parents past the age that adult children have left in the United States (Palermo 2003). Both the economics of household formation and gender bias has a role in living with parents until marriage. Women may chose to co-reside with parents to avoid being stigmatized for living alone, although urban women on their own are more tolerated, if viewed as odd. Argentina has undergone a demographic transition. At the end of the 19th century, the birth rate began to drop and it has fluctuated during the 20th century, stabilizing at a lower rate by 1982, when Argentineans began having fewer children (Palermo 2003). After 1970, teenage pregnancy has increased, especially among lower socioeconomic status individuals. This decrease in the birth rate has been paralleled by a decrease in mortality, particularly for women, who are living longer. Periodic economic crises, political instability, and changes in lifestyle associated with modernization have impacted the Argentine family. The nuclear family has been the most frequent family form but is decreasing relative to individual households. Regardless, the Information, Evaluation, and Monitoring System of Social Programs at the Argentine Ministry of Social Development indicate that extended and compound families increased (Palermo 2003). Changes in Argentinean family structure include: (a) increases in common law marriage paralleled by decrease in legal marriage; (b) an increase in common-law or legal first marriage; (c) men marry at an older age, women at a younger age; (d) legally married couples may be childless or have children at a later age; (e) more children are being born out of wedlock; (f) an increase in separations; (g) an increase in remarriage and reconstituted families; (h) an increase in individual households largely due to marriage break-ups; and (i) an increase in common-law marriage or reconstituted families that are nuclear but smaller with some instability (Palermo 2003). Economic crises and high unemployment have been reshaping Argentine families (Palermo 2003). Men are no longer the sole income providers for families and women partners may earn more than some men. As in the United States, women carry greater responsibility for household tasks and childcare than men, but some negotiation is occurring. If men are unemployed and women are working, men may have reduced authority and greater new task assignment. Nevertheless, changes in menÊs familial status can result in conflict, domestic violence, separation, and divorce. The increase in poverty is associated with the emergence of more femaleheaded households. Marriage is becoming less formalized and more unstable.

Childhood and Baptism Argentineans value children and seek to protect them within the family (Rodriguez 2000). Many holidays and celebrations are oriented toward children: the Day of the Children, Epiphany, Christmas, and baptism. Baptism is the initial Catholic ceremony in which a newborn is ceremonially placed in sanctified water and presented

Adjustment and Adaptation | 57

with godparents. Godparenting sustains a social relationship between relatives of friends of the family and a child. Godparents spiritually advise a child and occasionally look after children if the parents unexpectedly die. Traditionally godparenthood was more than a symbol of a bond with the child and parents.

Coming-of-Age The Latino quinceanara, called Los Quince in Argentina, marks when a girl makes a transition from adolescence to becoming a woman. On the 15th birthday, friends and relatives gather to celebrate. The teenage girl wears a special dress as ornate as a bridal gown, but instead of the traditional bridal white, the gown can come in various colors. In Argentina, fathers, godparents, and friends dance with her while others watch. Some families may attend church mass before this event.

Weddings Weddings are divided into three parts: (a) a surprise shower for the bride and bridegroom; (b) a formal wedding before a justice of the peace or state officer at the civil registry; and (c) a church wedding ceremony for the legal union (Rodriguez 2000). It is considered bad luck for the bridegroom to see the bride before the religious ceremony. They prepare at their homes and meet at the church. After the ceremony, rice, symbolic of financial success, is thrown. Afterwards, a reception party occurs with a wedding cake and dancing. Argentinean wedding cakes have strings attached to gifts. Single women tug on the strings and receive a gift that portends the future. A ring indicates a woman will marry next while a thimble indicates she will not marry. A small lock indicates that parents will not allow a marriage in the immediate future.

Funerals After death, the deceased are displayed for people to pay their respects at a funeral home or their original home (Rodriguez 2000). Only coffee is served. In northeastern Argentina, velorio del angelito, special ceremonies for children, are held.

Families and Changing Gender Relations Gendered relationships are changing worldwide. Individualization and autonomy of the young and women are emergent social patterns (Palermo 2003). Fathers are losing absolute authority, and the patriarchal family model is in decline. Young people experience a period of independence, living on their own, whether or not they have formed a couple. The Argentinean economic crisis of the waning 20th century postponed steady employment and independence for young people.

58 | Argentinean Immigrants

Argentinean women are becoming educated and active in the labor market (Palermo 2003). The feminist movement and birth control have changed the playing field for men and women. In turn, Argentine law has modified womenÊs status in the family. For example, men had patria potestas, special authority over their children; but new legislation has granted the father and mother equal authority. A child is not allowed to go abroad with one parent without the otherÊs permission. During the mid-1970s, ArgentinaÊs recurrent economic crisis led more married and cohabiting women to work, and male unemployment rose (Palermo 2003). Women with greater formal education were especially likely to enter the labor force as well as divorced and separated women. Many women are pursuing careers in economics, engineering, politics, and law (Rodriguez 2000). Argentina was actually the first country in the Americas to have a woman be president. In the United States, Argentinean women are subject to more restrictions (Rodriguez 2000). Husbands may forbid them to work or go out alone. Unmarried Argentinean women were happier because they experienced less family pressure and had more freedom. For women with children, there was less social support for child caretaking from kin and friends. Working women found that they needed to be on the job even if ill.

Argentinean immigrants Angel Ribulotta, real estate agent and restaurant owner, with his wife Valentina (center) and daughter Rosana, at the restaurant they opened with money they made investing in real estate. Called the Argentine Cafe, the restaurant specializes in Argentinean food and wine. (Susan Biddle/The Washington Post/Getty Images)

Adjustment and Adaptation | 59

Argentinean Football (Soccer) Argentineans love soccer and their national football team has won 25 major titles including 2 FIFA World Cups, 2 Olympic Gold Medals, and 14 Copa Americas. In the 2010 World Cup, they advanced to the quarter finals but were beaten by Germany. Argentina has 331,811 registered football players, and increasingly, women and girls are joining. In 2006, the Argentine women’s team were South American champions. Over one thousand Argentine players are on European and other extra-national teams.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity Continued Links to Nation of Origin Argentinean Americans are active in maintaining ethnic organizations to promote their culture. Both football (soccer in the United States) and tango are activities they enjoy.

Social Organizations Based on National/Ethnic Background Argentine Association of Los Angeles. http://www.aalaonline.com/sitio/estat uto.php This group organizes and supports Argentinean American events in Los Angeles. The Web site (2010) indicates its purpose as: To encourage development of friendship and mutual help among Argentine [sic] nationals residing in California. To give advice and help Argentine [sic] nationals in need. To establish cultural exchange with other argentine [sic] institutions and from other nationalities, to promote goodwill and mutual understanding. To develop cultural, educational and social activities and promote sports, and to engage in any lawful act or activity for which a corporation may be organized under such Law. To lessen neighborhood tension and eliminate discrimination and prejudice among people. To lessen the burdens of the United States Government in assisting foreign nationals in need. To promote the development of the arts and cultural exchange programs.

60 | Argentinean Immigrants

Casa Argentina Casa Argentina is an organization for Argentinean immigrants and Hispanics that has centers in the United States and Spain. It organizes educational and cultural activities including music, dances, and movies. American locations include New Jersey, Texas, and Louisiana.

Religion Catholicism is the main religion in Argentina (Ferradás 2003). The preface to the Argentinean constitution, a declaration of rights, specifies that Roman Catholicism is protected by the state as a majority of Argentineans are believers. The Argentine constitution further stipulates that the president must be a Roman Catholic. In Argentina, as around the world, there has been a decline in church attendance and very limited recruitment of seminary students. As a result, many Argentineans claim Roman Catholic faith but are not very involved with the church. This tendency is found among Argentinean immigrants as well.

National/Regional Language Press and Other Media The majority of Argentineans speak Spanish and the official language is Castilian Spanish. Because Argentineans are a highly educated and skilled population, it is likely that this population has bilingual ability. Research is needed to establish how language shift occurs in this population. Argentineans can listen to Univision, Telemundo, and other Spanish language stations in the united States. Argentinean cable networks include Fox Sports on Espanol, MTV Argentina, and the news network Todos Noticias.

Celebration of National Holidays January 6: Epiphany (Day of the Three Wise Men). April 2: Sovereignty Day. May 25: The Anniversary of the May Revolution of 1810 when Argentina appointed a government is celebrated. June 20: Argentine Flag Day commemorates Manuel Belgrano, who designed it. July 9: Argentine Independence Day commemorates when Argentinean province representatives declared independence from Spain. November 10: Day of Tradition. December 25: Christmas.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 61

Mate Mate is both an Argentinean herbal tea and the type of container it is prepared and served in. The drink is a stimulant made with the leaves of yerba mate (ilex paraguaiensis), a plant cultivated in the north. The container might be a gourd or an ornate holder crafted from silver. The leaves are steeped in warm water as boiling water brings out bitterness. A metal straw is used with a filter at one end to prevent the leaves from entering the liquid to be drunk. Argentineans meet to drink mate in the way that American friends gather to drink coffee. The drink contains caffeine, theobromine, and theophyline, although at a lower stimulant content than coffee. Studies are examining its antioxidant and anticarcinogenic potential. It is available at health food stores in the United States.

Foodways Argentine cuisine emphasizes beef and pasta dishes with Spanish and Italian influences (Rodriguez 2000). Locro is a special dish made with corn, meat, chorizo (pork sausage), pumpkin, and sweet potatoes. Mazamorra is a corn dish. Empanadas are meat turnovers, which can be filled with beef, cheese, corn, ham, chicken, or other ingredients. Argentinean beef has a worldwide reputation for excellence, and Argentine style steak houses are becoming more common in the United States. Asado (barbecue grilled meat), parrillada (mixed barbecue), and empanadas are featured. The Italian influence is seen in the popularity of gelato (Italian ice cream), and the Spanish dulce de leche, a caramel condensed milk and sugar spread, is used on toast and in pastry. Jamón serrano (salted pork ham) is becoming known as a gourmet item in the United States.

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Tango is ArgentinaÊs most famous cultural export. It began in the 1880s in lowerand working-class areas of Argentina in bars frequented by prostitutes and in brothels. At that time the relations between men and women were very formalized, and a public embrace was not socially acceptable. The dance was considered scandalous and men began to perfect it by dancing with each other! Immigrants arriving in Argentina were attracted to the tango although the aristocracy remained aloof from it. In the early 20th century, Argentinean prosperity fostered European ties and a cleaned-up version of the tango became popular in Europe. At that time, tango was accepted by the Argentine upper classes and became the international dance form known today as a cultural symbol of Argentina.

62 | Argentinean Immigrants

Profile: Tita Merello and Argentine Tango Tita Merello (1904–2002) was a popular woman tango vocalist of the “Golden Age” who rebelled against conventional ideals of femininity. Although she was not considered beautiful, she was attractive and ambitious and presented herself as a woman with an alternative standard of femininity. Se Dice de Mi (It is Being Said about Me) was her autobiographic signature song and immortalized in the movie Mercardo del Abasto (Albasto Market). Tita was a working-class heroine who achieved fame despite her lack of refined feminine mannerisms. She showed that Argentine women of various social strata could achieve recognition and upward social mobility. “Neither a Victorian fragile character nor an exquisite feminine character, she invented herself as an ‘ugly, defiant beauty,’ thus confronting dominant feminine standards of refinement, sweetness, and submission.” Source: Viladrich, Anahi. 2006. “Neither Virgins Nor Whores: Tango Lyrics and Gender Representations in the Tango World.” Journal of Popular Culture 39(2): 272–93.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Paths toward Citizenship The United States permits permanent residents to apply for naturalization after five years of residency (Mohmen 2009). Applicants must prove that they are of good moral character during residency although the Department of Homeland Security has the right to investigate any period in an individualÊs life span. A criminal conviction, whether for a felony (more than one year prison term) or a misdemeanor, will disqualify a person to obtain naturalization. Evidence of bad moral character includes failure to support dependents and convictions for driving while intoxicated (DWI). Character evaluations are made by immigration officials on a case-by-case basis. After acceptance, Argentineans and other immigrants must take a citizenship test with questions about United States history. Argentinean immigrants take an oath and recite the pledge of allegiance to prove their loyalty.

Naturalization Argentine immigrants must give up their original citizenship to become naturalized in the United States. The United States and Argentina do not have a dual citizenship agreement. Relative to their low percentage in the foreign-born population,

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 63

Argentineans naturalize at very high rates. Figures have ranged from 3,351 in 1999 to 4,170 in 2008 (DHS Office of Immigration Statistics 2008). Research is needed to determine if higher education and skill levels are associated with this rate of naturalization. Although the rate of Argentine immigration is low relative to Mexican and Central American rates, a small ethnic Argentine population has developed in the United States. The Current Population Survey (November 1996/2000) shows that 37.5 percent of individuals identifying as of Argentine ancestry were not immigrants (Jones-Correa 2007, 29 30). Almost 39 percent were U.S. born citizens, and 25 percent were naturalized citizens. Approximately 37 percent were non-citizens. Approximately 2 percent arrived prior to 1950 and 2.7 percent during the 1950s. In the 1960s, 12.5 percent emigrated, followed by 14.3 percent in the 1970s and 15.2 percent in the 1980s. Almost 10 percent had been in the United States sufficient time (five years) to qualify for naturalization application, and 8 percent had not been present for sufficient time.

Intergroup Relations Argentinean immigrants are settled in metropolitan areas such as New York, Miami, and Los Angeles, which have high levels of Latino presence. There is a lack of research on the degree to which they are politically integrated with Latino political organizations.

Forging a New American Political Identity: Civic and Electoral Participation United States voter turnout has averaged 60 percent for national elections (JonesCorrea 2007). Argentine ancestry voters have a higher rate. According to JonesCorrea (2007), the Current Population Survey (1996/2000) indicated 73.1 percent of Argentineans had voted in the previous November national election. Approximately 74 percent of U.S. born citizens and 76 percent of naturalized Argentine origin citizens voted. Further research should examine how the Argentine ethnic group, members of the population designated „Other Latinos,‰ integrate into the electoral system as potential members of a Latino voting block. Once naturalized, Argentinean Americans vote at a higher rate than many other Latino groups with new immigrant members. Michael Jones-Correa (2007) considers that the emergence of Argentine and other Latinos will end the political hegemony of Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban Americans, and introduce new political concerns and ways of thought. These groups may coalesce or fragment Latino voting patterns unless coalition-building is prioritized.

64 | Argentinean Immigrants

Second and Later Generations Acculturation and Assimilation South Americans in the United States tend to be primarily first generation (JonesCorrea 2007). The Current Population Survey (November 1996/2000) indicated that 56.5 percent of Argentineans sampled were first generation (Jones-Correa 2007, 28). Argentineans may have a larger second generation developing than other South American immigrant groups such as Bolivians, Chileans, and Uruguayans, where the first generation outnumbers the second generation by two to one. Both parents were born in Argentina for 11 percent of second-generation immigrants, and 32.5 percent had only one U.S. born parent.

Ethnic Identity and Cultural Identification Argentineans are placed into the category „Other Latinos,‰ which includes Caribbean (Dominican Republic) and South Americans (Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Columbia, Ecuador, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela, among others). Historically, Mexican Americans, Puerto Ricans, and Cuban Americans have been the dominant Latino ethnicities. Argentineans, among other South Americans, will come to modify the content of what the census calls „Hispanic/Latino origin‰ ethnicity (Marrow 2007b). For instance, although Argentina is perceived to be a Spanish-speaking nation of Spanish culture, a major portion of its immigrants were from Italy and identify as of Italian European descent. Upon arrival in the United States, all immigrants from Spanish-speaking Latin America become classified by the supranational term „Latinos,‰ but this is not the way that many South Americans of varying nationalities think about their ethnicity (Marrow 2007b). Rumbaut (1996) states: The terms Hispanic and Latino . . . are recent . . . neologisms . . . that seek to lump together millions of U.S. residents, immigrants or not, who trace their ancestry to the Spanish-speaking societies of „Latin‰ America (a term itself in many ways a misnomer, promoted by the French in their period of imperial control over Mexico in the 19th century). The vast region thus labeled encompasses extremely diverse peoples from many countries whose histories are obliterated when they are forced into a one size fits all pan-ethnic category; and the vast majority of people labeled Hispanic or Latino in the United States do not, in fact, identify themselves by either of these intergenerational terms. TodayÊs polemics about the „politically correct‰ usage of „Latino‰ or „Hispanic‰ ignore the most fundamental point that such labels are historically and empirically incorrect. (1) Helen B. Marrow (2007b) points out that the U.S. Office of Management and the Budget originally categorized Hispanics as any person of Mexican, Puerto Rican,

Second and Later Generations | 65

Cuban, Central or South American, or other Spanish culture or origin regardless of race. Marrow argues that a coalition of Mexican American and Puerto Rican leaders used this term to racialize (racially classify) a Spanish origin or culture political minority group in order to legally claim racial discrimination similar to that of African Americans in the civil rights movement. Furthermore, she points out that Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans constituted native U.S. minority groups (Puerto Rico and a portion of Mexico had become U.S. territory in the 19th century), and immigration from Latin America was at a very low level. Marrow points out that the category Hispanic has American origin and is not based on the self-identification of new Latino immigrant groups. This term was meant to identify racial discrimination on the basis of physical appearance against Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans in the United States. Its use has now spread to designate individuals from Spanish-speaking countries with complex multicultural and multiracial immigration histories. Argentineans are predominately of Spanish and Italian origin. „Hispanic‰ originally refers to the Latin term „Hispania‰ associated with the Iberian Peninsula (Spain and Portugal) (Rodriguez 2000). The portion of the Argentine population of Italian descent is excluded by the U.S. Census term. In the 1990 U.S. Census, 82.3 percent of Argentinean descent individuals identified themselves as „Other Hispanic-Hispanic‰ and 0.2 percent as „Other Hispanic-Non-Hispanic.‰ Approximately 16 percent said they were not Hispanic (Marrow 2007b). Although Argentinean immigrants and their descendents are classified as „Hispanic,‰ they do not necessarily see themselves as such. An individual originating from Argentina may be of European, Amerindian, Asian, Middle Eastern, or mixed descent. Marrow (2007b) believes „there is no real or definitive boundary separating Hispanic from non-Hispanic immigrants‰ (45). In 1997, the Office of Management and the Budget officially incorporated „Latino‰ into the definition of „Hispanic origin ethnicity.‰ In the 2000 Census, a Hispanic/Latino was any person of Mexican, Puerto Rican, Cuban, Central and South American and other Spanish culture or origin, regardless of race. Helen B. Marrow (2007b) considers that an artificial boundary between Hispanics/Latinos and non-Hispanics/Latinos was further solidified. Argentineans may also find it problematic to identify as „Latino‰ (Rodriguez 2000) as indigenous Amerindian groups and other European descent groups are left out. The ethnic diversity of Argentina makes it difficult to classify its internal population, let alone Argentinean Americans. United States racial history has been based on an either-or binary distinction between black and white. The U.S. Census allowed „Hispanic/Latino‰ respondents to self racially classify choosing from the following categories: white, black, Native American, Asian/Pacific islander, or „other‰ race categories in 1990. In 2000, individuals could chose more than one of these categories on the long census form

66 | Argentinean Immigrants

to indicate multiracial origins. In 1990, 87.7 percent of Argentineans classified themselves as white, 0.4 percent as black/Negro, 0.6 percent as Asian/Pacific Islander and 11.2 percent as „other race‰ (Marrow 2007b, 47). The preponderance of identification as white is associated with the history or predominately European immigration to Argentina and other countries in the Southern Cone. U.S. government officials have developed a pattern of classifying immigrants on the basis of their culture of origin with hyphenated identities such as Hispanic/Latino American and Argentine American. This assumes that nations of origin have an original, distinct, and unified national culture. The reality of globalization and international migration is that many national cultures have become hybridized and have diverse sources. In the case of Argentina, Spanish and indigenous culture was augmented by Italian and other European cultures as well as new Asian and Middle Eastern immigration and variants introduced from other Southern Cone neighbors (Paraguay, Uruguay, etc.). An Argentine individual can identify as Argentine but not necessarily as Hispanic or Latino with some justification because of that countryÊs own immigrant heritage. The complexity introduced by centuries of international migration calls into question the attempt to create general pan-ethnic categories for Argentinean Americans and other groups. Reverting to just identification on the basis of national origin, however, clouds understanding of culturally hybrid ethnic origins.

Elba and Jorge Lopez, Argentineans living in Queens, dance down Fifth Avenue in New York during the Hispanic Day Parade on October 12, 2003. (AP Photo/Gregory Bull)

Issues in Relations between the United States and Argentina

| 67

The U.S. practice of ethno-racial classification may actually push Argentinean immigrants toward a Latino/Hispanic classification on the basis of being Spanish speaking or simply from a Spanish-speaking country (Marrow 2007b). Marrow suggests that if Argentineans and other new Latino groups „want to resist incorporation as Latinos/Hispanics, they may have to work harder at it‰ (2007b, 64). At present, it is difficult to predict what Argentine origins will mean in terms of panethnic Latino or Hispanic identity in the future. The second and later generations will play a decisive role in deciding the future of ethno-racial Argentine identity.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Argentina Forecasts for the 21st Century During periods of growth in the world economy, globalization and the revolution in information and communication technology has increased migration of skilled labor. Developed countries like the United States have made it easier for professionals to gain temporary visas and permanent residency. Excess demand for skilled labor is being met by immigration from developing countries, depriving them of skilled labor input for their own development (Pellegrino 2002). In Argentina, the brain drain is a source of concern and debate. The developed countries have been criticized by the International Organization for Migration for not being more concerned about skilled labor needs of developing countries. Other than the United States, destinations for Argentine professionals to emigrate to include Europe, Australia, and Canada. Argentina has lost individuals in the areas of scientific research, art, and literature to emigration. As a developing country, Argentina is not in a position to challenge the United States regarding brain drain. It is understood that periods of political repression and economic turmoil fostered skilled labor emigration (Pelligrino 2002), and Argentina has tried to bring scientists and luminaries back during periods of democratization. One positive aspect of having Argentine professional émigrés in countries like the United States is that information and communication technology permits them to communicate and share their knowledge with Argentineans and integrate them into the world scientific community. Professionals employed by multinational corporations are becoming transnational connectors between developed and developing countries (Pelligrino 2002). It has been suggested that scientific cooperation programs linking countries would further this goal.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Table 8 United States (1953–2008): Immigrants admitted by country or region of birth and historical period of arrival Years 1953–1973

Country of birth

Place of birth

Total

Argentina

61,430

Chile

Average

Total

1983–1990

Average

Total

1991–2008

Average

33,329

2,381

Totala

68

2,925

23,584

2,620

21,688

3,098

64,706

4,622

171,408

18,956

903

18,612

2,068

19,554

2,793

33,329

2,381

90,451

5,885

280

7,845

872

6,518

931

13,444

960

33,692

Other South America

267,938

12,759

245,298

27,255

337,749

48,250

1,145,053

81,790

1,996,038

South America

354,209

16,867

295,339

32,815

385,510

55,073

1,256,532

89,752

2,291,590

2,473,949

117,807

1,576,184

175,132

2,764,286

394,898

6,813,891

486,707

13,628,310

72,700

3,462

100,707

11,190

162,205

23,172

1,015,397

72,528

1,351,009

917,594

43,695

1,862,755

206,973

2,240,078

320,011

5,748,315

410,594

10,768,742

2,666,674

126,984

657,468

73,052

568,375

81,196

2,470,115

176,437

6,362,632

35,750

1,702

35,892

3,988

33,400

4,771

95,295

6,807

200,337

269

13

24

3

192

27

23,818

1,701

24,303

6,521,145

310,531

4,528,369

503,152

6,154,045

879,149

17,423,363

1,244,526

34,626,922

Uruguay

b

North America Region of birth

1974–1982

Africa Asia Europe Oceania Unknown Total

Source: U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, Annual Yearbook, Table 14 (1962–1978), Table 13 (1979–1981), Table IMM 1.3 (1982–1984), Table 3 (1997–2004). a Total does not imply that the mentioned number of immigrants are today residing in the United States. b From North America included Canada, Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean.

Appendix II: Demographic/Census Statistics

Table 9 Argentineans obtaining legal permanent residence: Fiscal years 1930 to 2009 Decade

Number

1930 to 1939

1,067

1940 to 1949

3,108

1950 to 1959

16,346

1960 to 1969

49,384

1970 to 1979

30,303

1980 to 1989

23,442

1990 to 1999

30,065

2000 to 2009

47,955

Source: Adapted from DHS Office of Immigration Statistics, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008, Table 2, pp. 6–11; and U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics, 2010, Table 3.

Table 10 Inflow of Argentine permanent immigrants to the United States, 1999 to 2008 Year

Inflow

1999

1,393

2000

2,331

2001

3,328

2002

3,685

2003

3,157

2004

4,805

2005

6,945

2006

7,239

2007

5,375

2008

5,170

Source: DHS Office of Immigration Statistics, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008, Table 3, pp. 12–15.

69

Table 11 Argentineans obtaining general admission by broad class of admission: Fiscal year 2009 Region and country of birth Total Argentina

Total

Refugees Employment- Immediate Familyand asylum relatives of based sponsored seekers Other preferences preferences U.S. citizens Diversity

1,130,818

211,859

144,034

535,554

47,879

177,368

14,124

5,780

160

1,635

3,413

52

498

22

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics, 2009, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, Table 10.

Table 12 Argentine nonimmigrant admissions: Fiscal years 1999–2008

Year

Number of Argentine Nonimmigrant Admissions

1999

539,304

2000

546,796

2001

541,493

2002

252,233

2003

241,352

2004

242,103

2005

256,680

2006

275,778

2007

337,511

2008

383,803

Source: Office of Immigration Statistics, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008, Table 26, pp. 67–70.

Table 13 Argentinean nonimmigrant admissions: Fiscal year 2008 Category

Number

Tourists and business travelers

338,510

Students and exchange visitors

10,140

Temporary workers and families

22,684

Diplomats/other representatives

5,739

Unknown

3,107

Source: Office of Immigration Statistics, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008, Table 28, pp. 76–79.

70

Table 14 Nonimmigrant temporary worker admissions: Fiscal year 2008 Category

Number

Total temporary workers and families Workers in specialty occupations (H1B) Seasonal agricultural workers (H2A) Seasonal nonagricultural workers (H2A)

22,684 6,583 19 541

Workers with extraordinary ability/achievement

1,078

Athletes, artists, and entertainers (P1 to P3)

1,451

Intra-company transferees (L1)

5,427

Treaty traders and investors (E1 to E3)

1,558

Other

6,027

Source: Office of Immigration Statistics, Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, 2008, Table 32, pp. 84–87.

Table 15 Occupational status of Argentineans in the United States, 2000 Category

Percent

Managerial and professional

39.77

Sales and office

24.68

Services

14.84

Production,transport, and material moving

10.96

Construction, extraction, and maintenance

9.24

Farming, forestry, and fishing

0.51

Source: 2000 PUMS Microdata sample reported in Bonilla-Silva and Dietrich (2008, 159).

71

Table 16 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009. Leading states of residence region/country: Argentina Characteristic

Total

Male

Female

Leading states of residence 42

18

24

California

Arizona

713

380

333

Colorado

47

22

25

Connecticut Florida Georgia

92

46

46

2,392

1,240

1,152

88

49

39

Illinois

82

39

43

Maryland

81

43

38

Massachusetts

87

47

40

Michigan

44

27

17

Nevada

70

28

42

New Jersey

325

160

165

New York

513

265

248

North Carolina

54

26

28

Ohio

55

29

26

Pennsylvania

71

31

40

Texas

295

149

146

Virginia

128

54

74

67

32

35

534

264

270

Washington Other

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

Appendix III: Notable Argentine Americans | 73

Appendix III: Notable Argentine Americans Mario Davidovsky is an Argentine American composer who emigrated to the United States in 1960. He is a pioneer of electro-acoustic music and his compositions, called Synchronisms, incorporate both acoustic instruments and electroacoustic sounds played from a tape in live performance. Among his many awards, in 1971, Synchronisms #6 won the Pulitzer Prize. Currently, he writes non-electronic compositions. Enrique A. J. Marcatili is an Argentinean-born physicist who was a pioneer in optical fiber research. In 1975 he became a member of the National Academy of Engineering. Along with Stewart E. Miller, he won IEEEÊs Baker Prize in 1975. Carlos Alberto Pelligrino, M.D., F.A.C., is an Argentinean-born immigrant who received a medical degree in 1971 and surgical training at the University of Rosario. Because of dissatisfaction with ArgentinaÊs military government, he migrated to the United States in 1975 at the conclusion of his education. He is a former president of the American Surgical Association and the Henry N. Harkins Professor and Chair of Surgery at the University of Washington. Pelligrino is a regent of the American College of Surgeons and a director of the American Board of Surgery. Lalo Schifrin is an Argentinean-born composer, arranger, pianist, and conductor who is best known for the theme for Mission: Impossible. He has written the scores for films such as The Cincinnati Kid, Bullitt, Cool Hand Luke, Dirty Harry, and Enter the Dragon. He has recorded orchestral jazz albums and is active in composing classical music. Pablo Vila is a sociologist at the University of Texas San Antonio who has published 29 works in 41 publications and in four languages. He is best known for his books Crossing Borders, Reinforcing Borders: Social Categories, Metaphors, and Narrative Identities on the U.S.-Mexico Frontier and Border Identifications: Narratives of Religion, Gender, and Class on the U.S.-Mexico Border. Anahi Viladrich is a sociologist whose research and writing has focused on cultural influences on gender roles, reproductive health, and immigration and health in her homeland, Argentina, and the United States. After receiving training in sociology in Argentina, she came to the United States in 1994, where she received a MA from the New School for Social Research and an MPhil and PhD in sociomedical sciences at Columbia University. She has been an assistant professor at the School for Health Sciences, Hunter College of the City University of New York, where she directed the Immigration and Health Initiative. For her research, she received the Marisa de Castro Benton Prize, and her dissertation was awarded distinction by Columbia University

74 | Argentinean Immigrants

in 2003. She examined how Argentine immigrants use social networks to access health care despite barriers.

Glossary Amerindian: Ethnic designation for a person of indigenous descent in South America. Asado: Barbecue. Chorizo: Pork sausage. Criollo: Person of Spanish descent born in the New World during the time of Spanish colonization. Dulce de Leche: Caramel milk spread. Empanadas: Meat turnovers. Gelato: Italian ice cream. Jamón Serrano: Salted pork ham. Locro: Corn, meat, chorizo, pumpkin, and sweet potato dish. Mazamora: Corn dish. Mestizo: A person of mixed Spanish and Amerindian descent. Pampas: A world-renowned area in Argentina known for grazing, grain, and beef production. Parrillarda: Mixed barbecue. Quinceanara: A girlÊs coming-of-age celebration held at her 15th birthday. Southern Cone: A term designating countries located in the southernmost region of South America (i.e., Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay).

References Anderson, Martin. 1993. Dossier Secreto. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Bonilla-Silva, Eduardo, and David R. Dietrich. 2008. „The Latin Americanization of Racial Stratification in the U.S.‰ In Racism in the 21st Century, edited by R. E. Hall, 151 70. New York: Springer Science and Business Media. Canales, Alejandro I. 2007. „Inclusion and Segregation: The Incorporation of Latin American Immigrants into the U.S. Labor Market,‰ translated by Carlos Perez. Latin American Perspectives 34(1): 73 82. Central Intelligence Agency. 2010. Argentina: World Factbook. Washington, D.C.: Central Intelligence Agency. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ar.html. DHS Office of Immigration Statistics. 2008. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Washington, D.C.: Department of Homeland Security.

References | 75 Ferradás, Carmen Alicia. 2001. „Argentina.‰ In Countries and Their Cultures, vol. 1, edited by Carol R. Ember and Melvin Ember, 77 92. New York: Macmillan Reference. Floria, Carlos A., and César A. García Belsunce. 1971. Historia de los Argentinos I and II. Buenos Aires: Kapeluz. Greico, Elizabeth M. 2010. Race and Hispanic Origin of the Foreign-Born Population: 2007. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Census Bureau. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http:// www.census.gov/prod/2010pubs/acs-11.pdf. INDEC. 2004. Tendencias Receintes de la Immigracion Internacional. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://www.indec.gov.ar/webcenso/aquisecuenta/Aqui12.pdf. Jachimowitz, Maia. 2006. Argentina: A New Era of Migration and Migration Policy. Washington, D.C.: Migration Policy Institute. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://www. migrationinformation.org/Profiles/display.cfm?ID=374. Jones-Correa, Michael. 2007. „Swimming in the Latino Sea: The Other Latinos and Politics.‰ In The Other Latinos: Central and South Americans in the United States, edited by Jose Luis Falconi and Jose Antonio Mazzotti, 21 38. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Lattes, A. E., J. Santibanez, and M. A. Castillo, eds. 1998. Migracion y Fronteras. Tijuana: El Colegio de La Frontera Norte, Asociacion Latinoamerica de Sociologia, El Colegio de Mexico. Lewis, Paul. 1990. The Crisis of Argentine Capitalism. Durham: University of North Carolina Press. Lowell, B. Lindsay, and Robert Suro. 2002. The Improving Educational Profile of Latino Immigrants. Washington, D.C.: PEW Hispanic Center. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://pewhispanic.org/files/reports/14.pdf. Marrow, Helen B. 2007a. „South America: Ecuador, Peru, Brazil, Argentina, Venezuela.‰ In The New Americans: A Guide to Immigration Since 1965, edited by Mary C. Waters and Reed Ueda, 593 611. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Marrow, Helen B. 2007b. „Who are the Other Latinos and Why.‰ In The Other Latinos: Central and South Americans in the United States, edited by Jose Luis Falconi and Jose Antonio Mazzotti, 39 77. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Marshall, Adriana. 1988. „Emigration of Argentines to the United States.‰ In When Borders Don’t Divide: Labor Migration and Refugee Movements in the Americas, edited by Patricia R. Pessar, 129 31. New York: Center for Migration Studies. Massey, Douglas S., Joaquin Arango, Graeme Hugo, Ali Kouaouci, Adela Pellegrino, and J. Edward Taylor. 1998. World in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium. Oxford, UK: Clarendon. Mohmen, Menaaz. 2009. „Naturalization and Immigrant Loyalty.‰ In Battleground Immigration, vol. 2, edited by Judith Ann Warner, 574 81. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. National Science Board. 2000. Science and Engineering Indicators. Washington, D.C.: National Science Board. Palermo, Alicia Itatí. „Argentina.‰ In International Encyclopedia of Marriage and Family, 2nd ed., vol. 1, edited by James J. Ponzetti, 78 82. New York: Macmillan Reference.

76 | Argentinean Immigrants Parrado, Emilio A., and Marcela Cerrutti. 2003. „Labor Migration Between Developing Countries: The Case of Paraguay and Argentina.‰ International Migration Review 37(1): 101 32. Pellegrino, Adela. 2002. Skilled Labor Migration from Developing Countries: Study on Argentina and Uruguay. International Labor Program. Geneva: International Labor Office. [Online article retrieved 06/2010.] http://www.ilo.int/public/english/protection/ migrant/download/imp/imp58e.pdf. Reimers, David M. 2005. Other Immigrants: The Global Origins of the American People. New York: New York University Press. Rodriguez, Julio. 2000. „Argentinean Americans.‰ In Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, 2nd ed., vol. 1, edited by Jeffrey Lehman, 123 32. Detroit: Gale. Skidmore, Thomas, Peter Smith, and James Green. 2009. Modern Latin America, 7th ed. New York: Oxford University Press. Tremblay, Karine. 2005. „Academic Mobility and Immigration.‰ Journal of Studies in International Education 9(3): 196 228. Warner, Judith Ann. 2009. „Legal Immigration System.‰ In Battleground Immigration, vol. 1, edited by Judith Ann Warner, 469 82. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Williamson, Jeffrey G., and Timothy J. Hatton. 2005. Global Migration and the World Economy: Two Centuries of Policy and Performance. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. World Health Organization. 2010. „Argentina.‰ [Online article; retrieved 06/2010.] http:// www.who.int/countries/arg/en/.

Further Reading Baily, Samuel L. 1999. Immigrants in the Land of Promise: Italians in Buenos Aires and New York City, 1870–1914. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. This comparative study analyzes the role of social and institutional capital facilitating integration of Italians into American and Argentine society during the second stream of world immigration. In Argentina, mutual aid societies and banks facilitated immigrant adaptation; and in New York, Italian immigrants made use of the Catholic Church and political parties. New York Italians were originally sojourners and sent money to Italy while Argentine Italians intended to stay and accumulated resources more rapidly. In comparison to New York City, Buenos Aires was actually the most promising immigrant destination with both a skilled and semi-skilled labor market. Foster, David William, Melissa Fitch Lockhart, and Darrell B. Lockhart. 1998. Culture and Customs of Argentina. Westport, CT: Greenwood. This work synthesizes published secondary sources in English and Spanish on Argentine social customs, religion, broadcasting and print media, cinema, literature, art, and the performing arts. It examines Spanish, Italian, Jewish, and Amerindian influences. Hines, Barbara. 2010. „The Right to Migrate as a Human Right: The Current Argentine Immigration Law.‰ [Online article retrieved 06/2010.] http://works.bepress.com/ barbara_hines/1.

Further Reading | 77 Argentine Law 25.871, enacted in January 2004 establishes that migration is a human right, a principle not expressed in U.S. or other developed nationÊs immigration law or explicitly stated in human rights conventions. The law serves as an example of how to implement immigration reform recognizing immigrant rights. Moya, Jose C. 1998. Cousins and Strangers: Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires, 1850– 1930. Berkeley: University of California Press. This research monograph examines how formation of micro-migrant networks that circulated information in Spain and between Spain and Argentina facilitated immigration. In Argentina, mutual aid societies and banks also facilitated Spanish immigrantÊs assimilation. Immigrants faced anti-Spanish feeling in the post-revolutionary period and evolved into a people perceived as strangers. They were eventually embraced as cousins along with the countryÊs Spanish heritage. Pellegrino, Adela. 2000. Skilled Labor Migration From Developing Countries: Study On Argentina and Uruguay. International Labor Program. Geneva: International Labor Office. [Online article retrieved 06/2010.] http://www.ilo.int/public/english/protection/ migrant/download/imp/imp58e.pdf. This study of emigration from Argentina and Uruguay examines linkages between developed and developing countries. Rodriguez, Julio. 2000. „Argentinean Americans.‰ In Gale Encyclopedia of Multicultural America, 2nd ed., vol. 1, edited by Jeffrey Lehman. Detroit: Gale. [Online article retrieved 06/2010.] http://www.everyculture.com/multi/A-Br/Argentinean-Americans.html. This is a concise description of Argentine culture and immigration to the United States through the 1990 census. Savigliano, Marta. 1995. Tango and the Political Economy of Passion. Boulder, CO: Westview. The tango is ArgentinaÊs most famous cultural export. Marta Savigliano has written a post-structuralist examination of tango as a commercialized form of popular culture subject to the „colonizing gaze.‰ The dance; its styles; and the racial, social, and national origins of its participants are examined. Savigliano argues that tango became popular internationally because of its passion and exoticism. She states that „tango as a musical and danceable commodity, has been produced, distributed and consumed within a capitalist market economy hegemonized by [imperialist] powers‰ (204). The book contains illustrations of tango steps and clothing at various times in various countries and feminist and deconstructivist interpretations of lyrics.

This page intentionally left blank

Bahamian Immigrants by Kathryn Beard

Introduction As one of the United StatesÊ nearest neighbors in the Caribbean basin, the Bahamas and the United States have historically remained closely linked societies. The archipelagic nature of the Bahamas has contributed to its very unique development between two distinctively different societies, the cosmopolitan urban centers and the less populated and isolated outlying islands, where the inhabitants are known for their self-sufficiency and independence.

Chronology 1492

Columbus arrives in the New World at San Salvador Island in the Bahamas.

1525

Native Lucayan population largely exterminated.

1648

The Eleutherian Adventurers migrate from Bermuda.

1670

King Charles II grants the islands to the Lords Proprietors of the Carolinas. Piracy becomes a common feature in the Bahamas.

1718

The Bahamas becomes a British Crown Colony.

1776–1783

American naval forces target Bahamian islands and occupy the islandsÊ capital, Nassau.

1784

Loyalists fleeing the United States begin to immigrate to the Bahamas.

1807

Liberated Africans settle in the Bahamas with British abolition of the slave trade.

1834

Emancipation of slaves in British Caribbean.

1840s–1900

Bahamians begin migrating to Key West.

1860–1865

Nassau prospers from transshipment of goods resulting from Union blockade of the Confederate States during the American Civil War. 79

Background | 81

1880s

Beginnings of tourist industry in the colony.

1900–1920

Large-scale Bahamian migration to Miami.

1912

Nassau Bahamas Association forms in Harlem.

1919–1933

Volstead Act results in prosperity in Bahamas, which profits from rum running.

1942–1945

United States uses the Bahamas as strategic base of operations during World War II.

1943–1963

Contract labor of Bahamian laborers to United States.

1953

Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) forms.

1958

United Bahamian Party (UBP) forms.

1964

Internal self-government under UBP leader Roland Symonette.

1967

Election of PLP leader Lynden Pindling as first black premier (prime minister in 1968) ends white minority rule.

1973

Full independence and membership in the Commonwealth of Nations.

1970s–1980s

Drug trafficking in the Bahamas becomes problematic.

2002

Nassau Bahamas Association reorganizes as Bahamian American Association Incorporated (BAAI).

2008

U.S. geological survey renews American interest in Bahamian offshore oil reserves.

Background Geography The 33 islands and over 650 cays, or low-lying sand or coral reefs, comprising the Commonwealth of the Bahamas are located in the western Atlantic Ocean. The archipelago lies to the southeast of the United States and to the northeast of Cuba and the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The Bahamian chain of islands includes the Turks and Caicos Islands, located to the west of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas. As British Crown colonies, the Turks and Caicos Islands are politically distinct from the Bahamian commonwealth (Craton and Saunders 1999). The archipelago of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas extends more than 100,000 square miles. It has a combined landmass of less than 5,400 square miles. Great Inagua, the second largest island of the Bahamas, lies furthest to the southeast in the chain, while the three islands known as Bimini are located approximately

82 | Bahamian Immigrants

50 miles east of Miami, Florida, which makes it nearest to the United States. Andros Island is the largest island of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas, although Grand Bahama is referred to as the „Big Island‰ and is the location of Freeport, the second largest city of the Bahamas. The capital of the Bahamas and its largest city, Nassau, is located on the island of New Providence. Other islands comprising the Commonwealth of the Bahamas include Abaco, located to the east of Grand Bahama, as well as Eleuthera, Mayaguana, San Salvador Island, Cat Island, Acklins, Crooked Island, Long Island, the Berry Islands, Harbour Island, and Exuma. These islands are known collectively as the „Out Islands.‰ The islands of the Bahamas are generally low and flat, with the highest point of elevation found at Mount Alvernia on Cat Island at just over 200 feet above sea level. In addition, virtually no fresh water sources are found on the islands; with the exception of Andros Island and a small spring on Mayaguana, there are no rivers or streams in the Bahamian archipelago. The climate of the Bahamas is semitropical, and the waters of the Gulf Stream have a significant effect. The Gulf Stream creates mild winters with temperatures ranging from 59■ to 75■ F. Summers are generally are generally humid, with temperatures ranging between 70■ and 93■ F. An annual rainfall of approximately 52 inches is common. There are two seasons (from May to June and from September to October) when there are brief, but frequent rainstorms. The Gulf Stream also produces hurricanes throughout the Bahamian archipelago between the months of June and November, with most hurricanes occurring between July and October.

History of the Bahamas Arawak Settlement to the Abolition of Slavery Arawak Amerindians first inhabited the islands of the Bahamas and are known as Lucayans. Archaeologists and anthropologists believe that between 700 and 1000 C.E. an Antillean Arawak population migrated to the Bahamas to procure salt that was (and remains) plentiful throughout the archipelago. A second wave of Antillean immigrants brought Taino culture to the islands by 1000 C.E. and remained in existence until the Colombian period of the late 15th century. On October 12, 1492, Christopher Columbus arrived on the island known to the Arawaks as Guanahani, which he named San Salvador. In the 1500s and 1600s early settlers and those obtaining goods such as sarsaparilla, sassafras, and ambergris included Spaniards and English. In scattered rural households, the patriarchs of these families presided over extended households, which included servants and slaves. In contrast to the elite, an underclass developed due to Bermudians regard for the Bahamas as a location to discard undesirable members of their colony. In addition to whites that polite society had judged as unwelcome, nonwhites including

Background | 83

rebellious slaves were included in the discards from Bermuda. Free blacks and coloreds comprised the largest number of all the underclass imported from Bermuda among these nonwhite arrivals and both groups were deemed valuable to Bahamians (Craton and Saunders 1999). The relevant characteristics of life in the Bahamas for these early settlers had been established by the last quarter of the 17th century. Because soils were generally poor, a maritime economy emerged, including the collection of ambergris, the hunting of turtles, and salt raking. Not until the 1800s did agriculture in the Bahamas progress pass the point of mere subsistence. Settlers lived with material scarcity and poverty was common (Miller 1945). Piracy was an issue in the 1700s. The growth of piracy was related to the loss of opportunities for quasi-legitimate privateers and concurrently a huge reduction in the manpower of the Royal Navy at the end of the war. Of the estimated five thousand men whose livelihoods came from piracy during its zenith, up to one thousand made their base in the Bahamas and over 20 captains of pirate ships were known to operate out of the colony between 1714 and 1722. By the end of the first quarter of the 18th century, Bahamian piracy was on the wane, as the Hanoverian kings and their prime minister brought the colony more firmly into the British Empire. In July 1718, the crown appointed the first royal governor, Woodes Rogers, with orders to institute a well-organized system of government, put an end to piracy, and improve the economic conditions in the colony. In spite of the growing number of enslaved black laborers in the colony, the Bahamian economy remained insubstantial. Significantly, for much of the 1720s, colonial officials calculated the total value of imports from England at less than £2,500. The import/export trade was inadequate, and ships that departed from Nassau went little further than Jamaica, where salt and timber were exchanged for rum and sugar. Some Bahamian ships ventured north to South Carolina to trade turtle meat and fruits for more varied rations, indicating a dearth of even the most basic provisions in the colony. What few luxury items and most of the basic supplies imported in the colonies came from England via the American colonies or Bermuda, and the ships seen most often in NassauÊs harbor had sailed from New England, New York, or Rhode Island. After the Revolutionary War in the United States, a flood of Loyalists, their slaves, and free blacks tripled the population of the colony. These newcomers increased the settlement of the Out Islands, where their slaves cleared undeveloped lands and firmly established a black majority in the colony. American slaves freed by their service to the British cause augmented those blacks who arrived with the white Loyalist refugees, who quickly attempted to return them to slavery. During his rule as the Loyalist governor of Virginia, John Murray, or Lord Dunmore decreed freedom for slaves in that colony in return for military service. When he became governor of the Bahamas in 1787, he established a court to hear the freedmenÊs

84 | Bahamian Immigrants

Continental sailors and Marines land on New Providence Island in the Bahamas on March 3, 1776. There they seized Fort Montagu and took away military supplies. (Naval Historical Society)

claims; however, in opposition to his previous policies, he frequently ruled against the slaves who had been emancipated by his decree. By the end of the decade, the blacks population, which included those who owed their nominal freedom to DunmoreÊs proclamation, comprised the majority of the residents of Nassau. Planters used much of the Crown lands they purchased for the production of Sea Island cotton, first cultivated by the Arawaks. Salt production supplemented cotton production for several planters and guarded against periods of economic downturn when profits from cotton faced competition in the market or when depleted soils decreased yield (Craton and Saunders 1999). The abolition of the slave trade in 1807 had little impact in the Bahamas because very few slaves there were imported directly from Africa; however, some six thousand liberated Africans, captives freed from illegally operated Spanish and Portuguese slave ships, did end up in the colony between 1811 and 1860. As in all of the British West Indian colonies, an imperial act emancipated slaves in the Bahamas on August 1, 1834, with a transitional four-year apprenticeship, which quickly proved unfeasible and the Colonial Office ended in 1836 (Johnson 1988).

Background | 85

Post-Emancipation Period The education of Bahamians, black and white, left much room for improvement and illustrated class, racial, and gender biases throughout the remainder of the 19th century and through much of the 20th century as well. In 1835, the Board of Education was created to provide a rudimentary education to the children of the former slaves. Until 1869, the Anglican Church assumed the duties of educating Bahamian youth; and as other denominations established church schools, better educational opportunities emerged for black and colored children. Nevertheless, the Board of Education remained a low priority in the allocation of public funds, and those who were wealthy enough to afford it sent their children abroad for education. Economically, the post-emancipation Bahamas differed from the sugar colonies of the British West Indies in that the plantation economy based on cotton production had failed prior to the end of slavery. In place of a plantocracy, a landowning merchant class assumed political and economic control of the colony until well into the 20th century. Very few opportunities for wage labor existed in the post-emancipation period. Well into the 20th century, residents of Nassau and the Out Islands depended on boatbuilding to provide their livelihoods. People of all races engaged in the construction of boats in the colony.

The Era between 1900 and World War II Between the turn of the century and World War I, Bahamians continued to become more interconnected with and influenced by the economies and sociopolitical events of the United States and other regions of the British Empire. World War II introduced the Bahamian black majority to ideas of the political rights of the masses, the rejection of colonialism, and the Pan-African interests found throughout an increasingly decrepit British empire. However, the effects of these ideas had less impact in the Bahamas, mitigated by another period of economic development related to the growth of tourism and the emergence of the international banking system in the colony. The lack of educational opportunities for the majority of Bahamians prevented the awareness and dissemination of information that would promote demand for sociopolitical change. In addition, the lack of industry in the colony thwarted the development of a radical working class.

The Postwar Era to Bahamian Independence As a result of the introduction of new sociopolitical philosophies and an attempt to garner some of the economic benefits that materialized, Afro-Bahamians formed the Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) in 1953, spearheaded by Henry Taylor as chairman

86 | Bahamian Immigrants

Lynden Pindling served as prime minister of the Bahamas from 1967 to 1992, leading the islands from limited self-government to full independence from Great Britain in 1973. (Embassy of the Commonwealth of the Bahamas)

and Cyril Stevenson as secretary-general. The PLP presented a direct challenge to the United Bahamian Party (UBP), an organization dominated by whites. Because of the location of the headquarters in Nassau, the UBP became known as the „Bay Street Boys.‰ The UBP, under Roland Symonette as first premier, attempted to maintain the political and socioeconomic status quo, although the party did usher in political autonomy within the colony as well as develop a comprehensive social welfare system during the early 1960s. As a result of improved communication technologies, black Bahamians were made aware of the decline of British imperialism and the Black Power movement in the United States. In 1967, black majority rule was brought about under the auspices of the PLP. Both the PLP and UBP behaved with restraint during the change from white oligarchic rule of the UBP to an internal government controlled by the black PLP, with Lynden Pindling as the first black prime minister. The political transformation resulted in revolutionary economic and social changes in Bahamian society. On July 10, 1973, the Bahamas gained political independence from England as a parliamentary democracy and, as a member in the Commonwealth of Nations, a constitutional monarchy (Craton and Saunders 2000).

Causes and Waves of Migration During the 19th century, Bahamians engaged in what would become a traditional pattern of permanent and temporary emigration for economic and sociopolitical

Causes and Waves of Migration | 87

reasons. The period between 1900 and 1920 witnessed the highest incidence of long-term emigration from the Bahamas, as well as a steady labor migration throughout and after World War I and World War II. Migration served to decrease population pressures as well as allowed immigrants the opportunity to earn wages considerably higher than those paid in the Bahamas. Both permanent and short-term migrants could then remit financial assistance to family members who remained in the source country.

Early Immigration: 1820s to 1924 Poor whites known as „Conches‰ or „Conchy Joes‰ first began to emigrate from the Out Islands, especially the island of Abaco, between the 1820s and 1830s. Key West, Florida, became the destination of this first wave of migrants, where they established themselves as salvagers of vessels wrecked in the region and as fishermen. The early post-emancipation era witnessed the increased emigration of poor whites, who felt economic pressure from competition with the former slaves. Many whites felt racially superior to the former slaves, and this prejudice deterred their willingness to view blacks as their equals. The white Bahamians who immigrated to the Florida Keys during this phase appreciated the Southern American racial mores. By 1849, roughly two-thirds of whites from Abaco had immigrated to the United States (Craton and Saunders 2000). The economic growth of Key West during the 1870s and 1880s drew additional Bahamian white emigrants to Florida. Especially in the 1880s,the sponging and cigar industries there drew workers left unemployed as the pineapple industry, most notably in Eleuthera, began to fail. Industries connected to the pineapple industry, such as shipbuilding, also lost workers to emigration. Although the majority of emigrants in this period were whites from the Out Islands, blacks from Nassau began to migrate as well, especially with the emancipation of slaves in the United States in 1865; and by 1885, Bahamian blacks had established a clear pattern of temporary and permanent emigration. For the black emigrants who left the Bahamas during the 19th century, most did so only temporarily as crewmen on steamships or migrant labor to Cuba or other regions of the Caribbean. During the first unsuccessful attempts to construct the Panama Canal, black Bahamian emigrants went to Central America in search of works. Those few blacks who emigrated and settled on a permanent basis tended to emerge out of the colonyÊs nascent black middle class and included such prominent figures as Anglican minister Robert Love, who became a radical voice for black equality in Jamaica and a mentor of Marcus Garvey. Other examples of this first cohort of emigrants included vaudeville performer Bert Williams; as well as the parents of James Weldon Johnson, Helen Louise Dillet and James Johnson, who immigrated to Florida, where Helen Louise became the first black woman employed in the stateÊs public school system.

88 | Bahamian Immigrants

By the 1890s, Bahamians began to emigrate from the island of Bimini to Key West as the wrecking industry went into decline and few other employment opportunities remained. Throughout the final quarter of the 19th century, system employersÊ reliance on the truck system as an alternative to wage payments resulted in increased emigration, especially for laborers employed in the pineapple, sponging, and sisal industries. Economic conditions in the colony proved so dire that little return migration occurred and most emigrants that left did so in family groups. By the early 1890s, some eight thousand Bahamians resided in Key West (Johnson 1986; Craton and Saunders 2000). After the turn of turn of the century, Miami replaced Key West as the destination for the majority of Bahamian immigrants. A substantial number had previously migrated to Key West, and when the cigar industry there began to decline, in a process of step migration, they continued on to southern Florida. Migration to Miami became so common between 1900 and 1924, the practice developed into what Bahamians called the „Miami Craze,‰ which peaked around 1911, when the economy of the colony entered into a bust cycle. So many Bahamians left the colony for Miami that the British consul in Washington, D.C., frequently interceded in local events involving the Floridian immigrants and suggested the appointment of a vice-consul to manage the situation. Many of the unskilled laborers who migrated to Miami during this phase found employment in construction, especially on railroads, and as farm workers. Wages paid in Miami greatly exceeded those paid in the Bahamas, at times with immigrant workers earning three times their island counterparts. Many of the immigrants were actually migrant laborers with no intention of permanently settling in the United States. The practice became so common that on some of the Out Islands, all the men of working age left their communities. Bahamian women migrated to find employment as domestic servants, but generally, unlike the earlier migrants to Key West, initially young men without their families immigrated to Miami. Immigration officials in Miami tended to discourage the migration of unmarried women for fear they actually intended to work as prostitutes rather than in more legitimate forms of employment. Black women interested in migration to Miami were especially suspected. Two black Bahamian immigrant enclaves developed by 1920: Coconut Grove, along the waterfront in the southern part of the city; and Overtown, first known as „Colored Town,‰ located northeast of the cityÊs center. As more Afro-Bahamians immigrated to Florida, they established communities in Fort Lauderdale, West Palm Beach, Daytona Beach, Dania, Fort Pierce, and other towns of the state easily accessible by railroad lines. The immigrants brought their distinctive culture and traditional Afro-Bahamian customs to the region, and they participated in ethnic festivals, such as Junkanoo, Emancipation Day, and Guy Fawkes celebrations, to the enjoyment of local blacks and consternation of resident whites.

Causes and Waves of Migration | 89

George Blakely George Blakely is a professionally trained vocalist born in Nassau, Bahamas. He migrated from Nassau to become a member of a small theater company. After some time in Nassau, he relocated to Los Angeles to receive vocal training with Israeli opera singer, Shoshana Shoshana. He then moved to New York City to further his professional career as an entertainer. Blakely’s performances encompass a variety of musical styles, including jazz, urban contemporary, and blues. He has performed at a number of venues in New York and other locations within the United States, including St. James Presbyterian Church, St. Peter’s Lutheran Church, the Museum of the City of New York, Martin Hall in St. Phillips Church, Franklin Plaza Amphitheatre, 1199 Amphitheatre, Lincoln Center, and Birdland. New York Channel 67’s featured Blakely on the video series “The Best Kept Secret.”

Some of the immigrants continued to the industrialized urban regions in the North, such as New York, and especially Harlem, where West Indian immigrants had long resided. Noted Bahamians in this group included the Adderleys, including the famous jazz musicians Julius „Cannonball‰ Adderley and Nat Adderley. Bahamian immigrant Fred A. Toote, one of Marcus GarveyÊs four „lieutenants‰ and son of noted Bahamian businessman and politician T. W. „Sankey‰ Toote, migrated to Harlem during this period as well. Bahamian immigration to Miami and other regions of the United States decreased sharply after 1917, but continued on a limited scale due to a wartime demand for labor from the colony. By 1920 quota restrictions prevented large numbers of Bahamians from entering the United States, and the Johnson-Reed Act of 1924 barred natives from the Bahamas just as the Volstead Act, the legislation that implemented Prohibition, brought the colony into an economic boom cycle. A healthy economy ameliorated the worst of the conditions that had acted as push factors of Bahamian emigration (Craton and Saunders 2000).

Immigrant Culture/Early Issues of Assimilation and Separatism For the earliest of Bahamian immigrants to America, the white „Conches‰ or „Conchy Joes,‰ assimilation proved relatively effortless, as they shared the views of white superiority and racial segregation of Southern American whites. Their settlements in Key West resembled strongly their hometown Out Island communities of Abaco, Eleuthera, Bimini, and Harbour Island. Known for their fierce independence and close-knit kin networks and communities, poor whites who emigrated

90 | Bahamian Immigrants

from the Bahamas most often moved in family groups. These early immigrants established themselves in a number of occupations, such as fishermen, ship salvagers, pilots on riverboats and sea-going vessels, lumbermen, and the better-paid positions in the construction industry. For all laborers, without distinction to race, the incentive of cash wages in Key West and other areas in Florida, rather than payment in truck, was a decisive factor in emigration from the colony. For black immigrants, assimilation into American society was not nearly as trouble-free. White employers found black Bahamian workers generally congenial and less problematic than American blacks. While the stance of accommodation Afro-Bahamian immigrants took had its origins in the deference expected by whites in the sending society, the virulence and violence of southern white racism could lead to confrontation. Largely because of the rigid system of racial segregation in the American South, Bahamian immigrants were able to replicate their culture without excessive interference from whites. Some exceptions did occur. For example, black immigrants had long celebrated Guy Fawkes Night in Florida until the 1930s, when local whites realized Afro-Bahamians burned an image of Fawkes, a white man, during the festivities and prohibited the practice. Ultimately, some advantages accrued from segregation for black Bahamian immigrants. They established an economic niche as skilled laborers and service providers in communities of native-born and immigrant blacks, and because racism reduced their economic and social opportunities, they tended to develop industrious habits and avoided spending their earnings frivolously, which allowed them to remit money to relatives who remained in the Bahamas. Also, for those immigrants involved in a pattern of step migration, it allowed them to become acculturated to American society before they continued on to more urban industrialized regions of the country. The proximity of the islands to Florida and regularly scheduled transportation aboard steamships allowed frequent travel between the two countries. AfroBahamians who came to the United States as migrant laborers provided a perennial cultural infusion and created extended kin and friendship networks, which linked the immigrants to the sending society and people in the Bahamas to the United States. These networks spread news of loved ones, information that concerned employment opportunities and housing availability, advice about survival in the racially volatile environment, as well as remittances of Yankee dollars and goods. In the post World War I period, the emergence of Garveyism altered the lives of Afro-Bahamians in the Bahamas itself, as well as in immigrant enclaves in Florida and in urban areas in Northern states. Marcus Garvey arrived in the United States from Jamaica in 1916 to introduce and implement a program of Pan-African politics and economics to unite blacks in Africa with those in the African diaspora. In a 10-year span, he created and led an international organization that had no rival, the Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Garvey spoke in Key West

Causes and Waves of Migration | 91

and Miami in 1921, and black Bahamians comprised a significant proportion of the membership of the 12 divisions of the UNIA founded in southern Florida. According to white observers, GarveyÊs influence made blacks in Florida as well as those in the Bahamas less accommodating and more willing to challenge the racial status quo. American anti-immigrant legislation in the 1920s severely curtailed AfroBahamians ability to earn high wages from migrant labor, and the Great Depression adversely affected their capacity to remit money to kin in the islands. Immigrants had little incentive to return to the Bahamas, as in 1936, the Bahamian government fixed the pay rate for unskilled laborers at four shillings for an eight-hour day, wages that allowed only for the barest subsistence. Not until the entry of the United States in the World War II would economic conditions improve for native Bahamians and Bahamian immigrants.

Later Waves of Immigration World War II to 1965 Immigration Act AmericaÊs entry into World War II precipitated another wave of labor migration to the United States. In 1943, the governor, the Duke of Windsor, the abdicated Edward VIII, arranged with the United States government for the employment of roughly 5,000 migrants to work as agricultural laborers. The program served as an extension of the bracero program implemented by the United States government in 1942 to admit workers, mostly from Mexico, on a short-term basis. Bahamians referred to the arrangement as either „the Project‰ or „the Contract,‰ and during the 20 years it existed, it had a far-ranging impact on the lives of Bahamians at home and abroad. By July 1944, over five thousand and seven hundred Bahamians were employed as contract laborers in Florida, but the United States government began to send them to farms in the upper south, upstate New York, and the Midwest. Afro-Bahamian men comprised the majority of the contract workers, but women increasingly joined the ranks, often accompanying their husbands as farm laborers. In 1945, Bahamian officials selected 91 Conchy Joes from the Out Islands for employment in the American dairy industry in the Midwest. The white workers found the climate disagreeable and returned to the Bahamas the next year. Most of the Afro-Bahamian contract laborers viewed their temporary sojourn in the United States as a means to improve their lives upon their return to the islands, and most proved successful in achieving their goals. In the postwar era, Bahamians increasingly immigrated to the United Kingdom and Canada. More Bahamians came to the southern United States for education at historically black colleges. Census records illustrate that between 1953 and 1963, during the final years of the contract labor program, emigration from the island

92 | Bahamian Immigrants

decreased significantly as material conditions of the colony improved and AfroBahamians began to play a larger role politically with the founding of the PLP and the advent of majority rule in 1967. The Bahamas began to receive a greater number of immigrants, but an internal migration from the Out Islands to New Providence/Nassau and Grand Bahama/Freeport-Lucaya tended to replace emigration as an option for the majority of Bahamians. For this reason, the passage of the 1965 Hart-Celler Act in the United States had less impact in the Bahamas than in other regions of the British West Indies. By 1980, slightly less than 9,000 Bahamian immigrants resided in the United States and 5,765 of them had become naturalized U.S. citizens.

1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA) to Present According to the 2000 U.S. Census, 28,075 people born in the Bahamas lived in the United States. Of these Bahamian immigrants residing in the United States, 10,490 had become American citizens. Of the 7,810 Bahamians who immigrated between 1980 and 1989, some 2,985 had become citizens. An additional 11,380 Bahamian immigrants arrived between 1990 and 2000, with 1,740 becoming citizens by 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau 2000).

Demographic Profile Size and Composition of the Community Ethnically, Afro-Bahamians comprised the majority of immigrants who arrived in the United States in the two decades after 1980. Bahamian immigrants of African ancestry totaled 23,225, whereas white Bahamian immigrants totaled 2,245, with a small number of Asians and other races completing the racial demographic. More females immigrated than males, with women comprising 55.5 percent of Bahamian immigrants, and males, 44.5 percent (U.S. Department of Homeland Security 2004).

Age and Family Structure Bahamian immigrants between the ages of 25 to 34 made up the largest cohort at slightly higher than 27 percent. Immigrants between the ages of 35 to 44 comprised the next largest group with 17.3 percent. Immigrants between the ages of 20 and 24 ranked third and comprised 14.4 percent of the Bahamian population in the United States. The smallest cohorts of immigrants by age were the very elderly, over the age of 85 (at 0.7%); the very young, under the age of 5 (at 0.9%); people between the ages of 60 and 64 (at 2.5%); and children between the ages of 5 and

Adjustment and Adaptation | 93

9 (at 3.4%). Bahamians who had never married or were divorced, separated, or widowed included 60.6 percent of the immigrant community, while those married comprised 39.4 percent (U.S. Department of Homeland Security 2004).

Educational Attainment Educationally, 76.9 percent of the immigrants had graduated from high school; 20.2 percent had obtained a bachelorÊs degree; 21.4 percent had attended college but had not completed the requirements to obtain a degree; 51.8 percent were enrolled in college or graduate programs; and 6.4 percent of Bahamian immigrants had obtained a graduate or professional degree.

Economic Attainment In regard to economic attainment, 66.5 percent of Bahamian immigrants between the ages of 21 and 64 years old had some form of gainful employment. The majority of Bahamian immigrants, at 31.5 percent, were employed in management and professional occupations; an additional 30.5 percent had sales and office occupations; 18.9 percent of Bahamian immigrants worked in service industries; 9.7 percent in production, transportation, and material moving occupations; and another 9.0 percent in maintenance, extraction, and construction industries. Less than 0.5 percent of Bahamian immigrants were employed in farming, fishing, and forestry occupations (U.S. Census Bureau 2000). The majority of Bahamian immigrants resided in household earning less than $10,000 in 1999 (17.1%) and 7.2 percent earned $10,000 $14,000. The median household income was $31,044 in 1999.

Health Statistics and Issues In the 21 to 64 years old age group, 21.5 percent of the immigrant population listed some type of medical disability. Of those Bahamian immigrants with disabilities, 62.5 percent were employed.

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals The contract labor system established a pattern of female-headed households in the Bahamas, at least temporarily while Bahamian men worked stateside. The inclination of Bahamian women to behave in a very independent manner developed as a result of the long- and short-term absence of men involved in contract labor

94 | Bahamian Immigrants

programs. The predisposition of immigrant women to act independently continued when they emigrate from the Bahamas. Census records indicate that married couples comprise the majority Bahamian immigrant households in the United States, but a significant number of women act as heads of single-parent households. A relatively high percentage of Bahamian immigrants have never married, and when separated, divorced, and widowed immigrants are included, the figure becomes significantly higher, which suggests they view marriage as a low priority (U.S. Census Bureau 2000).

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity The large Bahamian immigrant community located in Florida has retained much of its national culture and identity. In particular, the neighborhood settled by Bahamian immigrants in the 1880s known as Coconut Grove is a location where immigrants have retained their culture and identity. Bahamian culture is highlighted annually in mid-June, when immigrants stage a Goombay Festival on Grand Avenue with Bahamian music, food, and costumes. In New York and Florida, Independence Day celebrations also promote retention of national culture and identity.

Continued Links to Country of Origin The proximity of the Bahamas to southern Florida allows immigrants to travel frequently to their country of origin. This continual flow of immigrants back and forth has provided an infusion of culture to the area, as well as helped Bahamians in Florida to retain their national identity. While the largest contingent of Bahamian Americans in Florida reside in or near Miami, other immigrant communities have emerged in the state and in Georgia as well.

Social Organizations Based on National/Ethnic Background In 1912, 10 Bahamian immigrants in Harlem founded a social club called the Nassau Bahamas Association of New York to bring solidarity to the local community, as well as provide links to their country of origin. Incorporated under its present name, Bahamian American Association Incorporated (BAAI), in 2002, the association sponsors annual „meet and greet‰ events, grants academic scholarships to aspiring Bahamian American scholars, and provides social services to benefit senior citizens and children in the community. The organization works closely with businesses and government agencies in the Bahamas for funding and promotion of events. The Bahamian American Cultural Society, which is also based in New York, has similar aims (Bahamian American Association, Inc.). Another cultural/national organization founded by Bahamian immigrants is the Bahamas Junkanoo Group of Metro D.C. (BJAM-DC), founded in 2005 in

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 95

Washington, D.C., to sponsor Junkanoo Festivals each June in the nationÊs capital. The organization targets Bahamian Americans in the metro DC area, as well as the smaller communities located in Maryland and Virginia. Like the other groups mentioned, the organization exists largely as cultural and social entities, with few political objectives (Bahamian Village).

Language Issues As Bahamian Americans are from the Anglophone Caribbean, no language barriers exist, although many immigrants retain the use of Creole or Bahamian patois. Although no Bahamian American newspapers or periodicals are published currently, immigrants have access to several Internet sources of information. Web sites on the Internet, such as the Bahamian American Association Web page, the Bahamian American Cultural Society Web page, and the Bahamas Weekly.com, provide information pertaining to both immigrant communities as well as news and information related to the Bahamas.

Foodways Foods associated with Bahamian culture are generally dishes prepared with fish and seafood, especially conch, which is pronounced „conk.‰ Dishes featuring roasted beef and pork are common, as are spiedies·marinated and roasted beef cubes cooked on skewers and eaten as an open-faced sandwich. Other foods from the wider Caribbean are also staples of the Bahamian diet, including peas and rice, curried foods, as well as dishes featuring tropical fruits and vegetables such as breadfruit, avocado, banana and plantain, okra, and mango. A desert pastry called guava duff is a traditional favorite. Although the foodways of Bahamians have many distinctive elements, the proximity to American goods and culture have led them to adopt foods such as lasagna, stroganoff, meatloaf, pizza, and the like into their diets (St. AndrewÊs School Committee 1983).

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Paths toward Citizenship Like marriage, naturalization is not a significant goal for the majority of Bahamian immigrants. The largest group of non-citizens arrived in the United States between 1990 and 2000, but a significant number who entered the country in the preceding decade, or even prior to 1980, have opted to retain Bahamian citizenship. This low rate of naturalization perhaps is related to the rather strict rules of citizenship in the Bahamas, which forbids the holding of dual citizenship. As with many Caribbean

96 | Bahamian Immigrants

nationals, the goal of living and working in the United States throughout adulthood and returning to the country of origin after retirement may play a role in the low rates of naturalization among Bahamian immigrants (U.S. Department of Homeland Security 2004).

Intergroup Relations The proximity between the Bahamas and the United States has made American culture very accessible to the people of the Bahamas, even prior to migration. Historically, improved technologies from steamships to satellite dishes have made Bahamians very familiar with the lifestyles and mores of Americans. This proximity has resulted in generally trouble-free relations between Bahamian immigrants and Americans.

Forging a New American Political Identity The low rate of naturalization among Bahamians affects their level of political participation as well. As resident aliens, they are unable to participate in the electoral process and tend to remain tied to political developments in the Bahamas. As noted, none of the national organizations in the United States make political involvement a priority; they focus instead on cultural and social service issues. Naturalized Bahamian Americans generally tend to belong to the Democratic Party, and in the 2008 presidential election, Bahamian immigrants in Florida voted overwhelmingly for Democratic candidate Barack Obama.

The Second and Later Generations In cities with large contingents of Bahamian immigrants, ethnic identity is reinforced in the second later generations through membership in national/cultural organizations and in participation in cultural events, such as Junkanoo or MiamiÊs Goombay Festival. For example, Bahamian American students and young professionals were responsible for the creation of the Washington, D.C. based BJAM-DC to promote Bahamian culture in that city. In those areas where the Bahamian American remains small, such as Detroit, kin relationships serve to reinforce cultural and ethnic identity, as does inclusion in a wider Pan-Caribbean community. Second generation immigrants of Afro-Caribbean descent face the same issues of discrimination as African Americans. No extant research provides details of the experiences of the offspring of Bahamian immigrants or of the educational and career opportunities of first- and second-generation Bahamian Americans. The experience of BJAM-DC co-chair Khandra Sears, a PhD student at the University

The Second and Later Generations | 97

Youth Profile Young Bahamian Helping to Combat Typhus Fever Khandra Sears was born and raised on the island of New Providence, Bahamas. After graduating from high school she attended the Cave Hill, Barbados Campus of the University of the West Indies (UWI), where she earned a B.Sc. in Microbiology. The research she did in her senior year at Cave Hill inspired her to further her education in microbiology, but she was away from school for a year while she considered attending graduate school. During this year off, she remained active in her field, working for a year with Dr. Gregory Carey, then at the American Red Cross Holland Labs in Rockville, Maryland, where she began research of the anticarcinogenic properties of specific antibiotics. Her involvement in this research convinced her she wanted to attend graduate school, and she is currently a fifth-year student in the Graduate Program in Life Sciences (GPILS) program in microbiology and immunology at the University of Maryland-Baltimore. Her present research project involves work to help combat typhus fever. She is active in student government at the university, where she served as a graduate school senator in the 2008–2009 academic year. She enjoys living in Baltimore but remains very connected to her Bahamian origins and was a key member in BJAM-DC, which helped organize the Junkanoo festivities in the city’s annual June celebration of Caribbean culture.

Parade-goers in colorful costumes at the Goombay Festival, a Bahamian neighborhood cultural event, Coconut Grove, Florida. (Jeff Greenberg/The Image Works)

98 | Bahamian Immigrants

of Maryland and the daughter of the Bahamian ambassador to the United States, Joshua Sears, may exist as an exception rather than the rule (University of MarylandBaltimore).

Issues in Relations between the United States and the Bahamas With an estimate 60 percent of the Bahamian economy dependent on tourism-, construction-, and travel-related service industries, the recent economic downturn in the United States has severely handicapped the industry. American tourists have less money to travel as a result of the economic recession. Moreover, fewer Bahamian Americans have the financial resources to return home for visits or remit money to family and friends. A U.S. geological survey compiled in 2008 has heightened interest in offshore oil reserves in the waters surrounding the Bahamas. The last exploratory searches for gas and oil reserves occurred in 1987, and the renewed interest in the region suggests the United States may consider establishing a Bahamian oil industry. However, marine biologists have long studied the reefs of the Bahamas and their flora and fauna, and environmentalists involved in protecting certain species of plants and animals, for example sea turtles, may offer strong opposition to offshore drilling („BPC Eyes Bahamas‰ 2009). In 2007, the Bush administration brokered a deal with a firm based in Hong Kong to identify nuclear materials in cargo departing from the Bahamas en route to the United States. Critics of the plan questioned the wisdom of allowing a foreign firm such a high level of participation in issues of American national security. A formerly classified 1999 U.S. military intelligence document named the firm, Hutchison Whampoa Ltd, as a threat to national security for its potential to smuggle weapons and other banned equipment into the United States from the Bahamas („U.S. Hiring Hong Kong‰ 2006).

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Table 17 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000 to 2009 Region and Country of Birth Total Bahamas

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

766

924

808

423

586

698

847

738

682

751

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Table 18 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009. Leading states of residence region/country: Bahamas Characteristic Total

Total

Male

Female

751

357

394

Leading states of residence California

11

6

5

Colorado

D

—

D

Connecticut

6

D

D

Florida

467

215

252

Georgia

56

23

33

Illinois

7

3

4

Maryland

9

6

3

Massachusetts

7

D

D

Michigan

7

3

4

Minnesota

4

D

D

Nevada

D

—

D

New Jersey

7

3

4

New York

30

20

10

North Carolina

27

12

15

7

D

D

Pennsylvania

10

6

4

Texas

28

17

11

Virginia

D

D

D

Washington

D

D

D

Other

61

32

29

Ohio

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009. Note: D ⫽ data withheld to limit disclosure.

Appendix III: Notable Bahamian Americans | 101

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics Table 19 Bahamian immigrant population, U.S. citizenship and period of entry, prior to 1980 to 2000 Total population of Bahamians in United States

28,075

U.S. citizenship Naturalized U.S. citizen

10,490

Period of entry 1990–2000

1,740

1980–1989

2,985

Before 1980

5,765

Not a U.S. citizen

17,585

Period of entry 1990–2000

9,640

1980–1989

4,825

Before 1980

3,120

Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2000). Note: The government tracks the Bahamian immigrant population using information compiled from the American Community Survey, which contain basic demographic, economic, social, and housing data. Data from the 2000 Census are available for the nation, states, counties, towns, cities, zip codes, and census tracts. Data from the American Community Survey are available for geographic areas with a population of 65,000 or more.

Appendix III: Notable Bahamian Americans As a result of the historic interaction between the two countries, many Bahamian Americans have become well-known figures in American society; however, many Americans are unaware of the origins of several notable Afro-Bahamian immigrants. Notable African Americans of Bahamian origins include: Julian “Cannonball” Adderley (September 15, 1928 August 8, 1975) was a musician of the style of jazz known as hard bop. Adderley played alto saxophone. He began his musical career in Tallahassee, Florida, as a member of Ray CharlesÊs band. His brother, Nat Adderley, played cornet in the band as well. In 1955, Julian and Nat moved to New York City, where they formed a jazz band, which attracted the attention of Miles Davis. Julian Adderley joined DavisÊs sextet in 1957. In the early 1960s, Adderley and brother Nat

102 | Bahamian Immigrants

formed their own band, The Cannonball Adderley Quintet, which gained a respectable following among pop fans, as well as jazz aficionados. James Weldon Johnson (June 17, 1871 June 26, 1938) was an author, composer, and educator. Johnson was educated by his mother and at the age of 16, entered Atlanta University, from which he graduated in 1894. After working for Theodore RooseveltÊs 1904 presidential campaign, Roosevelt appointed Johnson as a U.S. consul in Venezuela from 1906 to 1908 and then in Nicaragua from 1909 to 1913. In 1916, Johnson became the national organizer for the NAACP and later became the organizationÊs executive secretary, a position he held until 1930. He authored several written works, including the novel The Autobiography of an Ex-Colored Man (1912). He and brother J. Rosamond Johnson composed what has become known to African Americans as the „black national anthem,‰ the song „Lift EvÊry Voice and Sing‰ (1899). Sidney Poitier (born February 20, 1927) was born on Cat Island in the Bahamas and early in his life moved to Nassau. He became a major stage and film actor, film director, and diplomat. In 1997, Poitier was appointed Bahamian ambassador to Japan. He was also the first black actor to win an Academy Award for Best Actor, for his role in Lilies of the Field in 1963. Roxie Roker (August 28, 1929 December 2, 1995) played the character Helen Willis on the long-running television program The Jeffersons. Her role, as a black wife in an interracial couple, was a first for prime-time television sitcoms. Roker grew up in Brooklyn, New York, and attended Howard University. Prior to her work on television, she acted in theater and worked as a newscaster at a New York station in the 1970s. Her son, Lenny Kravitz, is a renowned musician, and she is a cousin of meteorologist and television personality Al Roker. Esther Rolle (November 8, 1920 November 17, 1998) was an actress best known for role as Florida Evans on the television sitcoms Maude (1972) and Good Times (1974). After migrating from Pompano Beach, Florida, to New York City, Rolle attended Hunter College while working days in the cityÊs garment district. She developed an interest in theater, had several stage roles with the Negro Ensemble Company, and made her stage debut in 1962 in the play The Blacks. After several other stage roles, Rolle was cast on the television sitcom Maude as housekeeper Florida Evans and reprised the role in Good Times, a spin-off of the earlier show. In 1975, she was nominated for a Golden Globe Award for her role in the series in the category of Best Actress in a Comedy/Musical. After leaving the sitcom, Rolle made appearances in several films including Maya AngelouÊs I Know Why the Caged Bird Sings (1979), Driving Miss Daisy (1989), and Rosewood (1997).

References

| 103

Glossary Conchy or Conchy Joe: A term used to describe poor whites who typically lived in isolated, Out Island settlements. May also refer to whites in general or non-whites who adopt white mores and behaviors. Goombay: A style of African-derived Bahamian music. Also refers to the goatskin drum used in Goombay music. Guy Fawkes Night: An annual celebration held on November 5 in commemoration of a plot on that night in 1605 by Catholic conspirators, including Guy Fawkes, who were accused of attempting to blow up the Houses of Parliament in London. In the Bahamas, the celebration involves masked performers, bonfires, and a ritual burning Fawkes in effigy. Junkanoo: Known also as John Canoe or Jonkannu, the celebration is held in many islands of the British West Indies and in parts of North Carolina, as well. Traditionally celebrated the day after Christmas (Boxing Day), more recently the Junkanoo has been held on New YearÊs Day or in the warmer summer months in West Indian communities in North America. The celebrations consists of masked bands in elaborate costumes, which parade through the streets accompanied by Goombay music. Some bands are large formally organized groups, while others are smaller, more spontaneous, and less costumed. Liberated Africans: Captured Africans freed by the Royal Navy and British Vice-Admiralty Courts from illegally operating slave ships after 1807, when England abolished the Atlantic slave trade. Liberated Africans were resettled in the colony of Sierra Leone or contracted as indentured laborers in the British West Indies. Lucayans: Name given to the Arawak Amerindian population of the Bahamas. Out Islands: Islands of the Bahamas other than New Providence and Grand Bahama Islands. Some of the larger Out Islands include the Abacos, Acklins, Andros, Bimini, Cat Island, Eleuthera, Harbour, the Exumas, and Long Island. Truck system: An exploitive credit system in which wages were paid in goods and commodities or in an alternate to standard currency, rather than in cash.

References Bahamian American Association, Inc. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.bahami anamericanassociation.org/html/history.html. Bahamian American Cultural Society. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.bahami anamericanculturalsociety.org/. Bahamian Village. „Bahamians in U.S. Preparing for Caribbean Street Carnival.‰ [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.bahamianvillage.com/article49.html.

104 | Bahamian Immigrants „BPC Eyes Bahamas Exploration Revival with Statoil.‰ 2009. Reuters, May 18. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.reuters.com/article/OILPRD/idUSLI46872720090518. Craton, Michael, and Gail Saunders. 1999. Islanders in the Stream: A History of the Bahamian People (From Aboriginal Times to the End of Slavery). Athens: University of Georgia Press. Craton, Michael, and Gail Saunders. 2000. Islanders in the Stream: A History of the Bahamian People (From the Ending of Slavery to the Twenty-First Century). Athens: University of Georgia Press. Johnson, Howard. 1986. „A Modified Form of Slavery: The Credit and Truck Systems in the Bahamas in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries.‰ Comparative Studies in Society and History 28(4): 729 53 Miller, W. Hubert. 1945. „The Colonization of the Bahamas, 1647 1670.‰ William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 2(1): 33 46. St. AndrewÊs School Committee. 1983. It’s Cookin’ in the Bahamas. Nassau: Bahamian News. University of Maryland-Baltimore, University Student Government Association. 2008 2009. Khandra Sears. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.umaryland.edu/ usga/08_09cyndi/senators/khandrasears. U.S. Census Bureau. 2000. Census 2000 Special Tabulations (STP-159). Table FBP-1. Profile of Selected Demographic and Social Characteristic. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.census.gov/population/cen2000/stp-159/stp159-bahamas.pdf. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2004. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics, 2004. Table 3. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.dhs.gov/xlibrary/assets/sta tistics/yearbook/2004/Yearbook2004.pdf. „U.S. Hiring Hong Kong to Scan Nukes.‰ 2006. USAToday, March 23. [Online article; retrieved 8/09.] http://www.usatoday.com/news/washington/2006-03-23-ports-hongkong_x.htm.

Further Reading Adderley, Rosanne. 2006. New Negroes from Africa: Free African Immigrants in the Nineteenth-century Caribbean (Blacks in the Diaspora). Bloomington: Indiana University Press. A comprehensive cultural study of Liberated Africans in the Bahamas and Trinidad, with a focus on the interaction between English-speaking colonists, Creoles, the new African immigrants, and the communities they created. Albury, Paul. 1979. „Some Aspects of Shipbuilding in the Bahamas.‰ Journal of the Bahamas Historical Society 1(1): 9 11. A brief historical review of the Out Islands shipbuilding industry that was crucial to the inhabitants of the islands self-reliant economic position.

Further Reading

| 105

Alexander, M. Jacqui. 1994. „Not Just (Any) Body Can Be a Citizen: The Politics of Law, Sexuality and Postcoloniality in Trinidad and Tobago and the Bahamas.‰ Feminist Review, No. 48, The New Politics of Sex and the State (Autumn): 5 23. A comparative feminist critique of the criminal penalties of homosexuality in postcolonial Trinidad and Tobago, the Bahamas, and the United States as a means of structuring power and maintaining the marginalized positions of racial and sexual „others.‰ Brown, Susan Love. 2005. „Solidarity and Individualism in an Archipelago State: A Bahamian Cultural Model in Historical Context.‰ Journal of Caribbean Studies 19(3): 129 50. An interdisciplinary study addressing the factors contributing to the cohesiveness of Afro-Bahamian society and the contrasting role of self-reliance valued by the countryÊs people. Craton, Michael. 1983. „ ÂWe Shall Not Be MovedÊ: PompeyÊs Slave Revolt in Exuma Island, Bahamas, 1830.‰ West Indian Guide 57(18): 19 35. An examination of Bahamian slave resistance that contributed to ameliorative policies and emancipation in the British West Indies that focuses on the goals and aims of the enslaved who participated. Craton, Michael. 1995. „The Bahamian Self and the Haitian Other: The Migration of Haitians to and through the Bahamas, 1950 2000.‰ Immigrants and Minorities 14(3): 265 88. A historical and contemporary study of the construction of Bahamian national identity as contrasted with the outsider status of Haitian immigrants. Craton, Michael, and Gail Saunders.1999. Islanders in the Stream: A History of the Bahamian People (From Aboriginal Times to the End of Slavery). Athens: University of Georgia Press. The first volume of a comprehensive history of the Bahamas that chronicles the peopling of the islands from the earliest period of settlement to the end of the slave era, focusing on cultural history and the political economy. Craton, Michael, and Gail Saunders. 2000. Islanders in the Stream: A History of the Bahamian People (From the Ending of Slavery to the Twenty-First Century). Athens: University of Georgia Press. The second volume of a comprehensive history of the Bahamas that chronicles the interaction of the various inhabitants of the islands in the post-slavery era and the creation of BahamiansÊ national and political identity, with special attention given to the demise of white minority rule and the economic and social difficulties the country faced after independence. Finlay, H. H. 1925. „Folklore from Eleuthera, Bahamas.‰ Journal of American Folklore 38(148): 293 99. A compilation of Afro-Bahamian traditional stories, many with African origins, written in dialectic style collected by an anthropologist in the early 20th century.

106 | Bahamian Immigrants Howard, Rosalyn. 2002. Black Seminoles in the Bahamas. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. An ethnographic study of the descendents of the Seminole Indians who emigrated from Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina and the process of cultural transformation that occurred. Hudson, Alan. 1998. „Reshaping the Regulatory Landscape: Border Skirmishes around the Bahamas and Cayman Offshore Financial Centres.‰ Review of International Political Economy 5(3): 534 64. An examination of how the processes of globalization affect spatial context and reorganize geopolitical borders in regard to the banking industries of the Bahamas and the Cayman Islands. Johnson, Howard. 1983. „Labour on the Move: West Indian Migration to the Bahamas, 1922 1930.‰ Revista/Review Interamericana 13: 85 98. An examination of the causes and practice of Afro-Caribbean laborers moving from other islands to the Bahamas during the economic boom ushered in by Prohibition in the United States. Johnson, Howard. 1986. „A Modified Form of Slavery: The Credit and Truck Systems in the Bahamas in the Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries.‰ Comparative Studies in Society and History 28(4): 729 53. An examination of post-emancipation economic and political controls by the white minority elite through the implementation of a credit system as an alternative to wages for Bahamian laborers. Johnson, Howard. 1986. „ ÂSafeguarding Our TradersÊ: The Beginnings of Immigration Restrictions in the Bahamas, 1925 33,‰ Immigrants and Minorities 5: 5 27. An examination of the early efforts of Bahamian colonial authorities to limit migrant laborers during the economic growth associated with Prohibition and the intensified efforts of immigration restriction that occurred with the onset of the Great Depression. Johnson, Howard. 1988. „Bahamian Labor Migration to Florida in the Late Nineteenth and Early Twentieth Centuries.‰ International Migration Review 22(1): 84 103. An immigration study contrasting the causes and experiences of labor migrants from the Bahamas to southern Florida with the more common experience of labor migration within the Caribbean during the post-emancipation era until the end of the World War I. Johnson, Howard. 1988. „The Liberated Africans in the Bahamas, 1811 1860.‰ In After the Crossing: Immigrants and Minorities in Caribbean Creole Society, edited by Howard Johnson, 16 40. London: Frank Cass. Historical analysis if the impact of Liberated African indentured laborers and their relationship to the emergence of the truck credit system in the Bahamas. Johnson, Howard. 1989. „The Emergence of a Peasantry in the Bahamas during Slavery.‰ Slavery and Abolition 10: 172 86.

Further Reading | 107 This article explains how slaves in the Bahamas had access to land that allowed for the emergence of a land-based subsistence economy during the slavery era. Johnson, Howard. 1995. „A Slow and Extended Abolition: The Case of the Bahamas, 1800 1838.‰ In From Chattel to Wage Slavery: The Dynamics of Labour Bargaining in the Americas, edited by Mary Turner, 165 82. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. A socioeconomic analysis of the relationship between the surplus of labor and the collapse of cotton production in the Bahamas by the beginning of the 19th century and the development of labor systems during slavery and the emancipation period. Johnson, Howard. 1995. „Slave Life and Leisure in Nassau, Bahamas 1783 1838.‰ Slavery and Abolition 16(1): 45 64. A sociocultural study of urban slaves and their role in the colonial economy of the Bahamas and their use of economic activities to mitigate and resist the dehumanization of chattel slavery after the institution became formalized by Loyalist planters from the American South. Johnson, Howard. 1996. The Bahamas from Slavery to Servitude, 1783–1933. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. A socioeconomic history of the final phases of slavery in the Bahamas and the equally exploitative systems of labor that emerged in the post-emancipation period. Johnson, Whittington B. 2000. Race Relations in the Bahamas, 1784–1834: The Nonviolent Transformation from a Slave to a Free Society (Black Community Studies). Fayetteville: University of Arkansas Press. A historical account of the role of the Afro-Bahamian church as a modifying agent during the transition from slavery to emancipation. Keegan, William F. 1984. „Columbus and the City of God.‰ Journal of the Bahamas Historical Society 6(1): 34 39. A historical analysis of the implications of presumed cultural superiority by European explorers and the resulting treatment and subsequent extermination of the indigenous population of the Bahamian archipelago. MacIntosh, Roderick J. 2000. „Trades and Occupations of Runaway Slaves in the Bahamas.‰ Journal of the Bahamas Historical Society 6(1): 7 14. A historical study of the manner in which runaway slaves created a self-reliant economy during the first half of the 19th century; the study describes the types of skilled labor of enslaved Afro-Bahamians. Miller, W. Hubert. 1945. „The Colonization of the Bahamas, 1647 1670.‰ William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 2(1): 33 46. A Eurocentric political and economic history of permanent settlement of the Bahamian islands by English colonists from South Carolina in the mid-17th century that addresses the development of the colony under proprietary rule. Mohl, Raymond A. 1987. „Black Immigrants: Bahamians in Early Twentieth-Century Miami.‰ Florida Historical Quarterly 65(3): 271 97.

108 | Bahamian Immigrants A historical examination of the role played by Afro-Bahamian migrants to southern Florida in establishing cultural diversity in the cityÊs population. Rommen, Timothy. 1999. „Home Sweet Home: Junkanoo as National Discourse in the Bahamas.‰ Black Music Research Journal 19(1): 71 92. An ethnographic study focusing on the ways Junkanoo and the music associated with its celebration helps native Bahamians and Bahamians throughout the diaspora maintain their national and cultural identity. Storr, Virgil Henry. 2004. Enterprising Slaves and Master Pirates: Understanding Economic Life in the Bahamas. New York: Peter Lang. An economic history of the Bahamas with emphasis on the marginal role of the plantation system in the colony and the significance of privateering as its replacement in the economy and piracyÊs sanction by early colonial officials and inhabitants of the islands. Strachan, Ian Gregory. 2002. Paradise and Plantation: Tourism and Culture in the Anglophone Caribbean. Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia. An interdisciplinary study written from the perspective of a native Bahamian concerning the myth of the Bahamas as an idyllic Caribbean paradise as promoted by the tourist industry as contrasted with the stark economic realities of the country. Sullivan, Shaun O., and William H. Sears. 1978. „Bahamas Prehistory,‰ American Antiquity 43(1): 3 25. An archaeological study that chronicles the migration of the Arawaks and the examination of sites in the Bahamas that illustrate the indigenous populationÊs adaptation to the environment prior to the period of European contact. Williams, Patrice M. 1984. „From Punishment to Cruelty: Treatment of Slaves in the Bahamas, 1723 1832.‰ Journal of the Bahamas Historical Society 6(1): 30 33. A social and cultural history written as a refutation to earlier depictions of slavery as milder and less brutal in the Bahamas as a result of the failure of a viable plantation economy to develop. This study illustrates how slavery in the colony was as harsh as in other slave societies.

Bangladeshi Immigrants by Ahrar Ahmad

Introduction Bangladeshi Americans are a relatively recent addition to the multicultural vibrancy that the United States represents. It is instructive to point out that until 1947 Bangladesh was part of India as the eastern part of the province of Bengal, and between 1947 and 1971, it was a part of Pakistan as the province of East Pakistan. It became a sovereign country in December 1971. Since it had been a part of different political entities at various times, the history of immigration can sometimes be a bit confusing, and the historical data sometimes difficult to disaggregate. It is also important to point out that the vast majority of Bangladeshis (more than 85%) are Muslims, but, at the same time, they are very proud and enthusiastic about their linguistic and cultural traditions that are distinctive (more than 95% speak Bengali, the language that anchors an ancient and glorious heritage). Thus, their identity represents a constantly negotiated balance between their commitment to the universal claims of Islam and their engagement in the particular demands of their cultural uniqueness. However, regardless of such ambiguities, it is clear that the number of emigrants from Bangladesh who have immigrated to the United States has demonstrated almost spectacular growth over the decades beginning in the 1990s. This increase has been accompanied by some changes in their demographic profile. Till the 1980s they were usually educated, upwardly mobile professionals, mostly immigrating on employer-based preferences, or as students who, upon completion of their degrees here, adjusted their visa status. Starting in the 1990s, the phenomenal increase in emigrants from Bangladesh to the United States has been based on family-based preferences and the „green card lottery visas,‰ and, therefore, there were significant numbers who had less academic and social capital at their disposal than the previous cohorts. However, overall, Bangladeshi Americans remain „model minorities‰ known for their industry, strong family values, and demonstrable desire to assimilate politically into the American mainstream; despite their desire to assimilate, they are also known to zealously cling to the cultural markers and traditions that allow them to stand apart. Given the patterns established over the last two decades, it may be safe to project that Bangladeshi Americans will exercise a more robust presence in the U.S. social landscape and will contribute to the richness and vitality that new immigrants have traditionally brought to the American meta-narrative.

109

Chronology | 111

Chronology 1875

First South Asians arrive in United States, mostly from Punjab. Many settle in the West Coast.

1913

Bengali South Asian wins court case to gain citizenship.

1923

Court reverses itself and does not allow citizenship rights to South Asians.

1946

South Asians are allowed the right to seek naturalization. Immigration quota is fixed at 105.

1947

India is divided into two countries. East Bengal becomes East Pakistan.

1965

U.S. Act ends racial quotas, expands employer based preferences, helps South Asian immigration.

1971

Pakistan military annuls election. East Pakistan declares independence. Civil war ensues.

December 16, 1971

Pakistani military surrenders to Indian and Bangladeshi forces. Bangladesh is liberated.

April 4, 1972

United States recognizes Bangladesh.

1972

Small number of professionals begin to migrate. Many students seek higher education in the United States.

April 13, 1974

First official U.S. Ambassador appointed to Dhaka.

September 17, 1974

Bangladesh becomes a full member of the United Nations.

August 15, 1975

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib, first civilian president, is assassinated.

1975–1991

Several military leaders come to power, float own parties, and become civilian presidents.

1986

Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) facilitates some Bangladeshi immigration.

1990–1991

OP 1 (Opportunity) Visa category initiated; „green card lottery system‰ opens doors for many.

1991

Democracy restored through fair, open elections.

April 3, 1995

First Lady Hillary Clinton visits Bangladesh.

1995–1996

DV 1 (Diversity) Visa category allows even more Bangladeshis to migrate.

March 20, 2000

President Clinton visits Bangladesh.

112 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

2001

Tragedy of 9/11 affects Bangladeshi immigration negatively. Immigration bounces back by 2004.

June 2003

Secretary of State Colin Powell visits Bangladesh.

June 2004

Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld visits Bangladesh.

November 2007

U.S. Marines actively assist Bangladesh military in humanitarian efforts after a devastating cyclone.

August 2009

President Obama awards Presidential Medal of Freedom to Muhammad Yunus, Nobel Prize laureate from Bangladesh.

September 2010

U.S. Congress passes resolution to award Congressional Gold Medal to Muhammad Yunus in 2011.

Background Geography and History of Bangladesh Bangladesh, with an area of 55,813 square miles, is a low-lying riparian country located about 23 north latitude, 90 east longitude, on the northern littoral of the Bay of Bengal in South Asia. Most of its land area is surrounded by India (with which it shares a border of almost 2,518 miles), while only approximately 120 miles of its borders are shared with Myanmar (previously Burma) in the southeast. The land constitutes a huge drainage system for several large rivers that flow from the Himalayas into the Bay of Bengal. It is therefore mostly a deltaic plain with some hilly areas in the northern and eastern parts, and some forest lands in the middle and southern zones (where the coastal mangrove forests, known as the Sundarbans, are home to the magnificent Royal Bengal Tigers, the distinctive spotted deer, and a variety of unique flora and fauna). The country straddles the Tropic of Cancer, thus occupying a typically monsoonal climatic zone characterized by high humidity, warm temperatures, and heavy seasonal rainfalls. It is vulnerable to periodic flooding and to weather-related turbulence emanating from the Bay of Bengal. Its relatively pristine coastline offers some of the longest white-sand sea beaches in the world, but the poverty of the country, and its image abroad, have prevented it from fully utilizing this potential tourist attraction (Ahmad 2008). Even though Bangladesh has been a sovereign republic only since 1971, it is a land with very old cultural traditions and a complex political history. There are references to the land as early as 1000 B.C.E. Early Buddhist and later Hindu influences gradually gave way to the religion of Islam between the 14th and 17th centuries. It is noteworthy that Islam spread in this part of India not through forced conversion

Background | 113

but largely (though not exclusively) through the influence of Sufis (Islamic mystics) and saints who settled in various parts of this area and served as teachers and exemplars of a very enlightened, tolerant, and spiritual approach to their faith. Islam became more prevalent in the eastern part of the province of Bengal in India, the region that eventually became Bangladesh (Eaton 1993). The British arrived as traders in the 17th century, and by 1757 the East India Company asserted administrative and fiscal control over the Bengal Presidency. After the abortive Sepoy (SoldierÊs) Mutiny against Company rule in 1857, the British Crown began to exercise direct control over India. Because of growing misunderstandings and tensions between the Hindus and Muslims in India over power, privilege, and protection, the land was divided in 1947 when British rule formally ended. The Muslim majority provinces in the eastern and western parts of India combined to form the country of Pakistan with its eastern and western „wings‰ separated by about 1,000 miles of Indian territories. The peoples of West and East Pakistan were united by their common Islamic faith but were different in language, ethnicity, and traditions. Widespread complaints of political unfairness, economic discrimination, and cultural indifference generated aggressive demands for provincial autonomy in the east. The Awami League, the political party that championed the cause of autonomy, won a clear mandate in the national elections held in 1970 by winning almost all the seats from East Pakistan. Since the seats were allocated on the basis of population (and East Pakistan had more people than West Pakistan), Awami LeagueÊs victory meant that it captured the majority of seats in the Pakistan National Assembly, which was going to formulate a new constitution for the state. The results of the elections were nullified by the military regime that ruled Pakistan at the time, and the country was plunged into a severe and intractable constitutional and political crisis (Mallick and Husain 2004). East Pakistan declared independence from Pakistan on March 25, 1971. This was met with an overwhelming military response from the Pakistani Army intent on keeping the country united. A short but brutal civil war ensued in which enormous numbers of Bangladeshis were killed, millions fled to neighboring India, and thousands joined the Mukti Bahini (the Liberation Forces, which carried out various acts of guerrilla resistance and was gradually organizing itself along more conventional lines). Eventually India intervened in this troubled situation in favor of Bangladesh, and the West Pakistani military surrendered to a joint command of Bangladeshi and Indian forces on December 16, 1971. Bangladesh established its status in the world as a sovereign country, was recognized by the United States in April 1972, and became a full member of the UN in September 1974 (Ahmed 2002; Baxter 1997; Sisson and Rose 1990; Ziring 1992; Mascarenhas 1986; Novak 1993; OÊDonnel 1984; van Schendel 2009; London 2004).

114 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

Crowds cheer the acting Bangladeshi president and the acting government during a meeting in Jessore, East Pakistan, on December 11, 1971. Visible in the background is City Hall with Indian soldiers standing guard on the roof. At left a Mukti Bahini soldier tries to keep the crowd under control. (AP Photo)

Causes and Waves of Migration According the census of 2001, the population of Bangladesh was calculated to be approximately 123.9 million, and by 2008 it was estimated to be around 150 million. Given the fact that its land size is less than the state of Wisconsin, Bangladesh remains one of the most densely populated countries in the world (Jahan 2001). In the context of the fact that it is also a relatively poor country with severely constrained resources (its per capita GDP was calculated to be around $406 in 2006, or approximately $1,870 according to the Purchasing Power Parity measures endorsed by the UN, which is considered a more accurate, and a comparatively more meaningful, measure of the buying power of the local currency expressed in dollars), its people have, for obvious reasons, sought to emigrate, or at least temporarily relocate, to other countries in order to pursue educational opportunities, economic prosperity, and·in the context of frequent military regimes and a difficult law and order situation that occasionally exists in the country·political freedom and social stability. BangladeshisÊ „discovery‰ of America as a potential target of migration was probably a bit late and tentative. Many more Bangladeshis moved to Middle

Causes and Waves of Migration | 115

Eastern countries and the United Kingdom, where familiarity, historical ties, and family connections facilitated their transition as emigrants. While the history of Bangladeshi emigration to the United States in sizable numbers is relatively recent, their presence here is increasingly obvious and demonstrably growing.

Early Immigration Immigrants from India began to come to the United States in the late 19th century. Most of them were Punjabis, though there were a few, such as Taraknath Das (a radical activist who began as a community organizer; got his PhD in political science from the University of Washington; and taught at Columbia University) and Kumar Ghosal and Shailendranath Ghose (who were active in leftist politics), who came from the Bengal region of India. Most of these migrants settled in small farming enclaves in the West Coast. They were frustrated in their efforts to become American citizens by a host of policies and acts such as the restrictive Immigration Acts of 1917 and 1924; CaliforniaÊs Alien Land Laws of 1913 and 1921, which curtailed their ability to own land; and miscegenation laws that did not permit them to have white wives (and therefore many married black or Latina women). Even the judicial system remained unclear about their status. In 1913, another Bengali, Akhay Kumar Mazumdar, successfully argued in the U.S. courts that, anthropologically, Indians were Caucasian and hence could not be barred from citizenship, but by 1923 in the Bhagat Singh Thind case, the court reversed itself and held that Indians could be classified as „Caucasian‰ but not „white‰ and hence were ineligible for citizenship (Islam 1997). Finally, with the passage of the Luce-Celler Bill in 1946, naturalization rights were conferred on Indians, and a quota of 105 was set as the total number of migrants to be allowed from that country (Leonard 1997). Obviously, immigration from India and Pakistan was a mere trickle; and the number from the part that became East Pakistan (and later Bangladesh) constituted no more than a few drops in that meager flow.

The Immigration Act of 1965 The Immigration Act of 1965 changed the racial quota system that governed previous immigration into the United States, and the need for professionals in various fields dictated an increase in the number of migrants through employer-based preferences. Consequently, many more Indians and Pakistanis (some, presumably, from East Pakistan/Bangladesh as well), usually from middle-class and professional backgrounds, took advantage of the increasing opportunities for working and settling in the United States. The total number of immigrants to the United States from the area that became Bangladesh was probably not more than a thousand or so in 1971 (i.e., when civil

116 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

war broke out, and East Pakistan became Bangladesh). Many of them became concerned with the situation in the country in 1971, and some became involved in trying to assist the „Liberation Struggle‰ against the Pakistani Army by holding news conferences, publishing reports, lobbying Congress, and collecting funds and relief materials (for the refugees who fled to India). Even though their numbers were small, their impact was probably quite substantial. The actual number of Bangladeshis in the United States showed remarkable increases in subsequent decades. In 1973 there were 154 immigrants from Bangladesh that were allowed into the United States; in 1974 there were 147; in 1975, 404; and in 1976, 590 (Jones 2008). Many of them were pharmacists (indeed the entire graduating class of pharmacists from Dhaka University in 1973, except for one female graduate, became immigrants to the United States the following year) and workers in other health-related fields. By 1980 it is estimated that there were approximately a total of 5,880 Bangladeshis living in the United States (Kibria 2007).

Through IRCA to the Present The increase in numbers since then has been truly spectacular. The population of Bangladeshi Americans leaped to almost 21,749 in 1990 and to 92,235 in 2000, an increase of almost 1,469 percent in the two decades from 1980 to 2000 (Kibria 2007). U.S. Census data indicates that this number further increased to about 143,619 in 2007 (U.S. Census Bureau 2007). The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) played some role in this phenomenal increase by allowing people to apply for immigrant status who may have entered the country on some other category or whose residency documentation may not have been very clear or complete. However, most of the increases over the last two decades can be attributed to family-based preferences that began with IRCA but were significantly relaxed and expanded in the 1990s, or the popularly known „green card lottery visas‰ that were instituted by the U.S. government through the Opportunity Visa (OP-1, 1990 1991) and Diversity Visa (DV-1, 1995 1996) categories. Between 1996 and 2002, of the total number of 51,447 Bangladeshis admitted into the country as legal residents, 29,559 (or 57.4%) came through family-sponsored preferences and as immediate relatives of U.S. citizens, and 15,700 (or 30.5%) came through the Diversity Visa programs (Kibria 2007). The tragic events of September 11, 2001, were clearly expected to exert a dampening effect on the numbers of Bangladeshi immigrants because of U.S. wariness about Muslims: special registration, surveillance, and background checks generated an environment that provided disincentives to new migrants from Muslim countries. While there may have been a temporary downturn in the number of migrants in the years immediately following 2001 (decreasing from 7,171 in 2001 to 5,492 in 2002 and 4,625 in 2003), the numbers have bounced back to register

Demographic Profile | 117

robust growth: 8,061 people of Bangladeshi origin obtained legal permanent status in 2004; 11,487 in 2005; 14,644 in 2006; 12,074 in 2007; and 11,753 in 2008 (Office of Homeland Security 2009). There are some other categories of people from Bangladesh residing in the United States whose numbers may not be captured by Immigration and Naturalization Services (INS) statistics. There are a few thousand refugees and asylees from Bangladesh in the United States primarily because of political instability at home, minority status in Bangladesh, or status as potential victims of perceived threats and other felt anxieties (Office of Homeland Security 2008). The procedures through which aslyee requests are handled are typically outside the normal jurisdiction of the INS. As pointed out earlier, there are probably several thousand students from Bangladesh in the United States on temporary (F-1 or H-1) visas, and, consistent with previous experience, it is expected that most will regularize their stay here eventually. It is also noteworthy that there are probably thousands of Bangladeshi undocumented workers/residents in the United States today (some of whom infiltrated from third countries such as Mexico and countries in the Caribbean islands, and many came here on temporary visitor visas and never returned). Most undocumented workers are in the process of getting their „legal papers‰ through the long and complex legal channels that are available. It is impossible to be exact about these numbers, but some estimates suggest that there may be more than 50,000 undocumented Bangladeshis in New York City alone and between 100,000 to 150,000 nationally ( Paul 2008; Harris 1997). Consequently the actual number of Bangladeshis residing in the United States today will be higher than the figures reported by the INS. Bangladeshi Americans are disproportionately clustered in a few identifiable zones. The vast majority are concentrated in the two coasts (specifically in the New York/New Jersey corridor and in California) and recently in southern states like Florida, Texas, and Georgia. Like other migrants they tend to gravitate to areas where there are pre-existing enclaves of their own communities. There is, understandably, some comfort and support in residing in an area that can sustain native food habits and cultural events; however, comfort and support are not the only factors for immigrants determining where to reside in their new country. The „ethnic economies‰ that typically develop (restaurants, grocery stores, real estate, legal, medical, travel agency services, and so on) are often more able to absorb new arrivals into low-paying service sector jobs (Light and Gold 2000).

Demographic Profile Age and Family Structure According to the U.S. Census Bureau (2007), there were approximately 143,619 people of Bangladeshi origin legally residing in the United States in 2007:

118 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

53.8 percent were men, and 46.2 percent were women. (All statistics quoted here and in the subsequent paragraphs are taken from U.S. Census Bureau 2007.) Their median age was 36.9 years; approximately two-thirds of them were between 25 and 54 years; and whereas 12.5 percent of Americans were over the age of 65, only 3.6 percent of people of Bangladeshi origin legally residing in the United States fall in that category. These statistics are expected and is consistent with the recent pattern of new migration of able-bodied people into the country. Only 18.3 percent of the people entered the country before 1990. Bangladeshi Americans tend to be very family oriented: 71.5 percent were married, and the number of widowed, divorced, or separated persons collectively constitutes only about 5 percent of the total. Seventy-nine percent lived as a married couple unit, 87.3 percent lived in family households, and 66 percent were households in which children under the age of 18 lived together with both their parents at home (compared to only 31.1% of the national average).

Bangladeshi immigrant Rahima Begum sits in the doorway at her home in Woburn, Massachusetts, with grandson Jeeshan Wahab, as daughter-inlaw Shaheen Wahab (rear) looks on, July 28, 2009. (AP Photo/Eric J. Shelton)

Demographic Profile | 119

Educational Attainment Traditionally, Bangladeshis revere education. Consequently, Bangladeshi Americans emphasize higher education (45% have bachelors degree or higher, compared to 27.1% nationally), but, curiously, they tend not to enroll their children in nursery school or kindergarten (e.g., only 2% of them are in such school environments, compared to 11.3% nationally). Gender disparities are evident as 52.1 percent of the males have a bachelorÊs degree or higher, in contrast to the 36 percent of women who do. (It should be clarified that many respondents who claim to have a bachelorÊs degree or higher may be referring to BA degrees they may have received in the home country, which is not always comparable to U.S. degrees). A crushing socioeconomic disadvantage that Bangladeshi Americans share with many recent immigrant groups is that 94.5 percent of them speak a language other than English at home, and fully 55.7 percent speak English less than „very well‰ (Census Profile: New York Cities Bangladesh American Population 2007)

Economic Attainment Bangladeshi Americans are engaged in a range of occupations: 28.3 percent of Bangladeshi Americans are in management, professional, or related occupations; 17 percent are occupied in service sectors; and almost 36 percent work in sales and office occupations (the last category is dominated by women). It is quite striking that almost 26 percent of Bangladeshi Americans are in retail trade, while only about 11.4 percent of the U.S. population is involved in this occupational category. This occupational profile partly explains why, in spite of the fact that the percentage of Bangladeshi Americans with college degrees is higher than the national average, their aggregate incomes do not reflect that advantage. Thus, whereas the median family income of Bangladeshi Americans is $45,821 (in 2007 inflation adjusted dollars), the national average was $61,173; and whereas per capita income for Bangladeshi American individuals was $22,210, the national average was $26,688. Less than 45 percent of Bangladeshi Americans live in owner-occupied units, with an average household size of 4.12 people, but 67.2 percent of the U.S. population lives in owner-occupied units, with an average household size of 2.7 people. While only 13 percent of the people at the national level live under the poverty line, fully 20.2 percent of Bangladeshi Americans do so.

Health Issues There are no outstanding health issues relevant to Bangladeshi Americans. There are no diseases specific to the group nor any medical vulnerability that they

120 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

collectively demonstrate. However, given the fact that the last wave of migrants does not have the educational and professional backgrounds that earlier groups possessed, they are hesitant to seek preventive care, have annual examinations, or visit the doctor at the onslaught of any medical condition. Some of them may simply be intimidated by the health care system here, some may not be insured, and some may have inadequate language skills. There also may be a few who seek alternative health care systems (which may be „homeopathic,‰ „herbal,‰ „folk,‰ or „faith-based‰) that may not have solid scientific foundations but are popular among some. Whenever possible most Bangladeshi Americans prefer to see Bangladeshi (or, at least, South Asian) health care providers. The quality of health care that women receive is often inferior to that of men because women are traditionally taught to be indifferent to their medical needs (being socially conditioned to suffer rather than being a burden on others), and also because so many of them feel awkward about being examined by, or even visiting, a male physician.

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals As indicated previously, family structures are enormously important to Bangladeshis and become the focal point in terms of their social life and cultural interactions. Moreover, since they recently won their independence essentially based on issues of linguistic and cultural nationalism, there is a strong drive to preserve their distinctive traditions by maintaining the habits, practices, and customs that have been important to their identity and evolution. As many Bangladeshis frequently and proudly proclaim: „we may have left Bangladesh, but Bangladesh has not left us.‰ It is important to point out that the life-cycle events discussed here are those practiced by Muslim Bangladeshi Americans, not by the Hindus, Christians, or Buddhists who have migrated from Bangladesh to the United States, who have their own distinctive traditions and practices.

Birth The birth of a child is obviously an occasion for great joy. Before the birth of the baby there is a party for the mother comparable to a „baby shower‰ (usually, but not always, restricted to women), where some gifts may be given to the mother, but the emphasis is on preparing foods by others specifically according to the motherÊs preferences and tastes. At the birth of the child, even when it takes place in a hospital where most births do, most Muslim families will, as unobtrusively as

Adjustment and Adaptation | 121

Israt Jahan, 17, a junior from Bangladesh, meets with Nancy King Wang, an assistant principal at Newton High School in New York on March 19, 2004. Jahan says her parents do not attend parent–teacher conferences because they do not speak English. (AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)

possible, whisper the Muslim call to prayer into the childÊs ear soon after birth (in an attempt to ensure that the first brief words the child hears is a call to the faithful). Male children are circumcised. The naming ceremony is held later by the childÊs parents, and a feast is served. Traditionally, lambs and goats are slaughtered for the purpose, but since this is usually not possible in the United States, many families will simply request friends and family in Bangladesh to perform this ritual there and donate the meat to poor people. The celebration of birthdays is not a typical practice in their native lands except among the upper classes. However, in the United States, particularly in the first few years of the child, they are observed by many families, with the degree of participation and fanfare depending upon social and economic status.

Marriages Marriages in the Islamic tradition are contractual arrangements and require neither social sanction nor sacramental blessings. Therefore, although celebrations may be long, loud, and complex, and although some religious rituals may provide some

122 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

solemnity and grace to the ceremonies, ultimately the marriage rests upon the bride and groom consenting to the details of their marital understandings as worked out, usually, by the elders of both families. The consent must be given freely in front of witnesses and recorded by the marriage registrar as part of the required formalities: and details may include references to the dowry, conditions for divorce, or the level of upkeep for the bride, among other things. It should be pointed out that most marriages are still „arranged‰ by the guardians though, in the United States, the arrangements are made typically with the coupleÊs knowledge and agreement. At times, the couple may choose their own partners, then get the approval of their parents, and let the parents determine the process from that time on. Marriage outside the community is rare and while some young men may break that norm and choose spouses from other ethnic groups, very few women can be so defiant of social conventions. During the wedding ceremonies the couple put on traditional clothes, with the bride usually wearing a richly embroidered sari and lots of jewelry, and the groom a distinctive head-dress and a sherwani, which is a longish coat that reaches down to the knees. The wedding dinner is always hosted by the brideÊs family as they bid her goodbye, but after two or three days, the groomÊs family returns the favor. Friends and family bring gifts for the couple at either of these functions. There are other get-togethers before and after marriage that are dictated by family traditions or regional customs, and a variety of wedding songs are sung by friends and family (usually with more enthusiasm than ability). Some Western influences are apparent in the increasing popularity of dancing at these wedding ceremonies, particularly among the young, and the practice of going on a honeymoon, neither of which are native customs.

Funerals Death is always hard on the Bangladeshi American community. Muslim law requires that a dead body be prepared for burial as soon as possible after death; mandated cleansing procedures be followed; passages from the Quran (Holy Scripture) be recited almost continuously; and special prayer services be held before the body is lowered into an unmarked grave. The existence of a mosque and the services of an Imam (a community prayer leader) are very useful at such times in providing psychological and logistical support in facilitating the entire process and in ensuring that everything is in accordance with proper Islamic rites and rituals. Many Bangladeshi Americans will utilize the Muslim graveyards if the community is large enough to sustain one, or buy some plots in Christian cemeteries, where they are usually allowed to follow their own burial routines. There is usually little or no cooking in the grief-stricken house for almost three days, and friends and family take turns in feeding the grieving household during that period. Even though the

Adjustment and Adaptation | 123

practice is not universal, many families will offer special prayers on the 3rd day and then again on the 40th day of the burial, which marks the end of the grieving period. After a death in the family, it is customary to make donations to, or feed, the poor, and because this is difficult to fulfill in the West, many families will write home to ensure that this is done in the deceased personÊs name and special prayers offered on his or her behalf.

Families and Changing Gender Relations Extended family networks are cherished and zealously pursued by Bangladeshi Americans. Family interests and honor take precedence over individual needs and prerogatives, and family obligations are accepted without overt complaints (e.g., elderly parents will frequently live with their grown children; or helping out new kin folk who have arrived becomes a matter of shared responsibility). It is also for this reason that family-based preferences are so frequently and eagerly used by Bangladeshi Americans to sponsor family members for immigration into the country as soon as legally possible. Patriarchy is deeply rooted in Bangladeshi society. Even though a determined and energetic womenÊs movement·buttressed by the progressive work of many nongovernmental organizations that operate in Bangladesh·have been responsible for making gradual changes in womenÊs legal and social standing, their position in terms of education, employment, and empowerment remain secondary and vulnerable. Unfortunately, the same gender asymmetries tend to be reproduced even when they move to the West (Abraham 2002; Baluja 2003). There are some moderating influences provided by education, economic opportunities, and, at times, legal protections. Nonetheless, as noted earlier, 52 percent of men have graduate degrees compared to only 36 percent for women; 51.6 percent of the women work in sales and office occupations as opposed to 28.7 percent of men (where minimal skills are required and upward mobility severely restricted), and the percentage of men with full-time jobs is significantly higher than the proportion of women with full-time jobs. Interestingly, the economic disparity between them is less striking if we compare the annual median salaries of full-time Bangladeshi men and women workers. The former, on average, make $33,639, and the latter $28,776, a pay differential that is actually lower than the one between men and women nationally. This is not a result of Bangladeshi women doing comparatively better than the national average but of Bangladeshi men doing substantially worse. There is some disagreement about whether migrating to the West contributes to the liberation of women or to greater marginalization, given the fact that they often do not have as extensive family networks to help provide support and strength, or the fact that most middle-class Bangladeshi American families have no access to

124 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

the domestic help that is almost ubiquitous in the home country. Moreover, while so many women seek an education and want (or, at times, are forced by circumstances) to work outside the home, they are still expected to fulfill all the traditional responsibilities of a wife, live up to idealized and almost unrealistic expectations of „womanhood,‰ and carry the additional burden of ensuring a proper cultural identity for the children (Baluja 2003; Dasgupta and Dasgupta 1996). However, while male children are still highly valued, and male accomplishments disproportionately favored, attitudinal and behavioral changes are occurring that are both obvious and refreshing. The pressure on young women to marry and have children is becoming far less intense than it used to be, and womenÊs educational and professional achievements are gradually becoming a source of pride for many families. Incidentally, cultural norms do not encourage Bangladeshi women to participate in any sports or athletic events.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity Continued Links to Bangladesh Most Bangladeshis regularly return home for short visits. Many of them will bring videos, CDs, tapes, books, and magazines when they come back, and many will even bring back various ethnic spices, fruits, and sweetmeats, which they will, almost always, share with others on their return back to the United States. Most Bangladeshi American families subscribe to satellite channels through which they can watch TV programs from their home country. Many Bangladeshis will also routinely send back remittances from their earnings here either to help immediate family members, to invest in real estate (having a house, or some property in Bangladesh, remains a dream of many), or for charitable purposes (Siddiqui 2004).

Social Organizations Based on National/Ethnic Background It is famously said that if there are three Bangladeshis in one area, there will be at least two different organizations. They are notorious for forming organizations and almost all states and big cities in the United States can boast of at least one, if not more, such associations. These organizations are quite active, hold various social and cultural events, try to look after the interests of the community, and seek to elevate BangladeshÊs image and promote its cultural richness abroad. Elections to the governing boards and executive committees of these organizations often generate lively competition. Social and cultural organizations are multi-layered. First, there are region-based organizations representing specific districts within Bangladesh. For example, people from the districts of Dhaka, or Noakhali or Sylhet, and so on, may sometimes

Adjustment and Adaptation | 125

be further subdivided into narrower, more geographically focused, constituencies (e.g., people from Feni, which is a part of the district of Noakhali, or Habiganj, which is a part of the district of Sylhet, and so on, have their own organizations). Second, there are larger organizations at the state, city, or regional levels that are more inclusive (e.g., Bangladeshi Association of Greater Florida, Bay Area Bangladeshi Association, Bangladeshi Association of Chicagoland, and so on). Many of these organizations, and others, maintain rich and lively Web sites. For example, the Bangladesh American Literary, Art and Cultural Organization in Houston has a Web site at www.balaca.org; the Bangladesh Association of America Inc (with members drawn from the Washington, D.C., area, Virginia, and Maryland) has a Web site at www.baaidc.com; the Minnesota Bangladeshi Society has a Web site at www.mnbds.org. Third, there are national organizations that sometimes function as umbrella bodies such as the Federation of Bangladeshi-Americans in North America (FOBANA) or Bangladeshi-American Foundation Inc (BAFI) or Expatriate Bangladesh 2000 (EB2000), which promote Bangladeshi culture in the United States and also tries to contribute to the home country in various ways. The annual convention of FOBANA (which consists of almost 31 member organizations) is a particularly glittering affair, where several thousand participants from all over North America gather to enjoy cultural performances provided by notable entertainers from Bangladesh, as well as locally nurtured talent in the United States. Moreover, there are opportunities for engaging in intellectual discussions, networking, and purchasing various ethnic products. Other organizations are formed with diverse agendas, many inspired by the need to „do something for the homeland.‰ Organizations like Drishtipat, Bangladesh Environment Network (BEN), and the U.S. chapter of Human Rights Congress for Bangladesh Minorities (HRCBM) are all involved in human rights, environmental concerns, and the protection of minority populations. Groups such as the Volunteer Association of Bangladesh (VAB), Adhunika, and the Optimists try to provide computers and technical education to disadvantaged groups, sponsor childrenÊs or womenÊs education, and provide disaster relief. Apart from professional organizations of Bangladeshis (such as those of Bangladeshi doctors, engineers, pharmacists, and so on), there are associations of social scientists and economists actively engaged in doing research on substantive issues affecting Bangladesh. They organize meetings and conferences; publish journals and books; maintain contacts with American academics; and build relationships with university faculty, development practitioners, and media personalities in Bangladesh. These include organizations such as the Bangladesh Development Initiative (BDI), the Association of Economic and Development Studies on Bangladesh (AEDSB), Democracy and Development Fund (DDBF), and Center for Development and Governance (CDG), among others. Again, and typically, most of these organizations have Web sites that are easy to visit and navigate.

126 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

Religion Bangladesh occupies a unique place in the world, being a predominantly Muslim country with pronouncedly secular state structures. More than 85 percent of the people belong to the Islamic faith and practice their religion with the same commitment and piety as Muslims everywhere else. There are also small minorities that are Hindus, Christians, Buddhists, and others. While tensions with the Hindu community may sometimes erupt, and there are some „extremists‰ who may display bigoted attitudes, religion in Bangladesh is generally tolerant, moderate, and democratically oriented (Uddin 2006; Reaz and Fair 2011). Bangladeshi Americans reflect the same attitudes and sensibilities. Many of them go to mosques to offer prayers (particularly the Friday noon prayer, which is usually offered in large congregations) and participate in the various mandated rituals (e.g., practicing the „five pillars‰ with full faith and care). The practice of eating only halal (kosher or religiously acceptable) meat that is available in Muslim grocery stores is gradually becoming more popular among older groups. Some women may wear a hijab (head covering) to demonstrate public modesty as required by their faith, but it is not a practice widely prevalent in Bangladesh, nor is it in much evidence among Bangladeshis in the United States. However, it must be pointed out that residence in the West may have, paradoxically, contributed to a hardening of the faith and commitments in some, and this is sometimes reflected in more overt displays of public ritual and personal piety (Chaudhury and Miller 2008; Kibria 2008; Rahman 2011).

Language Issues As indicated earlier, Bangladeshis are proud of their rich, old, and complex language. Their language, in many ways, forms the basis of their linguistic identity and cultural nationalism. It is also true that Bengal was the first province colonized by the British, and therefore Bangladeshis have had a close contact with the English language for well over 250 years. There is hardly any Bangladeshi with a college degree who will not know at least some English. However, while Bangladeshis have some familiarity with the English language, their English usage is sometimes limited and occasionally inflected by British rhetorical and writing conventions. There are many who have cognitive ability in the language (i.e., may be able to read it and write it) but, at the same time, have restricted capabilities in terms of speaking it or understanding it when it is spoken (because of lack of practice). The vast majority of Bangladeshi Americans speak mostly Bangla at home, and less than 50 percent speak English „very well‰ with confidence and clarity. Their language is dear to them, but most of them are gradually facing up to the reality of learning (sometimes „re-learning‰) English to advance socially and economically.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 127

National/Regional Press and Other Media There is a plethora of avenues through which Bangladeshis communicate amongst themselves in the United States. New York is home to several regularly published weeklies (e.g., Akhon Samoy, Bangalee, Bangladesh, Banglapatrika, Darpon, New Probashi, Parichoy, and Thikana), and the weekly Bangla Barta is published from Los Angeles. Many of these are available online. There are several e-journals, Webbased discussion forums, and blogs that crackle with energy and engagement (e.g., Muktomona, Shetubondhan, Nabic, Bangla Community, among others). Bangladeshis tend to think of themselves as being very romantic, aesthetically inclined, and culturally refined, and therefore there are many groups that frequently (though irregularly) publish literary and cultural magazines in which essays, poems, short stories, and transcripts of plays find expression. There are limited radio and television time that is allocated to Bangladeshis over the public channels in the New York and New Jersey region for discussion and entertainment shows. The Bangla language programs broadcast over the Voice of America are also available to local audiences in the East Coast particularly around the Washington, D.C., area. The peer-reviewed Journal of Bangladesh Studies publishes scholarly articles on aspects of BangladeshÊs political economy from a sophisticated academic perspective.

Celebration of National Holidays There are both secular and religious national holidays that Bangladeshis (and Bangladeshi Americans) celebrate. March 25 is considered Independence Day because the relevant proclamation was announced on that day. December 16 is celebrated as Victory Day, to commemorate when the Pakistan Army surrendered to a joint command of Indian and Bangladeshi forces in 1971. February 21 is commemorated as Language Day, to pay homage to those who sacrificed their lives in 1952 to protect their linguistic identity when it was threatened by the language policies of the Pakistani government. The two religious holidays that are universally celebrated by Muslim Bangladeshis are the Eid-ul-Fitr (coming after the fasting period of the month of Ramadan) and the Eid-ul-Adha (coming after the end of the pilgrimage to Mecca). Both of these events are celebrated with due solemnity and high merriment. Men will go to the mosque for special morning prayers, gifts will be exchanged among friends and family, new clothes will be worn, and almost every home will cook a variety of meats and sweets for guests that are expected to visit throughout the day. During the Eid-ul-Adha celebrations, goats and cattle are ritually slaughtered to commemorate AbrahamÊs readiness to sacrifice his own son to demonstrate his unquestioning obedience to God. Again, since this is difficult to perform in the West, many

128 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

families will send money home so that this sacrifice can be done in their familiesÊ names. Hindu Bangladeshis celebrate Durga and Saraswati pujas, Buddhists celebrate Buddhopurnima, Christian Bangladeshis (predominantly Catholic) celebrate Easter and Christmas with proper solemnity and joy, and all these days are national holidays in Bangladesh.

Foodways Bangladesh sits at the crossroads of two very distinct culinary traditions·a very rich and spicy North Indian cuisine, in which different preparations are based on onions, ginger, and garlic with various garam masala (hot spices) for flavor; and a lighter and more delicate indigenous cooking style. North Indian style cuisine is used in most meat preparations and for special occasions, and the lighter indigenous style is used with fish and vegetable dishes made for daily consumption. The first is associated with the indulgent habits of the Mughal nobility (hence it is sometimes referred to as Mughlai food), the latter with simpler traditions of the residents of the deltaic land. In both kinds of cooking, there will almost always be some gravy in the dishes, even though some kinds of kebabs and deep fried fish are also made. Contrary to popular Western belief, there is no spice called „curry‰ that is used in Bangladeshi cooking (a curry is a particular mix of spices relevant to a specific dish; sometimes it refers to the gravy that results from the spice mix). Rice is the universal staple, even though various kinds of homemade flat breads are also common. Rice, unless it is cooked as a pilaf or biriyani (with meat mixed in), is usually served with soupy lentils on the side. There is a bewildering variety of fish that are available, and many ethnic groceries will carry different kinds of frozen freshwater fish to cater to Bangladeshi tastes. Chicken is the most popular source of meat, though beef and mutton are also consumed in large quantities. Muslims do not eat pork. Many Bangladeshi Americans will eat salads, but it is served during the meal (and not before or after) as part of the range of foods that is presented on the table. They relish milk-based sweets for dessert, and spicy homemade snack foods are also popular. The beverage of choice is tea rather than coffee, and alcohol is avoided by most Bangladeshis.

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Bangladeshis appreciate different genres of music. If we arrange the musical styles in a hierarchic structure, at the very top will be the North Indian (Hindustani), ragabased, classical tradition with its rigorous rules, grammar, and delivery styles. Appreciating this music requires some degree of preparation and sophistication, and while its role and significance is vital, its popularity is limited. Second, there are

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 129

lighter variations on the classical tradition such as thumris, kheyals, and ghazals that incorporate the principles of classical music but render them in a more easily accessible form. Third, there are the distinctive songs written by great Bengali poets particularly the Nobel Prize laureate Rabindranath Tagore and the „rebel poet‰ Kazi Nazrul Islam, whose music defines (perhaps envelops) middle-class Bangladeshi cultural sensibilities. There are very few educated Bengalis who do not know the lyrics of many of these several thousand songs or who are not be able to hum along with most. In the urban areas, and particularly among the young, there is the prevalence of adhunik (modern) music that is freer, more experimental, and responsive to Western rhythms and harmonies. And finally, there are „folk‰ tunes, melodies, and compositions, which utilize simpler vocal arrangements and indigenous instruments that are popular in the countryside. All these forms are not mutually exclusive, and most Bangladeshi Americans will appreciate several musical styles. Many regional organizations in the United States will have their own musical troupes, and there is hardly any big gathering of Bangladeshis where some form of musical entertainment is not provided. While music remains the centerpiece of any cultural program that are organized by Bangladeshi Americans, dancing, mostly performed by children, may be presented on a stage (that can be classical as well as „folk‰); poems are recited with great gusto and passion; and plays may be staged. While Muslims have some restrictions on paintings of human portraits, there is a bustling art scene in Dhaka, and many expatriate Bangladeshis become generous patron of the arts by buying many such works often beyond the reach of most Bangladeshi people. Most Bangladeshi homes will have access to some satellite channels for news and entertainment from home, but many will also subscribe to Hindi (i.e., essentially Bollywood) channels for films, music videos, and serials. Incidentally, few first-generation Bangladeshi Americans have learned to appreciate popular American sports (football, baseball, or basketball), and most remain fixated on soccer and cricket as the primary sports that they enjoy watching on TV or discussing or even playing among themselves when possible.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Paths toward Citizenship As pointed out earlier, the initial group of Bangladeshi Americans came here essentially as graduate students. In the 1960s and 1970s, most of these students came to the United States on scholarships either sponsored by U.S. foundations (e.g., Ford, Fulbright, Asia, Population Council, and others) or by the government itself, and both funding sources usually stipulated that the students return to their home

130 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

country after graduation. However, by the mid 1970s and 1980s, the academic situation in U.S. universities had begun to change. Graduate programs had burgeoned in the 1960s and 1970s for social and demographic reasons, but by the 1980s, the presence of the baby boomer generation in the colleges tapered off, and more research and teaching assistantships were available for foreign students. Thus, students from Bangladesh (like students from other countries) could come to pursue higher education in the United States unencumbered by any contractual obligation to return. It is also worth mentioning that, beginning in the late 1970s, there was a significant influx of undergraduate students from Bangladesh who came through private funding. The vast majority of students who came after the mid-1970s, were able to stay back, change their visa from F-1 or H-1 to B-1 (with temporary work permits), start the process toward naturalization, and then gradually move toward citizenship (Siddiqui 2004). As noted earlier, there has been a huge shift in that pattern. Many Bangladeshi Americans, who came here on family-based preferences and through „green card lottery‰ visas are conflicted about applying for citizenship (Paul 2008; Rahman 2011). On the one hand there are obvious advantages that citizenship can bring· such as the right to vote, some economic opportunities, and the ability to sponsor other family members to come to the United States. On the other hand, there is some ambivalence about giving up their previous legal identity (for many, their passports become symbols of their psychological commitments and patriotic sentiments), and some are not comfortable to shift their legal allegiance to a country that they have not fully integrated into. Bangladeshi Americans do have the opportunity to pursue the possibility of dual citizenship, but the process is not automatic and involves some degree of legal complexity.

Intergroup Relations Interactions with other groups are uneven. First, given the fact that the vast majority are Muslims, Bangladeshi Americans are inevitably drawn to mosques and Muslim groups to facilitate their participation in collective religious observances. They will frequently belong to organizations formed to protect and advance the interests of Muslims in the United States such as the Muslim American Task Force (AMT) or the Islamic Society of North America (ISNA). Second, there are relationships with Bengalis from West Bengal in India, with whom they share the same language, cultural traditions, and many food habits, and both may belong to the same organizations and jointly participate in many functions and events. The annual Bengal Studies Conference, which has been held almost every year since 1968, brings together scholars who specialize in either Bangladesh or West Bengal for serious academic presentations and intellectual camaraderie. Some Bangladeshi Americans are also involved in groups relating to the Indian subcontinent as a whole, such as the South Asian-

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 131

Americans Leading Together (SAALT), and Manavi (dealing with womenÊs issues). Third, unless dictated by professional considerations and unique circumstances, the interactions with „others‰ (i.e., the diverse communities that constitute the United States) may be correct and polite but awkward and distant, and there are few Bangladeshis who voluntarily cultivate personal relationships or eagerly socialize outside the community. The situation is changing because Bangladeshi children mingle with other students in school, develop friendly relations, and sometimes help their parents to break down internal barriers and hesitations.

Forging a New American Political Identity Bangladeshis are quintessentially political animals who delight in discussing politics, following political issues and trends with keen attention, and holding fairly sophisticated opinions on political matters. It is to be expected that they will participate in the American system with enthusiasm and engagement. However, although there is rich anecdotal evidence that they would be active in American politics, there is very little empirical proof regarding their political and civic involvements in the United States. There are two different political strands that are simultaneously pursued. First, many Bangladeshi Americans relish the opportunity to vote, and voting participation rates are high in Bangladesh and, presumably, in the United States as well. Some organizations have been recently formed to educate and mobilize Bangladeshi Americans to participate in the U.S. political process. These include U.S. Bangladeshi Advisory Council (USBAC), Bangladesh-American Public Affairs Committee (BAPAC), and Bangladesh American National Alliance (BANA), all of which have been active in this regard. Some Bangladeshi Americans have been able to meet with members of Congress and have been instrumental in the formation of the Bangladeshi caucus in the U.S. House of Representatives, chaired by Rep. Joseph Crowley, a Democrat from the Fifth district in New York. Some of them have been elected to school boards and city councils, and some serve as county chairs or precinct captains for political parties (predominantly Democratic). The first, and only, Bangladeshi American to serve in any state legislature is Senator Hansen Clarke in Michigan (whose father was Bangladeshi). However, while Bangladeshi Americans are eager to integrate themselves into the American political process, they have not yet developed the resources, skills, fund-raising abilities, or organizational salience that marks the success of several other ethnic communities in the United States. The second political strand they pursue, perhaps with greater passion, is the politics in their home country. They follow the news from Bangladesh religiously, participate in animated discussions both in electronic and face-to-face environments, and sometimes reproduce the political tensions in Bangladesh into their communities here. The two major parties in Bangladesh (the Awami League and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party) have branches in several U.S. states, and they raise funds,

132 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

sponsor political guests from home, arrange discussion sessions, and mobilize the party faithful. It is interesting to point out that the children of many notable members of the political elite in Bangladesh are citizens or permanent residents in the United States. Bangladeshi Americans may not hold very powerful positions in the United States, but some do exert significant political influence in their home country either as advisors or consultants appointed by various governments or through family connections. Bangladeshi Americans are involved with issues relating to immigration, legal rights, racial justice, and better relations with the Muslim world. Their ability to affect public policy has been rather limited, but given their meager numbers (less than 0.1% of the U.S. population) and their relatively recent arrival in the United States, their presence in the political arena has not been altogether unimpressive.

Return Immigration Return immigration is rare (though returning for a year or two is sometimes practiced). There may be some examples of Bangladeshi Americans going back either to be with ailing parents, manage family estates, or take advantage of their family connections to reap economic or political benefits. There may be a few who are inspired by altruistic sentiments to serve their home country after acquiring education, work experience, and savings in the West. There are some who may be driven by religious factors and want their children to grow up in a more Islamic environment. And some may be forced to go back because they suffer from the „crisis of rising expectations‰ and may be frustrated at the economic challenges or cultural alienation they may face in the West.

The Second and Later Generations Ethnic Identity Most Bangladeshi Americans are first-generation immigrants (almost 80% have arrived here after 1990) and are going through the process of adjustment and the resolution of identity anxieties. Many are subject to the same inherent tension between the linguistic and cultural identity they cannot give up, and the economic and social realities they cannot ignore, which afflicts most recent migrants. Nowhere is this struggle manifested with greater poignancy and intensity than in the relationship between parents and their children, particularly in the areas of cuisine and language. Bangladeshi parents insist that the children must speak to them in their native language and must eat the traditional foods they themselves love to consume. Oftentimes, the children prefer to speak the language of their school, friends, and TV, and would much rather eat pasta, burgers, and pizza. Adolescence creates another source of generational difficulties. Parents want to monitor gender relations rather strictly, and usual American teenage practices,

The Second and Later Generations | 133

Youth Profile One of the Inventors of YouTube Jawed Karim, born of a Bangladeshi father who works at 3M and an American mother who teaches at the University of Minnesota, dropped out of the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign, and joined PayPal with his good friends Chad Hurley and Steven Chen in 2000. When PayPal was acquired by eBay in 2002, all three cashed in their stock options, left PayPal, and began to consider innovative ways they could use their talents. After many brainstorming sessions, they founded YouTube, which quickly became an international phenomenon. Google acquired YouTube in 2006 for $1.6 billion. While he is bashful about how much money he received as part of his settlement, there is no doubt that it was substantial. While the other two members of the YouTube trio became media celebrities and went on to other entrepreneurial ventures, Karim quietly went back to school at Stanford pursuing a graduate degree in computer science. (He had earlier finished his undergraduate degree at Santa Clara University.) While he does not dismiss the prospect of other exciting opportunities that may beckon, this unpretentious, soft-spoken young man is intent on becoming a university professor, teaching students, pursuing research, and serving the public in various ways.

such as dating, partying, hanging out, and so on, are discouraged (more so for females). It is interesting to point out that in a limited study (of less than 25 respondents in New York), the majority of both male and female young adults admitted to dating non-Bangladeshi persons, but, at the same time, while 100 percent of the males indicated that their parents would support marriage outside the community as long as the woman was Muslim, only 7 percent of the females thought that such support would be forthcoming regardless of the religion of the man (Chowdhury 2005). However, such problems between parents and children do not cause irreparable damage to family integrity. Family bonds are strong, divorce rates are low, children are adored, and eventually the tensions play out through various compromises and understandings. There is minimal antisocial, pathological, or addictive behavior demonstrated by young Bangladeshi adults. Like other stereotypical Asian parents (captured in the current discussion about „Tiger Moms‰), Bangladeshi Americans are deeply, sometimes desperately, involved in the academic success of their children while engagement in other areas is often relatively ignored (sports, arts, public services, and so on). Many of the children graduate comfortably from high schools, enroll in better colleges, and work toward professional success. That, after all, is the American dream, and Bangladeshi American parents willingly engage in the sacrifices and deprivations to make it possible for their children. However, it must also be pointed out that this dream is pursued with greater confidence and ability by the children of economically

134 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

Youth Profile Teenage Music Sensation In 2009, Palbasha Siddique was a 17-year-old Bangladeshi American senior at Southwest High School in Minneapolis. She paired with Matt Harding, a video game designer and video maker, to record a music video called “Pran” (which means “life” in Bangla) for YouTube. It was uploaded on June 20, 2008, and within one week, it had more than a million hits (in current parlance, it “went viral”). It ranked among the top 10 soundtrack downloads and top 100 MP3s overall on Amazon’s MP3 store (i.e., over Madonna and Mariah Carey). She sings in her local language (Bangla) and some of the lyrics are drawn from the Nobel Prize laureate Rabindranath Tagore, but she uses instruments, stylistic conventions, and rhythms borrowed from the West. She recorded her first CD when she was 7 and sang “God Bless America” before a Twins game when she was 11. She has already participated in other videos (some available on YouTube), and a record deal is imminent. Regardless of her current musical success and future potentials, her ambition is to go to Harvard Law School to eventually pursue a career in the legal profession.

affluent parents (who are typically better educated as well), while those who do not live in such favorable material and psychological circumstances have to bear the burden of more difficult, and often frustrating, struggles. All of them understand that America is the „land of the free,‰ but they also quickly learn that some kinds of freedom are more accessible to some than to others.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Bangladesh BangladeshÊs relationship with the United States had difficult beginnings. The U.S. support for Pakistan during BangladeshÊs liberation struggle, its delay in providing food assistance to Bangladesh during the flood/famine conditions in 1974, and its expressed annoyance at Bangladesh for selling jute bags to Cuba in the same year, all combined to complicate the early relationship. However, as the initial influence of the Soviet bloc countries over Bangladesh abated in the mid-1970s and U.S. generosity became more manifest, the relationship evolved in friendlier directions. Between 1972 and 1995, the United States became the largest contributor in terms of food aid (providing more than $1.6 billion in this area) and developmental assistance (making available more than $3 billion in grants and loans) (Huq and Abrar 1999).

Issues in Relations between the United States and Bangladesh | 135

U.S. contributions tapered off in the 21st century, but other forms of interactions developed. The United States is one of the largest foreign direct investors in Bangladesh (even though the amount is not very impressive), and the American Chamber of Commerce in Bangladesh (AmCham) functions to encourage greater trade and commerce. Bangladesh currently exports almost $2 billion worth of products to the United States (almost 40% of its total export earnings) and imports products worth almost $200 million, thus having a healthy trade balance in its favor. Hillary Clinton as the First Lady visited the country in 1995, followed by President Clinton in 2000. Their welcome was elaborate and warm (Bhardwaj 2002; Datta 2004; Rashid 2005). It is noteworthy that Bangladesh was part of the coalition forces in Operation Desert Shield led by the United States against the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait in 1991; Bangladeshi forces suffered 43 casualties. It is also a moderate and democratic Islamic state that cooperates fully with the United States in the war against terrorism not only through routine consultations but also in officially supporting the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq in 2003. However, while American people remain respected and popular, and American cultural influence among the youth is obvious and growing, the policies of the American government (e.g., the tensions with the Muslim world; or the perception of AmericaÊs arrogance, militarist orientations, corporate compulsions, and hegemonic ambitions) can sometimes create misunderstandings and misgivings. There are several key issues in terms of the relationship between the United States and Bangladesh. First, Bangladesh seeks greater access to the American market in order to be able to sell its products, particularly readymade garments and other manufactured items (Sobhan 1990; Islam 2004). Second, Bangladesh wants U.S. help in meeting its UN initiated Millennium Development Goals, which would reduce poverty in the country, improve education and health, and provide for basic needs for the majority of the population. Third, Bangladesh wants cooperation from the United States on some specific areas such as dealing with climate change, combating extremism in the country, and upholding the rule of law universally. Finally, Bangladesh wants easier travel and immigration possibilities. Giving amnesty to undocumented Bangladeshis, allowing more students to study in the United States, and increasing the Opportunity and Diversity Visa quotas are typical demands that have originated from Bangladeshis in the United States. The relationship between the United States and Bangladesh appears to be excellent. Both countries are committed to the principles of democracy, both benefit from each otherÊs friendship, and both look forward to closer cooperation in areas of common interest. Most Bangladeshi Americans hope that the relationship between the country of their origin and the country of their choice remains strong and mutually beneficial.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Table 20 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000 to 2009

136

Region and country of birth Total Bangladesh

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

7,204

7,152

5,483

4,616

8,061

11,487

14,644

12,074

11,753

16,651

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Table 21 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009. Region/ country: Bangladesh Characteristic

Total

Male

Female

Total

16,651

8,517

8,133

Leading states of residence Arizona

103

51

52

California

958

473

485

Connecticut

299

143

156

Florida

625

329

296

Georgia

518

265

253

Illinois

162

77

85

Maryland

282

137

145

Massachusetts

263

127

136

Michigan

908

469

439

Minnesota

70

31

39

Nevada

51

27

24

New Jersey

1,237

616

621

New York

8,529

4,460

4,068

North Carolina

60

32

28

Ohio

119

63

56

Pennsylvania

465

239

226

Texas

717

346

371

Virginia

631

306

325

67

36

31

587

290

297

Washington Other

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

137

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics Table 22 Census figures: Bangladeshi Americans (compared to national statistics) Subject

Total population

Bangladesh

301,621,159

143,619

Male

49.30%

53.80%

Female

50.70%

46.20%

36.7

36.9

75.50%

88.10%

Total population Sex and age

Median age 18 years and over 65 years and over

12.50%

3.60%

73,907,975

17,085

Male

51.20%

52.60%

Female

48.80%

47.40%

112,377,977

49,300

Family households

66.80%

87.30%

With own children under 18yrs

31.10%

66%

Married couple family

49.70%

79.10%

Male householder

15.40%

9.70%

Female householder

17.80%

3.00%

Population 15 years and over

240,724,018

133,291

Now married, except separated

50.20%

71.50%

Under 18 years

Households by type Households

Marital status

Widowed, divorced, and separated Never married

19%

5.1%

30.80%

23.50%

EDUCATIONAL ATTAINMENT Population 25 years and over

197,892,369

110,861

Less than high school diploma

15.50%

17.20%

High School Graduate or higher

84.50%

82.80%

Male High school graduate or higher

83.90%

88.30%

85%

75.80%

Bachelor's Degree or higher

27.50%

45.00%

Male Bachelor's degree or higher

28.20%

52.10%

Female Bachelor's degree or higher

26.70%

36%

Entered 2000 or later

27.70%

32.90%

Entered 1990 to 1999

29.40%

48.80%

Female high school graduate or higher

YEAR OF ENTRY

(Continued )

138

Table 22 Census figures: Bangladeshi Americans (compared to national statistics) (Continued ) Subject

Total population

Bangladesh

42.90%

18.30%

English only

80.30%

5.40%

Language other than English

19.70%

94.60%

8.70%

55.70%

64.80%

65.70%

58.60%

45.40%

34.60%

28.30%

Entered before 1990 LANGUAGE SPOKEN AT HOME AND ABILITY TO SPEAK ENGLISH

Speak English less than "very well" EMPLOYMENT STATUS Population 16 years and over In labor force FEMALES 16 YEARS AND OVER In labor force OCCUPATION Management, professional, and related occupations Service occupations

16.70%

17%

Sales and office occupations

25.60%

35.70%

Farming, fishing, and forestry occupations

0.70%

0%

Construction, extraction, maintenance, and repair occupations

9.70%

5.40%

12.70%

13.50%

Production, transportation, and material moving occupations INCOME IN THE LAST 12 MONTHS (2007 INFLATION ADJUSTED $) Median household income (dollars)

50,740

45,033

61,173

45,821

26,688

22,210

FAMILIES Median family income (dollars) INDIVIDUAL Per capita income (dollars) POVERTY RATES FOR FAMILIES AND PEOPLE WHOM POVERTY STATUS IS DETERMINED All families

9.50%

18.60%

Married-couple family

4.50%

17.20%

28.20%

61.90%

13%

20.20%

Female householder, no husband present, family All People Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2007).

139

Table 23 Persons obtaining legal status by broad use of admission and region by country of birth: Bangladesh 2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

5,083 (63.1%)

7,743 (67.4%)

9,420 (64.3%)

7,123 (59%)

7,093 (60.4%)

963 (11.9%)

1,520 (13.2%)

1,060 (7.2%)

1,165 (9.6%)

1,304 (11.1%)

Diversity

1,756 (21.8%)

1,753 (15.3%)

3,093 (21.1%)

3,254 (27%)

2,930 (24.9%)

Refugees

198 (2.5%)

405 (3.5%)

981 (6.7%)

475 (3.9%)

385 (3.3%)

Others

36 (.44%)

66 (.57%)

90 (.61%)

52 (.43%)

41 (.35%)

Total

8,061

11,487

12,074

11,573

Family-sponsored preferences and immediate relatives of the United States Employment-based preferences

14,644

Source: Office of Homeland Security (2008, Table 10).

Table 24 Persons obtaining permanent resident status by state or territory of residence and region or country of birth, fiscal year 2008

State New York

States drawing the highest number of Bangladeshi immigrants in the year 2008 5,744

State Montana

States drawing the least number of Bangladeshi immigrants in the year 2008 0

New Jersey

784

North Dakota

0

California

736

Utah

0

Texas

663

Vermont

0

Florida

537

Wyoming

0

Michigan

495

West Virginia

3

Virginia

480

Hawaii

4

Pennsylvania

344

New Hampshire

5

Georgia

340

South Dakota

5

Maryland

255

Alaska

6

Source: Office of Homeland Security (2009, Supplemental Table 1).

Appendix III: Notable Bangladeshi Americans | 141

Appendix III: Notable Bangladeshi Americans Dr. Saad Andaleeb came to the United States in 1974 and is currently professor and director of graduate studies of business administration at Pennsylvania State University, Erie. Apart from numerous teaching and research awards, he has edited or co-edited four books on development issues relating to Bangladesh, has been the editor of the Journal of Bangladesh Studies since its inception in 1999, and as the president of the Bangladesh Development Initiative has organized two highly successful conferences on Bangladesh at Harvard University. Mr. Hansen Clarke was born of a Bangladeshi father and American mother. He studied at Cornell University for a degree in fine arts and went to Georgetown for his juris doctorate. He was first elected as a Democrat to the Michigan House of Representatives in 1990, and then to the Michigan Senate in 2002 and 2006. In both his senatorial elections, he received more than 90 percent of the popular vote in his district. He is probably the only Bangladeshi American to hold an elected seat at the state level. Dr. Fazle Hasan received his PhD from Stanford University in 1969 and is the Cullen Distinguished Professor and Director of Fluid Dynamics and Turbulence at the University of Houston, Texas. He has won many honors and awards from various national and international bodies in his field and was named as one of the top 10 Asians in the United States in ShellÊs tribute to Asian Americans in May 2003. He was presented with the Scholar of the Year Award by the government of Bangladesh in 2007. Dr. Abul Hussam came to the United States in 1978 and is a professor of chemistry at George Mason University in Virginia. In 2007 the National Academy of Engineering in the United States awarded him with the Grainger Challenge Prize for Sustainability, worth about $1 million, for devising the simple and eco-friendly Sono Arsenic Filter that could remove arsenic from contaminated water that had, till then, severely affected millions of his countrymen. He used most of that money to provide filters for the poor. Dr. Rounaq Jahan received her PhD from Harvard in 1970. She has served in various capacities in many international bodies and UN agencies, and currently teaches and researches at the South Asia Institute at Columbia University, New York. She has written many books on politics, development, and gender issues in Bangladesh and is one of the pre-eminent social scientists from South Asia in the United States today. Dr. Fazlur Rahman Khan (1929 1982) is often regarded as the „Einstein of structural engineering,‰ and his pioneering ideas in skyscraper construction were reflected in the Sears Tower and the John Hancock Building in Chicago.

142 | Bangladeshi Immigrants

The Bangladesh government honored him with the Independence Day Medal, the highest civilian award in the country, and he was named by Bangladesh American Foundation Inc. as the most famous Bangladeshi American of the 20th century. Iqbal Quadir, born in Bangladesh in 1958, became a rich investment banker in Wall Street in the 1990s. He gave it up to pioneer the hugely successful Grameen Phone project in Bangladesh, through which poor people could have access to cell phone services. He is currently the founder-director of the Legatum Center for Development and Entrepreneurship at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. In 1999 he was selected as a „Global Leader for Tomorrow‰ by the World Economic Forum in Geneva. Monica Yunus was born in Bangladesh in 1979, daughter of the Bangladeshi Nobel Prize laureate Muhammad Yunus (who also received the U.S. Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009). She lived with her American mother in New Jersey and graduated with a masterÊs in vocal performance from the Juilliard School in New York. With a voice that has been described as „utterly winning‰ and „destined for stardom‰ by critics, she has performed as a soprano in major productions. After Hurricane Katrina in 2005, she, along with fellow musicians, helped to found „Sing for Hope‰ to raise funds for humanitarian purposes.

Glossary Adhunik: Modern. Biriyani: In Bangladesh, rice and meat (sometimes potatoes) cooked together as a spicy mix. Buddhopurnima: The day when the Buddha was born, gained enlightenment, and achieved Nirvana. Durga puja: Worship of the Mother Goddess, the biggest celebration among Bengali Hindus. Eid-ul-Adha: Muslim celebration that marks the end of the month of Ramadan (month of fasting). Eid-ul-Fitr: Muslim celebration after the Hajj (pilgrimage). Garam masala: A term that literally translates as mixture of „hot spices,‰ usually based on a mix of bay leaves, cardamoms, cloves, and cinnamon. Ghazals: Technically romantic and spiritual poetry, usually sung in a semiclassical style. Halal: That which is allowed in Islam, for example in food (comparable to kosher among Jewish people).

References

| 143

Hijab: A head cover for Muslim women. Imam: Technically anyone who leads a Muslim prayer, usually the spiritual leader of a mosque. Kheyals: A raga-based musical form that is sophisticated but accessible to a broad public. Mughlai: Pertaining to the traditions and tastes of the Mughals (who ruled India 16th 19th centuries). Mukti Bahini: Bangladeshi freedom fighters who fought against the Pakistani army in 1971. Pilaf/Polau: Rice cooked in clarified butter usually with saffron and light garam masala. Pran: A Bengali word that means „life‰. Punjabis: People from the province of Punjab in India and Pakistan. Saraswati: Hindu goddess of learning revered in Bengal. Sepoy: Soldiers (usually referring to Indian soldiers in the British military). Sherwani: A longish coat reaching down to the knees worn by men on formal occasions. Sufis: Muslims whose music, poetry, and spiritual yearnings are based on a mystical tradition. Thumris: Light classical music.

References Abraham, M. 2002. Speaking the Unspeakable: Marital Violence Among South Asian Immigrants in the United States. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. Ahmad, Ahrar. 2008. „Bangladesh.‰ In International Security and the United States, edited by Karl deRouen and Paul Bellamy, 83 101. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International. Ahmed, Moudud. 2002. South Asia, the Crisis of Development: The Case of Bangladesh. Dhaka: University Press. Baluja, Kaari F. 2003. Gender Roles at Home and Abroad: The Adaption of Bangladeshi Immigrants. New York: LFB Scholarly. Baxter, Craig. 1997. Bangladesh. Boulder, CO: Westview. Bhardwaj, Sanjay. 2002. Bangladesh-U.S. Relations: From Cooperation to Partnership. Delhi: Kalinga. Chowdhury, N. 2005. „The Assimilation of Bengali Immigrants in the United States.‰ Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Marriott Hotel, Loews Philadelphia Hotel, Philadelphia.

144 | Bangladeshi Immigrants Chaudhury, Safia, and Lisa Miller. 2008, July. „Religious Identity Formation among Bangladeshi American Muslim Adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Research 23 (4): 383 410. Dasgupta S., and Dasgupta S. D. 1996. „Women in Exile: Gender Relations in the AsianIndian Community in the U.S.‰ In Contours of the Heart: South Asians Map North America, edited by S. Maria and R. Srikanth. New York: Asian American Writers Workshop. Datta, Sreedhar. 2004. Bangladesh: A Fragile Democracy. New Delhi: Shipra Publishers. Eaton, Richard. 1993. The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier. Berkeley: University of California Press. Harris, Michael, S. 1997. „Bangladeshis.‰ In American Immigrant Cultures: Builders of a Nation, edited by David Levinson and Melvin Embers. New York: McMillan Reference. Huq. M., and C. Abrar. 1999. Aid, Development, and Diplomacy: Need for an Aid Policy. Dhaka: University Press Limited. Islam, Naheed. 1997. „Bengalis.‰ In American Immigrant Cultures: Builders of a Nation, edited by David Levinson and Melvin Embers. New York: McMillan Reference. Islam, Nurul. 2004. Looking Outward: Bangladesh in the World Economy. Dhaka: University Press Limited. Jahan, Rounaq. 2001. Bangladesh: Promise and Performance. London: Zed Books Jones, J. Sydney. 2008. „Bangladeshi Americans.‰ Multicultural America. [Online article retrieved 07/1/09.] http://www.everyculture.com/multi/A-BR/Bangladeshi Americans.html. Kibria, Nazli. 2005. „South Asian Americans.‰ In Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues, edited by Pyong Gap Min, 206 27. Thousand Oaks, CA: Pine Forge Press. Kibria, Nazli. 2007. „South Asia: Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal.‰ In The New Americans: A Guide to Immigration Since 1965, edited by Mary Waters and Reed Ueda, 612 23. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Kibria, Nazli. 2008. „The ÂNew IslamÊ and Bangladeshi Youth in Britain and the United States.‰ Ethnic and Racial Studies 31(2): 243 266. Leonard, Karin. 1997. The South Asian Americans. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Light, I., and Gold, S. J. 2000. Ethnic Economies. San Diego: Academic Press. London, Ellen. 2004. Bangladesh. Countries of the World Series. Milwaukee, WI: Gareth Stevens Publishing. Mallick, A. R., and Syed Anwar Husain. 2004. „Bengali Nationalism and the Emergence of Bangladesh.‰ In Bangladesh—National Culture and Heritage: An Introductory Reader, edited by Salahuddin Ahmed and Bazlul Mobin Chowdhury, 186 204, Dhaka: Independent University of Bangladesh. Mascarenhas, A. 1986. Bangladesh: A Legacy of Blood. London: Hodder & Stoughton.

Further Reading

| 145

Novak, J. J. 1993. Bangladesh: Reflections on the Water. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. OÊDonnel, C. P. 1984. Bangladesh: Biography of a Muslim Nation. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. Office of Homeland Security. 2008. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Press. Office of Homeland Security. 2009. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Press. Paul, Bimal Kanti. 2008. „Bangladeshi Americans.‰ In Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Society, vol. 3, edited by Richard Schaefer, 132 33. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications. Rahman, Shafiqur. 2011. The Bangladeshi Diaspora in the United States after 9/11: From Obscurity to High Visibility. El Paso TX: Lfb Library of Scholarly Publications, Reaz, Ali, and Christine Fair, eds. 2011. Political Islam and Governance in Bangladesh. New York: Routledge. Rashid, Harunur. 2005. Bangladesh Foreign Policy: Realities, Priorities, and Challenges. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Academic Press and Publishers Library. Siddiqui, Tasneem. 2004. Institutionalizing Diaspora Linkage: The Emigrant Bangladeshis in UK and USA. Ministry of Expatriates Welfare and Overseas Employment of Government of Bangladesh, Dhaka: International Organization for Migration. Sisson, R., and Rose, L. 1990. War and Secession: Pakistan, India, and the Creation of Bangladesh. Berkeley: University of California Press. Sobhan, R., ed. 1990. From Aid Dependence to Reliance: Development Options for Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: University Press Limited. Uddin, Sufia. 2006. Constructing Bangladesh: Religion, Ethnicity and Language in an Islamic Nation. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. U.S. Census Bureau. 2007. Selected Population Profile in the United States, Country of Birth: Bangladesh, Data Set: 2007. American Community Survey. [Online article; retrieved 07/09.] http://factfinder.census.gov. U.S. Census Bureau. „Census Profile: New York Cities Bangladeshi American Population.‰ [Online article; retrieved 07/09.] http://aafny.org/cic/briefs/Bangladesh/pdf. Van Schendel, Willem. 2009. A History of Bangladesh: Politics, Economics and Civil Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Ziring, Lawrence. 1992. Bangladesh from Mujib to Ershad: An Interpretive Study. Delhi: Oxford.

Further Reading Ali, Monica. 2003. Brick Lane. New York: Scribner. This is a celebrated first novel by a young Bangladeshi writer about the Bengali immigrant experience in London focusing mostly on women.

146 | Bangladeshi Immigrants Ali, Riaz. 2004. God Willing: The Politics of Islamism in Bangladesh. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. A political scientist explores the rise of religious groups in Bangladesh. Anam, Tahmima. 2007. A Golden Age. New York: HarperCollins Publishers. An award-winning novel about the harrowing birth of Bangladesh in 1971. Centre for Policy Dialogue. 2006. State of the Bangladesh Economy 2004 2005, and Outlook for 2005 2006. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Center for Policy Dialogue. This is a rich annual publication that provides relevant data and sound analysis on issues relating to Bangladesh development. Glassie, Henry. 1997. Art and Life in Bangladesh. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. A handsomely produced book about Bangladeshi art and culture. Hartman, B., and J. Boyce. 1998. Quiet Violence: View From a Bangladesh Village. San Francisco: Food First Books. A sociological and anthropological study that explores issues of inequity and poverty in rural Bangladesh. Hossain, Hameeda, ed. 2006. Human Rights in Bangladesh 2005. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Ain O Salish Kendra. This is one issue of a reliable annual publication that provides meticulous data about human rights abuses and violations in Bangladesh, particularly good on minority and womenÊs issues. Gardner, Katy. 1995. Global Migrants, Local Lives: Travel and Transformation in Rural Bangladesh. Oxford: Clarendon Press. An anthropological study of the impact of emigration on the social and cultural lives of the people and places they have left. Iftekharuzzaman. 1994. South Asia’s Security: Primacy of the Internal Dimension. Dhaka, Bangladesh: Academic Publishers. Wide-ranging discussion about the context of foreign policy formation in Bangladesh. Jannuzi, F. T., and J. T. Peach. 1980. The Agrarian Structure of Bangladesh. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. A sophisticated and rigorous analysis of rural Bangladesh. Kabir, M. M. 2006. The Politics and Development of the Jamaat-e-Islami in Bangladesh. Dhaka, Bangladesh: A. H. Development Publishing House. Analyzes the rise and role of a religious party in Bangladesh that some claim is extremist. Lahiri, Jhumpa. 2003. Namesake. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin. A Pulitzer prize winning novelist writes about the joys and struggles of transition as a Bengali family from Kolkata migrates to the United States. Mohsin, A. 2003. Chittagong Hills Tracts in Bangladesh: A Difficult Road to Peace. Boulder, CO: Lynne Reiner.

Further Reading

| 147

A sensitive examination of the difficulties faced by the „tribal‰ populations living in the Hill Tracts in Bangladesh, the turbulence in the region, and the hopes for peace. Milam, William B. 2009. Bangladesh and Pakistan: Flirting with Failure in South Asia. New York: Columbia Press. A fairly optimistic account by a previous U.S. Ambassador to Bangladesh and Pakistan in the context of the weaknesses and problems faced by both countries. Prashad, Vijay. 2000. The Karma of Brown Folk. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. A classic book, from a progressive perspective, about the lives and times of the South Asians in the United States.

This page intentionally left blank

Brazilian Immigrants by Franklin Goza

Introduction The number of Brazilians in the United States has grown rapidly over the past 25 years, and their numbers continue to steadily increase. U.S. government statistics reveal that since the mid-1980s Brazilians have relocated to the United States in record numbers. Prior to that time this movement was almost nonexistent. The main reason for this tremendous increase, which began approximately 25 years ago, was the worsening Brazilian economy (Goza 1992, 1994a; Margolis 1994). Although the economic situation in Brazil has stabilized, the social networks now in place facilitate the integration of additional newcomers and the continued expansion of this immigrant flow. As such, it is very likely that this population will continue to grow for at least the foreseeable future. In order to document the Brazilian experience in the United States, this study will primarily use data from the 2000 U.S. Census of Population. These data will enable me to present a comprehensive overview of all Brazilians in the United States. The 2000 Census data will also be contrasted with data from the 1980 and 1990 censuses in order to document the evolution and expansion of this immigrant group. This census information will be supplemented with my own primary data collected from the hundreds of Brazilians living in the United States. Together these data will enable me to depict a wide-ranging portrait of Brazilian Americans. This presentation begins by providing an overview of BrazilÊs geography, demography, and history. The focus then turns to discussing the nature of BrazilÊs immigration stream to the United states, its rapid increase, and the difficulties involved with its measurement. A demographic synopsis of these immigrants is then presented, and preferred places of geographic residence and their shifts over time are documented. Attention next turns to the family structure of these immigrants, revealing how most come with numerous other family members. Aspects of this groupÊs social assimilation and economic outcomes are outlined. To do this I examine a number of key measures including their English ability, naturalization status, employment and occupational status, poverty rates, and future prospects. The picture that emerges from this examination is one of an extremely diverse population that now resides in almost every area of the United States. Although many Brazilians appear to be doing relatively well both socially and economically,

149

Chronology | 151

a sizeable contingent runs the risk of being left behind and failing to achieve their dreams of success in the United States, as they lack the English ability and formal education required to compete effectively for well-paying jobs in the U.S. labor market. Regardless of the observed bifurcation that is occurring among the Brazilian American immigrant population, it is likely that this group will continue to grow for the foreseeable future.

Chronology pre-1500

Brazil is populated by thousands of tribes whose numbers are estimated to total at least one million.

1500

The Portuguese explorer Pedro ˘lvares Cabral arrives at Porto Seguro, Bahia, in northeast Brazil.

1538

The first African slaves arrive in Brazil.

1549

Salvador da Bahia is established as the nationÊs first capital.

1565

Rio de Janeiro is founded.

1580

Portugal comes under Spanish rule.

1623–1654

The Dutch occupy the northeast, controlling the key cities of Salvador and Recife.

1640

Portugal becomes independent from Spain.

1750

The Treaty of Madrid establishes new boundaries for Spain and Portugal, which allow for further expansion of the Portuguese empire in South America.

1763

The capital is moved to Rio de Janeiro.

1789

The Inconfidencia uprising in Minas Gerais is exposed.

1792

Tiradentes, one of the leaders of the Inconfidencia, is executed.

1815

Brazil is recognized as PortugalÊs most valuable colony and raised to kingdom status.

1822

The Empire of Brazil is founded by Dom Pedro I. Independence from Portugal is declared on September 7, 1822.

1825–1828

War occurs between Argentina and Brazil.

1850

The importation of slaves to Brazil is forbidden.

1865–1870

The War of the Triple Alliance (Brazil, Argentina, and Uruguay) against Paraguay nearly destroys that nation.

152 | Brazilian Immigrants

1880s–1940s

Brazil experiences a period of massive immigration, especially from Italy, Portugal, Germany, Japan, Lebanon, and Spain.

1888

Slavery is abolished in Brazil.

1889

Dom Pedro II is deposed by a military coup led by Marshal Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca, who then becomes the republicÊs first president.

1891

The first constitution is created based on that of the United States.

1930

The First Republic ends with a military takeover lead by Getúlio Vargas.

1942

Brazil enters World War II after several of its merchant ships are sunk by German submarines.

1954

Getúlio Vargas is deposed and commits suicide.

1960

The federal capital is moved to Brasília.

1964

A military dictatorship is imposed with General Humberto Castelo Branco as leader and president.

1964–1985

A time of censorship, repression, and suspension of civil liberties. Dissidents are tortured, imprisoned, and exiled.

1968–1974

The Brazilian „economic miracle‰ promotes large-scale economic development and industrialization.

1979

The abertura begins the process of restoring political rights.

1980s

The so-called Lost Decade, in which hyperinflation and recession prevail, stimulates the exodus of hundreds of thousands of Brazilians.

1985

Military rule ends as Tancredo Neves is elected president. He dies before assuming office, leaving that position to José Sarney.

1994

Fernando Henrique Cardoso, a sociologist and a university professor, is elected president.

1998

Fernando Henrique Cardoso is re-elected president.

2002

Luiz Inácio da Silva, a former president of a steel workersÊ union, is elected president.

2004

Brazil selected to host 2014 FIFA World Cup soccer tournament.

2006

Luiz Inácio da Silva is reelected president.

2009

Brazil selected to host 2016 Summer Olympic Games in Rio de Janeiro.

Background | 153

2010

Dilma Vana Rousseff, the daughter of a Bulgarian immigrant, is elected BrazilÊs first woman president.

Background Geography and Population Geographically and demographically Brazil is South AmericaÊs largest country. Brazil occupies nearly 3.3 million square miles, making it the worldÊs fifth largest nation, larger even than the continental United States. In 2010 its population was 193.3 million (Population Reference Bureau [PRB] 2010), also making it the worldÊs fifth most populous nation. Both BrazilÊs geography and population are extremely diverse. Brazil occupies nearly 3.3 million square miles, a land mass so large that it accounts for 47 percent of the South American continent. To provide an idea of this nationÊs size, Marajó Island, which is located at the mouth of the Amazon River, is barely noticeable on a map of Brazil, yet this island is only slightly smaller than the nation of Switzerland. Brazil also borders 10 other nations, including every South American country except for Ecuador and Chile. BrazilÊs Atlantic coastline is approximately 5,000 miles long extending from nearly 620 miles north of the equator to more than 1,000 miles south of the Tropic of Capricorn. In many of the northern and northeastern states, the sun-drenched beaches are nearly pristine and arguably among the finest in the world. Certainly the city of Rio de Janeiro is home to some of the worldÊs most famous beaches, including Copacabana and Ipanema. In addition to beaches, Brazil is also home to the Amazon River. Located primarily in the northern states of Pará and Amazonas, the Amazon River runs from west to east for approximately 4,000 miles and is located 2 to 4 degrees south of the equator. Because of different measurement techniques, some scholars call the Amazon the worldÊs longest river while others give this distinction to the Nile. Regardless of which river is the longest, all agree that the Amazon carries the most water, as the Amazon Basin drains the entire northern half of South America, making it the largest drainage basin in the world, as it stretches almost all the way across the width of South America. This basin contains nearly 20 percent of the worldÊs freshwater, and this riverÊs estuary is an amazing 200 miles wide. Surrounding the Amazon River is the Amazon Rainforest. This tropical rainforest is the worldÊs largest and is home to many plants and animals not found elsewhere. It is also home to many indigenous tribes, some that subsist as hunters and gatherers. Still others, like the Yanomami, utilize „slash and burn‰ technology that dates back to the Paleolithic Era. The Yanomami are also skilled horticulturalists

154 | Brazilian Immigrants

whose culture and knowledge of crops have enabled them to flourish with the rainforest environment in which they live. That said, all residents of the Amazon, the people, the plants, and the animals are now at risk from the settlers who are relocating to this region in massive numbers to exploit the opportunities they believe are available. Many have relocated there from BrazilÊs southern and eastern states in search of their own small farms; a dream most could never realize in their states of origin. Those with more resources have sought to develop cattle ranches in this area, while miners (garimpeiros) come in search of the regionÊs mineral wealth. Although the exact rate at which this rainforest is being destroyed is unknown, it is estimated that since 1980, an area roughly equivalent to the size of Spain has been deforested (Cimitile 2009). Deforestation has led to decimation of Amazon tribes, loss of biodiversity (from plant and animal extinction), malaria epidemics, increased release of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere, and increased threat of global warming. While the Brazilian government and other international agencies are attempting to control this situation, it has proven to be extremely difficult given the size of the region and the amount of resources believed to be available. Brazil is also home to another unique ecosystem, the Pantanal. The Pantanal is the worldÊs largest wetland and is primarily located in the southwestern states of Mato Grosso and Mato Grosso do Sul, although it also stretches into parts of Bolivia and Paraguay. During the wet season, this enormous floodplain is estimated to occupy between 54,000 and 81,000 square miles. This unique ecosystem is home to many birds, fish, and mammalian species that are not found elsewhere. Brazil is divided in five major regions. These regions were created as statistical units by the Brazilian census bureau (Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística [IBGE]) in 1969. These statistical units are extremely useful for providing an overview of BrazilÊs population and its geography. The first major region is the North, which contains the Amazon River and much of its basin. While occupying over 45 percent of the nationÊs land mass, in the year 2000, the North was home to only 8 percent of its population. The second major region, the Northeast, contains nine states that each border a portion of the Atlantic Ocean. This region possesses an area four times the size of California. In 2000, this major regionÊs population accounted for 28 percent of the national total. This was the first major region settled by the Portuguese 510 years ago. Consequently much of it was deforested long ago. Today this major regionÊs land is primarily used to grow sugar cane, cacao, beans, corn, and cotton. Rainfall oftentimes is very scarce, especially in the inland areas. The resulting dry, sometimes desert-like landscape that characterizes much of the „interior‰ is referred to as the sertão. Since the 1970s, millions of low-skilled workers have fled this region in search of better employment opportunities in the large urban centers of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, and Belo Horizonte. The Center-West is the third major region. It contains three states (Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Goiás) and the Federal District of Brasília. Located in this major region

Background | 155

is the Pantanal. Although this major region occupies about 19 percent of the nationÊs land mass, it contains only about 7 percent of the population. The main crops grown by this major regionÊs farmers include corn, rice, cotton, coffee, soy, cassava, pumpkin, and almonds. The region also possesses numerous cattle ranches and some mineral wealth. Much of this region is on a plateau, with altitudes occasionally rising to almost 3,000 feet. The fourth major region, the Southeast, is the nationÊs smallest but the most populous. More specifically, although this region occupies just 10 percent of the countryÊs land, it was home to nearly 43 percent of the population in 2000. That is because it contains the four populous states of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Espirito Santo, and Minas Gerais. This region is the industrial heart of Brazil. In it are found most of the nationÊs steel mills, automobile factories, oil refineries, furniture factories, and soft drink and beer plants. Consequently, its population is the most urban (90.5%) of any major region, and its residents enjoy the nationÊs highest per capita income. However, this regionÊs economy is extremely diverse. Because it is rich in minerals such as manganese, iron, gold, and precious and semiprecious stones, extractive industries are found throughout the region. Furthermore, the high level of development experienced by the regionÊs cities also extends to its agriculture. The main crops from this region are coffee, cotton, corn, rice, beans, fruits, nuts, and sugar cane. Some of the wealthiest producers own million-dollar machines that are capable of harvesting the sugar cane they plant in fields irrigated by the worldÊs most modern irrigation systems. Still in an effort to generate as much revenue as possible, these cane producers prefer to hire temporary migrant workers, who manually cut down the cane with long machetes. This is a region of contradictions. For example, extremely large farms using firstworld farming techniques might be bordered by extremely small subsistence farms that operate without any mechanization. Similarly, the regionÊs largest cities are filled with the most opulent high-rises imaginable, while the poor reside in favelas (slums) and the streets abound with the homeless and street urchins. The South is the fifth and final major region. This small region borders Paraguay, Uruguay, and Argentina. It occupies about 7 percent of the land mass and is home to 15 percent of the population. Almost everyone in this region in able to read and write, and average income is the highest in the nation. This region is also home to large numbers of Italian and German immigrants. Consequently, there are some cities that look very European (e.g., Blumenau) and where one can speak either German or Italian with many of the locals. This is also the „whitest‰ region of Brazil (84%). This region is characterized by several plateaus as well as some mountains, the highest of which is Pico Paraná, at over 6,000 feet. The region is also home to beautiful Atlantic beaches and the Iguaçu waterfalls. These falls are located at the international border shared by Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay. Considered to be among the most spectacular waterfalls on earth, they were recently selected as one of the seven new wonders of the world. In sharp contrast to the countryÊs tropical regions,

156 | Brazilian Immigrants

the winter temperatures in this region are cold enough that it occasionally snows, requiring residents to turn on the heating in their homes. The main crops grown in this region are soy, corn, wheat, rice, and tobacco. Cattle raising is also important to the region, and it is the nationÊs largest producer of pigs and their by-products. Although BrazilÊs 2010 population was more than 193 million (PRB 2010), as recently as 1950 it was less than 53 million (Merrick and Graham 1979). However, because of a rapid rate of natural increase the population grew to 92 million by 1970 (Merrick and Graham 1979). Rapid natural increase continued such that by 1991, the population increased to 143 million (IBGE 2008). Until 1991 the countryÊs age structure was typical of a developing nation as it resembled a pyramid with a large base (consisting of the nationÊs young) that tapered to a small point on top (where the relatively few elderly were clustered). Since 1991, however, both mortality and fertility rates have declined significantly leading to a population with fewer young and more elderly. The nationÊs mortality decline began slowly in the 1940s and gradually increased due to major improvements in economic conditions, public health, and sanitation. As a result, Brazilian life expectancy increased from approximately 40 years in 1940 (Merrick and Graham 1979) to more than 73 years in 2010 (PRB 2010), when women enjoyed an eight-year advantage in life expectancy (77) over men (69). In 2000, life expectancy ranged from a low of 63.2 years in Alagoas (in the Northeast) to 71.3 years in Santa Catarina (in the South) (Messias 2003). As recently as 1970, the infant mortality rate was still approximately 100 deaths per 1,000 live births. By 2010, however, the infant mortality rate had dropped to only 24 deaths per 1,000 live births (PRB 2010). BrazilÊs total fertility rate (the average number of children born per woman) declined from nearly 6 in the 1940s to 2.0 in 2010. Consequently, the tails of the population pyramid have been eliminated as BrazilÊs population and age structure is transforming itself to look more like the cylinder shape characteristic of the population structures found in developed nations. In addition, because the nationÊs total fertility rate is now below 2.1, a figure that is required for a population to replace itself, Brazil should soon see its population count stabilize and then begin to decline; unless of course large-scale immigration to the country resumes. Although BrazilÊs population is now very urban (84%), as recently as 1940 only 31 percent of the population lived in urban areas. Furthermore, until about 1960 approximately 80 percent of BrazilÊs population lived on a narrow strip of land within 100 miles of the Atlantic coast. The establishment of Brasília in 1960 was designed to get people to populate the inner hinterlands, and this plan largely succeeded. Similarly, the construction of both the Trans-Amazonian Highway and the BR 364 (which moved settlers from Brasília to Porto Velho, a major city on the western edge of the Amazon basin) in the early 1970s were responsible for the relocation of large numbers of internal migrants (Goza 1994b). Thus over the course of the

Background | 157

past 50 years, Brazil has become a predominately urban nation whose population is now more evenly dispersed throughout its 26 states and federal district. As mentioned previously, Brazil is a nation of contrasts. These contrasts also extend to the demographic realm. For example, in 2000 the total fertility rate in rural areas (3.5) was much higher than in urban areas (2.2). Similarly, the more developed regions of the country also have lower total fertility rates than do the poorer regions (e.g., 2.1 in São Paulo and 4.9 in Acre). Rural residents also typically have much lower levels of education than do urban residents. For example, in 2007, 23 percent of the adult rural population was illiterate, whereas among urban residents the corresponding figure was 8 percent (Ripsa 2008). Those in more developed areas also score higher on a number of other socioeconomic measures including income and life expectancy. Brazil is a multiethnic, multiracial society, arguably unlike any other nation on the planet. Over the course of the past 510 years, a great deal of miscegenation has occurred among all of the various races located there, including whites, blacks, Asians, and indigenous peoples. Consequently, the second largest race in Brazil is brown (pardo), a category that resulted because of miscegenation. Furthermore, because of the various (im)migration patterns that have evolved, the nationÊs racial composition varies greatly from one state to the next. For example, in Bahia, the first state settled and the one closest to Africa, one finds the nationÊs highest percentage of black and brown races (73% in 2000). Of course, this is because many slaves were first brought to this state and region. In the South, on the other hand, because of the large-scale immigration of Germans and Italians, the racial composition is extremely different, as that region contains the nationÊs highest percentage of whites. For example, in the state of Santa Catarina, whites comprised more than 89 percent of the population in 2000. In this major region, one finds many residents with blond hair and blues eyes. There it is also possible to find cities and villages where people still can conduct many of their daily affairs speaking either German or Italian. Meanwhile Brazil is also home to a sizable contingent of Japanese Brazilians. Many first-generation Japanese immigrants to Brazil began working in agriculture in the Amazon region and in São Paulo state; however, during the past century, large numbers have relocated to the city of São Paulo, where there is a major Japanese enclave. Finally, although their numbers have been greatly reduced due to disease, violence, and intermarriage, there remains a large population of indigenous Brazilians. Most of their protected lands are in the North, where they account for about 15 percent of the territory. The largest single reserve is the 9.6 million hectare Yanomami territory, which is located in the northern states of Amazonas and Roraima. Other large indigenous reserves are also found in many other states including Rondônia, Acre, Amapá, Pará, Maranhão, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, and Goiás.

158 | Brazilian Immigrants

Brazilian society is highly stratified on many distinct levels, one of which is race. This stratification began with the slave system that existed for 350 years. Although some claim that Brazil is color-blind (with no racial discrimination), many others disagree and have produced empirical evidence to support their claims (e.g., Telles 2004). In addition, Brazil suffers from pronounced socioeconomic stratification as reflected by its highly skewed income distribution. The Gini coefficient is a measure of income inequality that ranges from 0 in a society with complete equality to 1 in a society with complete inequality. In 2005, BrazilÊs Gini coefficient was 0.58, the tenth highest in the world (CIA Factbook 2010) and indicative of a nation where a relative few are extremely wealthy and many others have very little. This inequality is clearly reflected in the nationÊs poverty rates. As recently as 2003, 35 percent of the nationÊs population was considered poor. As in the United States, people of color are most likely to find themselves in this situation. The nationÊs educational system is also highly skewed. While many private schools offer high-quality education, public schools are sometimes of questionable quality. Consequently, parents with sufficient resources often opt to send their children to private schools. Sadly, many of BrazilÊs children are unable to even complete grade school, regardless of the quality of their school. In 2007, illiteracy rates ranged from less than 4 percent in the Federal District to a high of 25 percent in the impoverished state of Alagoas located in the northeast (Ripsa 2008). Almost 100 percent of the population speaks Portuguese. Those who do not speak this language are recent immigrants and some indigenous groups. The main languages spoken by the indigenous peoples are Tupí, Arawak, Carib, and Gê.

History of Brazil Although by most accounts Brazil was unknown to Europeans until 1500, it was inhabited by indigenous peoples long before. Schmitz (1987) has used carbon-14 to demonstrate that some areas in the Amazon region may have been inhabited as early as approximately 11000 B.C.E. Rock paintings and engravings in northern areas date back to at least 5000 B.C.E. By approximately 2000 B.C.E., there is evidence that hunters and gatherers inhabited states throughout the entire Southeast major region. While it is impossible to determine the size of BrazilÊs population at the time of ˘lvares CabralÊs arrival in 1500, most agree that it was at least one million with some estimating that there were as many as five million. It is also estimated that in 1500, there were thousands of tribes who spoke hundreds of distinct languages. On April 22, 1500, the Portuguese explorer Pedro ˘lvares Cabral arrived at Porto Seguro, Bahia, in northeast Brazil. He believed he had discovered an island, which he named the Island of Vera Cruz (true cross). For the first decades that followed little colonization occurred. However, during this time a tree called paubrasil (Brazilwood) became highly valued because of the reddish dye that could be

Background | 159

extracted from the core of the treeÊs trunk. So prized was this tree that it became the chief export during this period. It was so valued that it nearly became extinct due to overharvesting. Nonetheless, this treeÊs lasting legacy would be the name that it was to bestow on South AmericaÊs largest nation. In the 1530s, several important developments occurred. Exploratory forays by the French and Dutch on BrazilÊs northeast coast lead to a reaction by PortugalÊs King João III, who in 1530 sent a large number of troops to Brazil to protect this Portuguese territory. In 1532 the first permanent colony was established in São Vicente. The settlers in this town supported themselves with the sugar cane plantations (fazendas) they established. Then in 1538 the first African slaves were imported from Angola. As in North America, the colonists had earlier attempted to enslave the indigenous inhabitants. However, they proved unsuitable slaves as they resisted, often escaped to rejoin their tribes, or became sick and died due to the illnesses brought by the Europeans. Thus BrazilÊs experience with importing African slaves began. This trafficking continued until 1850 when the Queiroz Law prohibited the importation of additional African slaves. During this 312-year period, it is estimated that Brazil received more than 3 million slaves (Telles 2004), obtaining approximately 35 percent of the entire Atlantic slave trade. The Brazilian historian Taunay estimated that 100,000 African slaves arrived in Brazil in the 16th century; 600,000 in 17th century; 1.3 million in 18th century; and 1.6 million in the 19th century. As in the United States, slavery would forever affect and shape BrazilÊs history and socioeconomic structure. Beginning in the 16th century and for many years to come, slavery would be an extremely important part of the Brazilian economy, especially sugar cane production. In 1549, Salvador da Bahia, in the northeastern state of Bahia, became the nationÊs first capital. It also soon became an important port and the center for the sugar and slave trades. Around this time, several other coastal towns also begin to prosper largely because of their sugar cane production. In 1578, King Sebastian of Portugal died without an heir. Consequently, Portugal fell under Spanish rule and this dual monarchy lasted from 1580 to 1640. During this period, Brazil was allowed a great deal of political autonomy. In 1621, largely as a consequence of its growing importance and recognition of its mammoth size, Brazil was divided into two Brazils, the states of Maranhão and Brazil. Both Brazils had their own governments and governors-general. The State of Maranhão consisted of the present states of Ceará, Maranhão, Piauí, and Pará. It remained independent until 1774, when it was incorporated in the State of Brazil. During the dual monarchy period, the French and Dutch would occasionally occupy parts of the northeast region. The French founded the city of São Luis do Maranhão, originally a Tupinambá tribal village, in 1612. However, their attempt at colonization failed when they were expelled by the Portuguese in 1615. The Dutch occupation was more successful, enabling them to control the important colonial

160 | Brazilian Immigrants

cities of Salvador and Recife. Salvador was briefly occupied from 1623 to 1624 and Recife from 1630 to 1654. Once the Dutch were expelled, Brazil would never again be threatened by a foreign takeover. During the Dutch occupation, the first Jews were allowed to immigrate to Brazil. The Dutch permitted them to openly practice their religion, and in Recife two synagogues were built. In 1640, Portugal regained its independence. The Spanish were unable to prevent this as they were engaged in other political and military undertakings. The Portuguese also benefited from the support of the English, who viewed a weakened Spain as advantageous. The ensuing period witnessed the continued exploration of the Brazilian territory. In the north, the Amazon was explored, and the river cities of Santarém and Manaus were established in 1640 and 1660, respectively. Meanwhile in the south, the bandeirantes (callous flag-carrying pioneers) explored the interior regions in search of indigenous peoples who they could enslave. Their slaving explorations paved the way for future settlers and the additional development of previously unknown regions. In the late 17th century, gold was discovered in the present State of Minas Gerais (general mines). This set off a gold rush responsible for sending over 300,000 Portuguese to Brazil in search of their fortunes. This influx of migrants lead to a tenfold increase in the population of Minas and also made it BrazilÊs new economic center. This importance further increased when in 1729 diamonds were also discovered in Minas. Because Minas Gerais is south and west of Bahia, it also resulted in the 1763 transfer of the stateÊs capital from Salvador to Rio de Janeiro, a more southerly coastal city and one closer to Minas Gerais. In addition, those in search of mineral wealth continued to move further inland in search of their fortunes, paving the way for the additional settlement and continued development of the hinterlands. In 1774, the State of Maranhão was incorporated into the State of Brazil. From this point forward there would be only one government and one Brazil. However, within this one Brazil not everyone was of one mind. Because of the ever higher taxes being imposed on the colony a small insurgency developed (the Inconfidencia) in Minas Gerais designed to overthrow the Portuguese and to declare Brazil an independent republic. The Inconfidencia conspiracy was discovered in 1789, and one its leaders, Tiradentes, was publicly hanged and his body quartered in 1792. Today Tiradentes is a national hero. His birthday is celebrated as a national holiday, and there is a city in Minas Gerais named after him. In November 1807, the French Emperor Napoleon I invaded Portugal because it refused to participate in the economic blockade of Britain. To avoid capture, Prince João (the future King João VI and the present regent acting on behalf of his incapacitated mother Queen Maria I [i.e., Mad Maria]), the rest of the Portuguese royal family, and approximately 15,000 others fled Portugal for Brazil. They arrived in Brazil on January 22, 1808. With Dom JoãoÊs relocation to Rio de Janeiro, Rio

Background | 161

became the new center of the Portuguese empire, and he the first monarch to rule his European state from a colony. He immediately opened all of BrazilÊs ports to international trade. His later contributions included the introduction of the printing press, the countryÊs first newspapers, and the establishment of BrazilÊs first institutions of higher education. In 1815 Dom João elevated Brazil from colony to kingdom status. In 1816, after his mother MariaÊs death, Dom João was officially recognized as King João VI of Portugal. The king returned to Portugal in 1821, leaving his son Prince Pedro de Alcântara to rule Brazil. With his returned to Portugal, King João VI attempted to rescind many of the privileges he had earlier granted Brazil and to once again return Brazil to its former status as a colony. The Brazilians refused and, with the support of Prince Pedro, declared their independence on September 7, 1822. Prince Pedro was declared the first emperor of Brazil and crowned Dom Pedro I on December 1, 1822. Unlike other South American nations, BrazilÊs independence was a rather peaceful occurrence. Dom Pedro IÊs son, Dom Pedro II, was born in Rio de Janeiro in 1825 and would serve as BrazilÊs regent for 58 years, from 1831 to 1889. Dom Pedro II was the second and last emperor of Brazil and has been referred to as a truly enlightened monarch. His policies were largely responsible for shaping Brazil and making it the nation that it is today. He provided the nation with stability and guided them through many difficult growing pains. He was able to successfully put down

On September 7, 1822, after continuing assaults on his rule by the Portuguese authorities, Pedro I asserts the independence of Brazil with his famous proclamation on the banks of the Ipiranga River, “independence or death.” (National Library of Brazil/Library of Congress)

162 | Brazilian Immigrants

rebellions (e.g., the Farrapos Revolt) and to direct his nation in time of war (i.e., War of the Triple Alliance). He also freed his slaves at a young age and forbade the importation of new slaves into Brazil in 1850. Slavery was also officially abolished while he was still emperor in 1888. During his reign Brazil also began experiencing the large-scale immigration of Europeans. Dom Pedro IIÊs reign ended when he was overthrown on November 15, 1889. Although still extremely popular with his subjects, he had developed numerous enemies, including military leaders; former slave owners who resented the abolition of slavery; and the republicans seeking a new national political system. In addition, Dom Pedro IIÊs mental and physical health had apparently deteriorated to the point that he was detached from his regal duties. His removal from office was just as peaceful as when as Brazil acquired its independence from Portugal. The following 41-year period, from 1889 to 1930, is usually referred to as the Old Republic (República Velha). This era is sometimes referred to as the period of oligarchies or the coffee-and-milk era (São Paulo was the largest producer of coffee in Brazil, and Minas is the largest producer of milk), since the two most powerful states took turns installing the nationÊs president. The coffee-and-milk era ended in 1930 when a military coup installed a new dictator. The often turbulent period of the Old Republic in Brazil witnessed the creation of a constitution (in 1891) that established the Republic of the United States of Brazil and restored autonomy to the nationÊs states; the election of its first civilian president (in 1894); new immigration from Japan; continued immigration from Europe; a rubber boom in the Amazon; the expansion of the coffee, cotton, and textile sectors; and BrazilÊs participation in World War I. Still, when the Old Republic ended, Brazil remained largely a nation of haves and have-nots, a nation where the legacy of slavery had resulted in the extreme concentration of wealth and land in the hands of a few; a legacy that to this day continues·indicated by the nationÊs highly skewed Gini coefficient. In 1930, yet another peaceful political takeover occurred. This time a civilian politician by the name of Getúlio Vargas was put into power by a military junta. At the time of the coup, the junta was supported by a group of disaffected political constituencies consisting of various emerging classes (e.g., industrial workers and mid-sized farmers). Vargas was expected to be in power and serving their needs for only a relatively short time. However, he proved to be more adept than anyone had expected. In fact, he was a powerful national figure until his suicide in 1954. During his time in power, he was able to affect the condition of Brazil in several important ways. First, he instituted the countryÊs first minimum wage and passed additional labor laws, some of which are still in effect today. Because of this legislation, he is often referred to as BrazilÊs Father of the Poor. Second, he created the DASP (i.e., Administrative Department of Public Service), which was the beginning of the professionalization of Brazilian civil servants. Prior to this time, one needed to be well connected in order to be hired into one of these positions.

Background | 163

Third, the middle-class, part of the proletariat, and some women received the right to vote. Fourth, he centralized political power throughout Brazil unlike any other prior political leader. When Vargas committed suicide in 1954, his government was in a crisis situation with a military takeover looming. Over the course of the next 10 years, there would be seven presidents. All of these served very short terms with the exception of Juscelino Kubitschek, who was president from 1956 to 1961. KubitschekÊs claim to fame was the construction of Brasília, which was built in only 41 months and inaugurated as the nationÊs capital on April 21, 1960. In 1964 the military overthrew the left-leaning president João Goulart. This bloodless coup began a repressive military dictatorship that endured until 1985. During much of this time, the civil rights of Brazilians were suspended and all political parties abolished. The conservative rule enforced during this period was responsible for the torture, exile, and disappearance of those who posed any type of perceived threat. Those affected included many musicians, writers, artists, filmmakers, students, and politicians. In spite of the political repression, or perhaps because of it, BrazilÊs economy flourished during the first half of the militaryÊs rule. From 1968 to1974, the Brazilian economy experienced annual rates of economic growth of 10 percent or higher, growth that lead some to refer to this period as the Brazilian „economic miracle.‰ Still, the economic policies of the time were regressive, favoring the upper and middle classes to the detriment of the poor and working classes. These regressive policies led to a worsening income distribution and a very high Gini coefficient. The military leaders at this time decided that the nation should secure the Amazon Rainforest area. In 1970, a serious attempt at integrating the northern frontier began. The cornerstone of the plan was the National Integration Program, a failed colonization project that was originally designed to resettle a million families (Goza 1994b). The new inhabitants were to be resettled along the expanding TransAmazonian highway, a project begun in 1970 that was to stretch over 3,300 miles and reach from the Atlantic coast to near the Peruvian border. However, because of military mismanagement of the economy, the early 1980s were characterized by extremely high inflation and economic stagnation, leading the 1980s to be referred to as the Lost Decade. In an effort to maintain their previous lifestyle, thousands of middle-class Brazilians began considering their employment options in other nations. Thus in approximately 1985 the large-scale emigration of middle-class Brazilians to North America and elsewhere began (Goza 1994a). Beginning in the early 1980s, a political process called the abertura (political opening) began. The culmination of this process was when Tancredo Neves was elected president on January 15, 1985. Despite being elected, he died prior to his inauguration. Consequently, his vice-president, José Sarney, became the first civilian president since 1964. In 1988, a new democratic constitution was ratified. Since

164 | Brazilian Immigrants

then, five presidents have been freely elected, the first of whom, Fernando Collor de Mello, resigned in order to avoid being impeached. Both Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995 2003) and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003 2011) were elected to serve two four-year terms. The current president, Dilma Vana Rousseff, is BrazilÊs first woman president, and her first term began on January 1, 2011.

Causes and Waves of Migration The passage of the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act meant that earlier excluded groups were now for the first time able to immigrate to the United States. This legislation abolished the national-origin quotas that had been in place since the 1920s and in effect opened U.S. immigration portals to all newcomers. However, this earlier legislation did not affect Brazilians, as Brazil is part of the Western Hemisphere, an area to which this legislation did not apply. Even though Brazilians had the possibility of immigrating to the United States, relatively few took advantage of this possibility as throughout much of the 20th century Brazil, remained a nation of immigrants, not emigrants. That said, Table 25 presents 1980 U.S. census data to show that more than 64 percent of the Brazilians enumerated that year had arrived in the United States between 1965 and 1980. These and later increases may be at least partially due to the 1965 Immigration and Naturalization Act. Table 25 also reveals that in 2000 most Brazilian Americans, 81 percent, were relative newcomers, having arrived between 1985 and 2000. In many of the sections that follow, data from the 2000 U.S. Census of Population will be used to detail the socioeconomic and geo-demographic situation of the Brazilian American population. Also note that since 2000, many more Brazilians have immigrated to the United States, and it is expected that statistics collected by the U.S. Census department will enumerate well over a million Brazilian-born residents of the United States by the end of 2010.

Demographic Profile Size and Composition of the Community Before discussing the situation of those included in the census, it is important to note that many Brazilians residing in the United States were missed by prior U.S. censuses. There are many reasons for the Brazilian undercount, but perhaps the most significant is that many were undocumented residents who were fearful of all government officials, even those from the Census Bureau (Goza 1994; Margolis 1994). More specifically, my research revealed that more than 56 percent of the Brazilians interviewed were missed by the 1990 census. Because more than

Demographic Profile | 165

half of my sample lacked proper documentation, this is not surprising. At other times, Brazilians were miscounted as they were mistaken for Hispanics or African Americans. Finally, they were also undercounted because they sometimes resided in urban, inner city neighborhoods and were relatively poor; precisely those population segments most likely to be undercounted by the U.S. Census (Anderson and Fienberg 1999). From 1980 to 1998, the number of Brazilian citizens entering the United States with non-immigrant visas increased continuously almost every year. In 1998, over 935,000 nonimmigrant visas were issued to Brazilians (U.S. Department of Justice [USDJ] 2000). That year, only five nations received more of these visas than Brazil. Data from 2009 indicate that, although BrazilÊs ranking fell from 6 to 7, the total number of nonimmigrants to the United States increased to 959,448 (U.S. Department of Homeland Security 2010). This is the type of visa typically given to tourists or people traveling on business affairs; those who generally come to the United States for a relatively short stay and then depart. While many Brazilians use this visa type for its intended purpose, some do not. In fact, my research and that of others has revealed a large number of Brazilians who entered the United States legally, but then overstayed their visas. Furthermore, in most instances those entering with this visa type are clearly forbidden from working in the United States; a caveat that many have chosen to ignore as they also opted to overstay their visas. Specifically, my research revealed that 77 percent of the women and 58 percent of the men entered the United States this way. All of these individuals would later seek and find U.S. employment. U.S. immigration statistics also reveal a slow but consistent increase in the number of Brazilians who entered the United States legally as permanent immigrants; in 2009, for example, 14,701 Brazilians arrived with this visa type (USDHS 2010). While this may seem like a relatively small number, it is important to note that this figure represents an increase of approximately 323 percent since 1995 (USDHS 2006). Furthermore, the number of Brazilians entering the United States as permanent immigrants is virtually guaranteed to increase for many years as these new arrivals will soon also be able to sponsor the immigration of additional relatives. As such, current numbers contain a built-in multiplier effect since each new immigrant cohort can, and likely will, sponsor even larger future cohorts. The 2000 U.S. Census recorded a total of 247,020 people who were either born in Brazil or the children of such individuals. Please note that all of the data analyzed in this study were generated by the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (see http://www.IPUMS.org). For 1980 and 1990, we used the 5 percent sample, and for 2000, the 1 percent sample. For additional information on the IPUMS data see Ruggles et al. (2008). As discussed previously, many, perhaps even a majority of, Brazilians residing in the United States were missed by recent U.S. censuses (Goza 1994a; Margolis

166 | Brazilian Immigrants

1994). Magno de Carvalho (1996) reinforced this conclusion with analyses of Brazilian census data that suggested significantly more Brazilians resided abroad than were actually counted. Hence, if 2000 census estimates were doubled, that would mean approximately 500,000 first- or second-generation Brazilians were present in the United States in 2000. Such a possibility is further supported by a 2001 report of the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, which estimated that over 799,000 Brazilians resided in the United States in 2000 (Ministério das Relações Exteriores 2001). Table 26 documents the extremely rapid growth of Brazilian Americans. This population more than doubled from 1980 to 1990 and then grew by another 150 percent from 1990 to 2000. Table 26 shows that because of the large number of Brazilian-born individuals entering each year, the native-born or second-generation population still remained at only about one of every eight people in 2000. Table 25 clearly reveals the newness of this population. With the exception of 1980, those who arrived prior to 1950 represent a miniscule percentage for each census. Of course, many earlier arrivals may have long since departed the United States, while still others may have died, thereby reducing the immigrant counts for the earlier years. Nonetheless, the 1980 data reveal that this population was in a strong growth mode, as 45 percent of the entire group arrived just 10 years prior to the census. Strong growth was also evident in 1990 as fully 49 percent arrived between 1985 and 1990, exactly the period BrazilÊs economic crisis worsened. Furthermore, 64 percent of those counted in 1990 arrived during the preceding 10-year period. An amazingly similar pattern was observed in 2000 as 44 percent arrived 5 years prior to the census, and 65 percent during just the preceding 10 years. In fact, 87 percent of those counted in 2000 had arrived since 1980; a statistic that serves to highlight the newness of this group in the United States.

Place of Residence Where are Brazilian immigrants settling? Tables 27 and 28 indicate their primary states of residence. The most popular states in 1980 were California and New York; together these two locations accounted for over 35 percent of all Brazilians present in the United States. By 1990, New Jersey, Massachusetts, and Florida had emerged as other important destinations, as each accounted for over 10 percent of the Brazilian American total. By 2000, however, California and New York fell from the top positions as Florida moved into first place, with nearly 20 percent of the total, and Massachusetts secured second place with 17 percent. Although there was a repositioning of Brazilians across these five states, their concentrations within them continued to increase. By 2009, the top state figures were Florida, Massachusetts, California, New Jersey, and New York, in that order. Table 29 reveals the specific metropolitan areas within the United States where Brazilians were most likely to reside. In 1980, the New York City metro region

Demographic Profile | 167

had the largest concentration (14%) followed by Los Angeles (7%). However, since then their share of the total has declined significantly. By 2000, Boston had emerged as the metropolitan area most preferred by Brazilians (12%) while New York City fell to number two (7%). Two Florida areas, Fort Lauderdale and Miami, both experienced strong growth, while Newark continued stable with approximately 5 percent of the total. Table 29 also reveals that by 2000, these eight metropolitan areas together accounted for over 42 percent of all Brazilian Americans. Of the many possible locations in the United States, why did Brazilians chose the ones they did? Much of this has to do with transportation systems and social networks. For nearly 40 years BrazilÊs upper- and upper-middle classes have been taking their children on vacation trips to Disney World. Usually this would mean flying through Miami at some point. This helps explain the 20 percent of the Brazilian American population residing in that state. But why Massachusetts, especially the Boston area? This is largely explained by understanding how social networks work. According to social network theory, people will go where they have contacts and are welcome. Originally, there were no Brazilians in this part of the United States but there were many Portuguese immigrants. The Portuguese share a common language and history with the Brazilians. Thus, the Portuguese community and its residents were able to provide some initial support to many of earliest waves of Brazilians to relocate to this area. In fact, many found their initial jobs and places to live because of the „Portuguese connection.‰ Thus, no English was required, and while getting paid less than the minimum wage, the undocumented workers were still getting paid more than they had earned in Brazil. Both sides were winning. Once an initial foothold was established with the Portuguese community, then additional relatives from Brazil could be summoned and also quickly employed. This symbiotic relationship with the Portuguese has been noted in numerous communities in Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Toronto, Ontario (Goza 1999). The pull and attraction of these networks is very strong, and they could almost guarantee access to the employment sought by these immigrants. Furthermore, these social networks were so efficient that approximately 50 percent of the 200 people I interviewed had been able to begin working within two weeks of arriving in the United States, some beginning the very same day they arrived. From these early centers of concentration, the Brazilian American population has fanned out to other locations taking with them the experiences that they initially acquired under the auspices of their Portuguese sponsors.

Age and Family Structure Who are these Brazilian Americans? Table 30 reveals that they are more likely to be female than male. In all three census years there were more women than men, while in both 1980 and 2000 women outnumbered men by approximately 10 percent.

168 | Brazilian Immigrants

Not only are there more women, there are also many more young people. Table 31 documents the evolution of this populationÊs age structure. In 1980, it was fairly well balanced, as over 30 percent were less than age 20 and over 18 percent were more than 50 years old. By 2000, less than 25 percent were under 20, and only 11 percent were older than 50. The increasing proportion of those between the ages of 20 and 49, the prime labor force years, clearly suggests that this is primarily a movement of people who are immigrating with one motive in mind·to seek better opportunities, especially in the employment realm. The mean age of foreignborn Brazilians living in the United States for all three census years was always between 33 and 35 years of age, whereas, among the native-born, it ranged from 8 to 10 years of age. The results suggest that the majority of these immigrants are primarily labor migrants. Are they permanent or temporary labor migrants? Are they coming alone or with other family members? Temporary labor migrants frequently undertake moves by themselves and only later reunite with their families. Thus, perhaps the easiest way to examine this question is to review the marital status of those 18 and older. A flow of temporary labor migrants would probably be indicated by a large number of married individuals who were living apart from their spouses. Table 32 reveals that in 1980 and 2000, over 60 percent of all adults were married and living with their spouse. In fact, in 2000, almost all married Brazilians resided with their spouse. In the other two years slightly higher, but still relatively insignificant numbers of couples lived apart. This suggests that these couples are here for an extended, if not permanent stay. Table 32 also documents a sizable contingent of those never married and divorced. Perhaps these individuals did come by themselves for only a temporary stay in the United States. Another possibility that will be discussed in additional detail is that some of these divorced individuals came to the United States married and then divorced in this country. Tables 33 and 34 enable us to delve a bit deeper into the structure of the Brazilian American family. Table 33 reveals that in each census year between 16 and 23 percent lived apart from other family members. On the other hand, for all three census periods at least 77 percent did reside with at least one other relative. Furthermore, at all three times between 40 and 48 percent lived with three or more family members. These results are consistent with my primary data that revealed 74 percent of those interviewed had at least one relative in the United States, while 21 percent reported that they had six or more relatives present (Goza 1994a). This suggests that there may be two types of Brazilian immigrants, those who possess numerous friends and relatives in the United States and those who do not. The latter group may have traveled alone or with friends, but regardless, may lack access to a kinship-based support network·something available to the former group. Table 34 documents the specific relationship of all Brazilian Americans to the person identified by the census as the household head. Nearly 50 percent of the

Demographic Profile | 169

males in each census year were identified as the head of household, whereas among women, the corresponding figure increased from 14 to 18 percent. Those identified as children accounted for between 26 and 33 percent of the respective populations. Not all heads were married or had spouses present, and as such the figure for spouses is between 5 and 9 percentage points lower than it is for heads. The figures for the categories „other relatives‰ and „siblings‰ slowly increased over the 20-year period examined, whereas the figure for the category „parents‰ declined slightly. When combined, the categories head, spouse, and child account for a total of between 80 and 89 percent of all Brazilian Americans. This is indicative of the immigration of nuclear family units and is suggestive of those who have undertaken a permanent international move. It is also in keeping with the high value Brazilians place on family and kinship relations.

Educational Attainment Another important measure that facilitates assimilation and promotes economic well-being is education. Following generally accepted norms, the statistics presented here focus on the education of those who were at least 25 years of age at the time the census data were collected. Table 35 presents results for the three census years. These data reveal a great deal of promise for the Brazilian American population. Brazilian immigrants to the United States have been and continue to be a relatively well-educated group. Not only are their educational levels higher than the Brazilian norm, but they are also higher than those of the native-born, non-Hispanic white population in the United States. Furthermore, the educational attainment levels of these immigrants have consistently improved over time. For example, in 1980, 26 percent of all Brazilians had completed at least a four-year college degree. By 2000, the figure had increased to 34.5 percent, which again is higher than that of the native-born U.S. population. Likewise, those with at least a high school degree increased from 71.3 percent in 1980 to 88.7 percent in 2000. Furthermore, the figure has consistently increased since 1980. As a consequence, in 2000, only 11.3 percent of Brazilian American adults had not completed at least high school. This figure is a significant decrease from the appalling figure of 28.7 percent, which was observed in 1980. Although these results are very promising, it is worth noting that a high school education is no guarantee of a good job in this country, especially if that education was received in another country in another language. Therefore, 43 percent of this immigrant population should be concerned that they may lack the required education to compete effectively in this country. On the other hand, as mentioned before, because the remaining 57 percent of the population does have at least some college training, the Brazilian American educational picture, although bifurcated, is a positive one that bodes well for future success.

170 | Brazilian Immigrants

Economic Attainment For an immigrant, economic attainment is one of the most important aspects of an immigrantÊs life in a new country. How and to what degree have Brazilians been able to integrate themselves into the economy of this host nation? In an attempt to answer these questions, various auxiliary tables were created and examined. The first measure examined the ability to locate gainful employment. The auxiliary tables examining Brazilians aged 18 and over reveal that in 1979, 1989, and 1999, approximately 20 percent more men were employed than women. However, these supplementary tables also revealed a 7 percent decrease in the number of men employed from 1990 to 2000. During the same time period, there was also a 7 percent increase in the number of men out of the labor force; a rather disturbing result. On the positive side, however, for all three census years, the unemployment levels for both men and women were below the national average. That said, the decreasing employment level and the increasing percentage of men outside of the labor force may be responsible for the higher levels of return migration that have been observed in the past decade. The issue of return migration will be discussed in additional detail further on in this chapter. As mentioned previously in the context of social networks, this immigrant group is very motivated to find employment and succeed in the workforce. In fact, 28 percent of the men and 18 percent of the women began their first U.S. jobs less than one week after arriving (Goza 1994a). Social networks also operated in another important way: they helped those who were unemployed find work more quickly. More specifically, those Brazilians who worked primarily with other co-ethnics were more likely to become re-employed than those who did not (Goza and DeMaris 1999). Regardless of the ethnicity of co-workers, the Brazilians also demonstrated themselves to be stable and reliable workers as over 20 percent had been at their current job for at least a year at the time of interview. This suggests that, given their motivation to work and prior job histories, once the economy stabilizes, this group will again return to the workforce and attain a lower unemployment rate than the general population.

Occupational Patterns What positions did Brazilian men and women who were gainfully employed occupy in 2000? Table 36 shows the top 20 occupations separately for men and women. This fascinating table defies simple stereotypes. In it, we see both men and women occupying highly skilled positions. For example, among men 16 percent worked as manager and professionals, and the corresponding figure for women was 9.8 percent. Regardless of gender, many were also engaged in the same occupations long occupied by recent immigrants. For instance, the number one profession among

Demographic Profile | 171

women was private household worker or maid (12%), while many men found employment as cooks, drivers, laborers, janitors, and gardeners. Although is it likely that these immigrants have experienced a great deal of mobility within the work force, census data restrict the exploration of that question as they only provide information on current occupation. My research, however, did employ labor force work histories that enabled me to track Brazilian immigrantsÊ entire U.S. employment history. This data revealed a great deal of downward mobility, especially among those formerly employed in Brazil as professionals. There were observed instances of lawyers and doctors either driving cabs or working in restaurants. Although they may have been working „beneath their status,‰ they were always earning more than they had in Brazil at the time of their departure. My data also revealed that some individuals experienced significant mobility in a relatively brief period of time. Several had created businesses and were now employing numerous other immigrants. Typically this occurred in the construction sector, where skills many times are transferable. Similarly, several women had been able to establish small enterprises cleaning homes or businesses. In both of these examples, they were then able to hire other Brazilians and benefit financially from the labor of their co-ethnics.

Income Patterns Census data clearly document how very important employment is to income. The number one reason people are in poverty is because they donÊt work or because they are a dependent in a household where those responsible for their well-being do not work. Over 17 percent of all Brazilian Americans lived below the poverty line in 2000. Although this number is lower than corresponding figures for Hispanics and African Americans, it was double that of native-born whites. An examination of foreign-born Brazilians over the age of 21 reveals exactly how important a job is, as almost 60 percent of the subset in poverty did not work the week before the census. Although this explains the lionÊs share of those in poverty, an additional 16 percent did work 40 hours and still could not rise above the poverty line. Adult women were slightly more likely to be poor (18%) than men (16%). However, when examining all of the foreign-born an interesting pattern emerges. The groups most likely to be poor were those under 20 (25%) and those over 60 (20%). At the opposite end of the financial spectrum, 20 percent of all Brazilian Americans were in situations where their income was at least five times that of the poverty level. Five times the poverty level is as high as this measure goes, so it is possible that their incomes were even much higher. Thus, as in the case with education and occupation measures, there also appears to be a bifurcation that has developed among Brazilian American income patterns. Additional variables were examined in an attempt to gain further insights into the causes of unemployment. Not surprisingly, time in the United States was a factor.

172 | Brazilian Immigrants

Those in the United States less than five years were six times as likely to be unemployed as those with longer U.S. tenures. Likewise, naturalized U.S. citizens, who by default have been in the United States at least five years, experienced only onefourth the unemployment of Brazilians who were not U.S. citizens. Older individuals experienced slightly higher levels of unemployment than younger people. This, too, is to be expected, especially when people immigrate at older ages and possess fewer transferable skills (e.g., English ability and computer skills).

Health Issues In general Brazilian Americans do not possess any special health issues. A recent study conducted among various immigrant groups in Massachusetts (Marcelli et al. 2009) concurred and found that the Brazilian adult immigrants in the study were generally healthier than the other immigrant groups examined. Still, the same study reveals several key concerns as the Brazilians studied experienced above average levels of psychological stress and 60 percent lacked health insurance, 27 percent smoked, and only 19 percent exercised weekly. In addition, recent immigrants also often experience a longing for their homeland and those left behind. In my surveys, this was the number one mental health concern reported. In Portuguese, this longing is referred to as saudades, which has been translated many ways including „longing,‰ „nostalgia,‰ „the blues,‰ or „lingering emptiness.‰ In more severe cases, this can result in clinical depression that may require a doctorÊs help and treatment with anti-depressants. With the passage of time and acculturation to the American way of life, the affects of these saudades tend to lessen. Still, some immigrants are never quite able to cope. Perhaps that is why the reason most often cited for desiring to return to Brazil was saudades. Following are several quotes from various Brazilian immigrant respondents on saudades and their effects. These thoughts are from a middle-aged woman that I interviewed in Governador Valadares, Minas Gerais, nearly one year after her return to Brazil. She had lived and worked in the United States approximately three years. Saudades. In that country the thing that really kills us is saudades. O my God! You are practically isolated there. Do you understand? There the Brazilian is super isolated! When youÊre there you only talk with other Brazilians. What American doesnÊt converse with other Americans? For the majority of Brazilians there itÊs very rare to have a relationship with an American. It only happens after a lot of time there. Like in the case of my cousin, she was in the U.S. 10 years, so she had relationships with Americans. But for me who was just passing through, I had no real personal contacts. It was just the job and work, work, work.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 173

Adjustment and Adaptation Families and Changing Gender Relations Some Brazilian American families and households have been transformed in important ways. One key example of this transformation is that some Brazilian women in the United States have become empowered in ways that had not been possible for them in Brazil. In some Brazilian homes, men are still viewed as the primary decision makers and the ones with the power, while women take the lead in caring for the home and children. In the United States, many women have acquired more power and authority. Many also indicated that they found their new freedoms in the United States to be liberating. Here is how one middle-aged woman summed up the situation approximately six months after her return to Brazil. She had lived and worked in the United States almost 10 years. Personally, I believe that in Brazil women just arenÊt considered to be worth much. Men beat them whenever they want and they are always right. Machismo is everywhere in Brazil, thatÊs the way it is. While I was in the U.S., I saw the way women there lived and it made me envious. I never experienced that way of life in Brazil, never. Because of the new roles women have assumed in the United States, numerous conflicts have occurred. The following quote is from an interview I conducted with a Brazilian woman in her 20s who had recently returned to Brazil. It details one case of jealousy and violence. ThereÊs a lawyer in Valadares [a well-known city from which emigrants embark in Brazil] who has one of his sons doing life in prison in the Boston area. He killed his girlfriend in his apartment there. Man . . . it was jealousy. ItÊs that thing about women becoming too independent. He just wouldnÊt allow it, while she was getting more and more that way. Because she had a job, a car, she was able to divide the rent on a house. Then this guy begins getting jealous, even at her boss. ThereÊs a lot of this going on up there too. This example of violence had a terrible ending. Although not all acts of violence in the Brazilian American community end as horribly, my research did record dozens of cases of violence because of a womanÊs perceived independence. All respondents were asked a series of questions about their future plans including whether they intended to permanently remain in the United States. A significantly higher percentage of women revealed that they intended to permanently remain. Similar results have been documented among other immigrant women in the United States (Grasmuck and Pessar 1991).

174 | Brazilian Immigrants

Without a doubt, exposure to new social contexts had a significant effect on relationships between men and women and sometimes resulted in important transformations. Many women opted to assert themselves in important ways, one being that some have decided to end their marriages. In other cases, more egalitarian relationships have developed among Brazilian American men and women.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity Brazilians are extremely proud of their homeland and their national identity. In addition, all Brazilians are very proud of the specific area of Brazil that they call home, and most continue to refer to themselves with these labels (e.g., a woman from Rio de Janeiro is a Carioca). Because most Americans perceive of Brazil and Brazilians as friendly and sympathetic, it has not been that difficult for Brazilian Americans to retain a strong sense of national culture and to proudly display their Brazilian identity whenever the opportunity presents itself. So pronounced is their ethnic pride, that it has been well documented exactly how upset they can get when confused with those from other Latin American countries (Margolis 2009). They are quick to let the uninformed know, with pride, that they do not speak Spanish in Brazil and that they are not Hispanics. Part of this is because of ethnic stereotyping on the BraziliansÊ part. Many believe that they are superior to Hispanics because they are better educated and from better backgrounds. They also believe that they are treated better when the appropriate distinction has been made. Another reason for their pride is that they believe their country and their people are unique and should not be lumped into a large sweeping category such as Hispanic.

Continued Links to Brazil Many Brazilians continue to maintain very strong ties to their homeland. Most notably this is demonstrated by the fact that 60 percent of all adults regularly send remittances to their family members still living in Brazil (Goza and Ryabov forthcoming). Those remitting on average sent back roughly $260 per month. In some cases this imposed a severe financial strain on the remitters, yet they say that the recipients might not survive without these extra funds. This point becomes more believable when one considers that nearly 70 percent of all remittances were destined for basic consumption activities. Remitters also explain that were the roles reversed, the recipients would do the same for the remitters. In 2006, the last year for which data are available, the amount remitted to Brazil via official channels was nearly US$3 billion (International Monetary Fund 2007). While the specific source of these funds is impossible to determine, these remittances certainly account for a large portion of the income of many Brazilian households. Furthermore, not all

Adjustment and Adaptation | 175

remittances are purely altruistic gifts. Many send these funds because they desire to maintain strong ties and their social prestige within their origin area community, and one way to do this is by remitting. The strength of U.S.-Brazilian ties is perhaps strongest in the Brazilian municipality of Governador Valadares, located in the state of Minas Gerais. Scholars, the popular press, and even Brazilian television shows have long recognized the unique position Governador Valadares occupies as BrazilÊs primary region of emigration. For this reason numerous scholars (e.g., Goza 1994a; Margolis 1994; Sales 2003) have gone there to study this phenomenon firsthand. Strong links have existed between Valadares and the United States since at least the 1940s. Today this region is much more developed in the area of international migration than any other in Brazil. Those who are able to pass through the Valadares migration hub are able to tap into various well-established social networks and use these to facilitate numerous aspects of their international move on both the sending and receiving ends. The distribution of these privileges continues to fan out as each successive group of immigrants similarly assists those closest to them who chose to follow in their footsteps. In this way strong ties between the sending and destination communities are continuously reinforced.

Social Organizations In the relatively brief time Brazilians have resided in the United States, numerous forms of social organizations have emerged to assist them in various ways. At the upper end of the spectrum is the Brazilian-American Chamber of Commerce, of New York City. According to their Web site, they have „emerged as one of the most active international business organizations in the country in recent years‰ (Brazilian-American Chamber of Commerce [BACC] 2010). Although an independent, nonprofit business organization, they only cater to well established business interests, such as Fortune 500 corporations, as they seek to „promote trade and investment flows between Brazil and the United States and to forge closer ties between the business communities of both nations‰ (BACC 2010). The less privileged have their own social organizations to which they may also turn for assistance. The earliest Brazilians in Massachusetts may have received assistance from the Massachusetts Alliance of Portuguese Speakers. This nongovernmental organization has served Portuguese speakers in the areas of health and human services since the 1970s. Similarly, the earliest Brazilian Americans found that local churches served not only as places of worship but also as clearing houses of information and friendship. Initially, the parishes they frequented were largely populated by the ethnic Portuguese, and occasionally mass at these locales was given in Portuguese. With time and the arrival of more Brazilians to the United States, they were able to effectively take control of local churches and turn them

176 | Brazilian Immigrants

into locales where Brazilians could meet socially (Sales 2003). With the continued growth of the Brazilian population, there are now other options, especially in the densely populated Brazilian centers of Massachusetts and Connecticut. For example, there is the Brazilian Immigrant Center (BIC), which was founded to fight workplace abuse. More specifically, BICÊs mission is to unite Brazilian immigrants to organize against economic, social, and political exclusion and to help create a just society. Their mission later expanded, and they are now able to assist Brazilian immigrants in addressing a wide range of social issues, including how to master the English language. There are other similar organizations that also help workingclass Brazilians. These include the Centro do Trabalhador Brasileiro (the Brazilian Worker Center), the Brazilian WomenÊs Group, and the Brazilian American Association. The mission of the latter organization is „to organize the Brazilian community in order to build an identity in the American Society‰ (BRAMAS 2010).

Religion Religion is another area where Brazil demonstrates some diversity. Until recently almost all Brazilians declared themselves to be Christians, with the majority declaring Roman Catholicism as their religion. Still, in the past few decades those practicing Catholicism has declined, dropping from 93 percent in 1960 to 83 percent in 1991. One reason for this decline appears to be the recent spread of Protestantism. More specifically, the 1960 census revealed that 4 percent of the population practiced this faith. However, by 1991, this figure had increased to 9 percent. In addition to Christianity, a number of other faiths are practiced in Brazil. The most important of these smaller religions are the Afro-Brazilian ones known as candomblé or umbanda. These syncretistic religions are primarily practiced in the northeast and other regions where those originally from the northeast now reside. These religions resulted when the slaves mixed their African practices with those of the Roman Catholic faith. These less-practiced religions, along with others such as Islam, Judaism, and Buddhism, together account for the religions practiced by approximately 3 to 5 percent of the population.

Language Issues In order to communicate with the majority population in the United States, it is extremely important to be able to speak the English language. The 2000 Census was used to monitor the English speaking ability of Brazilians over the age of five. This five-category ordinal measure ranges from „does not speak English‰ to „speaks only English.‰ Table 37 indicates that there is reason for concern. This is because the number of individuals who either „speak no English‰ or „speak English poorly‰ (these categories are the exact ones used by the 2000 Census) has

Adjustment and Adaptation | 177

Sport Capoeira is a Brazilian form of martial art that recent Brazilian emigrants brought with them to all of the many destination nations in which they now reside— including the United States. Although unknown until recently in most nations, it is believed that this art form is at least 500 years old. Some believe that capoeira originated in Africa, likely in the region today occupied by Angola, while others believe that this art form is uniquely Brazilian. Unlike many martial art forms, capoeira is not designed to injure the foe; instead, the emphasis is on skill development. To the casual observer, capoeira resembles a dance, with the capoeiristas swinging their legs in sweeping motions over their opponent’s head. The legs generate most of the action as the capoeiristas demonstrate frequent leaps, flips, kicks, and sweeps. Less common techniques include hand punches and slaps. Capoeira is also always accompanied with music and song. The instrument always used to make this music is the berimbau. The berimbau consists of a wooden bow, three- to five-feet long that has a single steel string attached to it. At the bottom of the bow a hollowed out gourd is attached. This gourd serves to amplify the sound of the string being hit. A small woven basket with seeds or pebbles inside serves as a rattle, and this is held in the same hand that holds the stick used to strike the metal string. These brightly decorated instruments can be played very quickly or slowly, loudly or softly, as they set the rhythm followed by the capoeiristas. Variations on capoeira are now offered in some U.S. gyms as a fitness class. Soccer, which in Brazil is known as futebol, is without doubt the national pastime. This sport is practiced virtually everywhere and by everyone. Because all that is required is a ball and some space, it can even be played by Brazil’s poorest children without shoes on unkempt city streets or rocky rural fields. Organized soccer exists at every level. Because so many continuously practice this sport from almost the time they learn to walk, Brazilian expertise at this game is considered by many to be the best on the planet. It is so good that Brazil has won the World Cup, the pinnacle of soccer success, five times. This record of success is unequalled by any other nation. In addition, its players are sought after by professional teams everywhere. Pelé, who is arguably the best soccer player ever and the only player to have played on three winning World Cup teams, was brought to the United States in 1975 in an attempt to generate and expand U.S. interest in soccer. For three years he played on the New York Cosmos of the North American Soccer League, and although during that time he was already past his prime, he is credited with having expanded U.S. awareness of his sport.

178 | Brazilian Immigrants

increased in recent years. In 2000, 23 percent of those who were five and older fell into these categories. This is a significant increase over the 12 percent observed in 1980. Individuals in this situation, especially adults, will generally have a very difficult time interacting and making friends with host society members, and perhaps more importantly, finding desirable employment that pays well. On the other hand, in 2000, 77 percent spoke English quite well. Thus it appears that there is a bifurcation of English speaking skills among the Brazilians present in the United States. Auxiliary analyses examining the effect of time in the United States not surprisingly yielded extremely significant results, indicating the more time people spend in the United States, the better their English ability becomes.

Celebration of National Holidays The most celebrated holiday in Brazil is Carnaval (Carnival), which is held 40 days before Easter. So large is this celebration that the entire country comes to a virtual halt for the better part of a week. In the United States, this type of celebration only occurs in New Orleans, and that event long preceded the arrival of Brazilians in this country. The one major Brazilian holiday that is celebrated in this country is Independence Day or September 7. In New York City, this has become a major event. Back in 1984 when it began, it was a relatively modest affair. Since then, it has continued

Participants in the 22nd Annual Brazilian Day Festival react to the music as they crowd the area called Little Brazil in Midtown Manhattan, September 3, 2006. (AP Photo/Dima Gavrysh)

Adjustment and Adaptation | 179

to grow and become more elaborate every year. In 2008, the New York Police Department estimated that over 1.5 million people attended this one-day event, which occurs in the heart of Little Brazil on West 46th Street between 5th and 6th avenues. It is attended not only by Brazilian Americans but also by those who like Brazil as well as those simply looking to be entertained. At this event, there are numerous bands and entertainers, not to mention venders selling all things Brazilian. This free event, which is designed to celebrate Brazil, now does much more, as it creates good will between the Brazilians and their American hosts.

Foodways Brazil is a nation with foods as distinct as the people who inhabit this gargantuan land. Furthermore, because of the nationÊs large size, each region produces different edible items, making variations of each edible theme endless. Still, there are some common foods shared by most Brazilians. These include rice, beans, and farofa (roasted manioc flour). These staples are served with virtually every meal, with the exception of the Euro-Brazilians who reside in the South. There the Germans, the Slavs, and the Italians would likely prefer potatoes and pasta to rice. And the beans served throughout the rest of Brazil will not easily be found in the South; instead of beans, cabbage and slaw would be served. Regardless of region, Brazilians enjoy a plethora of fresh fruits and vegetables. Near the Amazon, one finds fruit options that only exist in that region, such as açaí, palm hearts, cupuaçu, papaya, guava, passion fruit, and hog plum. In other regions more familiar fruits such as the orange, pineapple, watermelon, cantaloupe, banana, and mango are readily available. Because of BrazilÊs 3,300 mile coastline, fresh seafood is available in most regions. A multitude of fish, lobster, crabs, and shrimp are all key ingredients in hundreds of regional dishes. In the Amazon, even more exotic fish, some with names that have not yet been translated to English, are readily consumed by locals. In that region jacaré (a type of small alligator) and paca (the worldÊs largest rodent, weighing up to 29 pounds) are also frequently consumed. In the far south, Brazilian barbeque or churrasco is a key part of the local fare. Much like the residents of neighboring Argentina and Uruguay, Brazilians in this region love to consume numerous varieties of grilled meat. This type of barbeque has now spread throughout much of the land and is available in churrasquerias (Brazilian steakhouses) everywhere. In the heartland of Brazil, rice, beans, chicken, beef, and pork are king. Every state builds on these staples with their own regional flair. In Minas Gerais, for example, two delicacies are frango ao molho pardo (chicken in blood sauce) and feijão tropeiro (a regional bean dish). In addition, Minas is famous for its feijoada (beef stew). These main courses are always accompanied with plenty of vegetables. Next, bread is added. Baguettes are now popular in many regions as are numerous

180 | Brazilian Immigrants

Foods Most agree that feijoada is Brazil’s national dish. Certainly, those that disagree must conclude that it is one of the nation’s most popular dishes. While many variations of this recipe exist, feijoada always begins with a core of black beans and meat. While some argue that this dish is Portuguese in origin, more would argue that the origin of this dish goes back to the days of Brazilian slavery. The latter explanation claims that the recipe’s key ingredients were developed from the leftovers often given to slaves by their masters. As such, all cuts of pork (butt, ears, feet, shoulder, tail) and beef (tongue) can be included. Sausage, ham, and bacon are also often added to the mix. A typical feijoada meal is a social experience and may require several hours. The meal often begins with a bean soup. This is then followed by the feijoada stew, which is typically served in a clay pot. Numerous side dishes accompany the feijoada itself. These may include white rice, farofa (roasted manioc flour), farofa with hard-boiled egg slices, farofa with banana slices, stir-fried cabbage, and orange slices. Feijoada was historically only served on Saturdays; however, in some places that cater to tourists, this is no longer the case. When consuming a feijoada, it is common to quench your thirst with frequent drinks of cachaça, Brazil’s national drink. Churrasco or Brazilian barbeque is an extremely popular way to consume grilled meat in Brazil. Although many people prepare their churrasco in their homes, others frequent churrasquerias (Brazilian steakhouses), where they can leave the preparation to others. Regardless of where the churrasco is prepared, the diner will be in for a lengthy dining experience. In churrasquerias, the waiters stroll from table to table with skewers in their hands slicing off whatever form of grilled meat they are then carrying on the diners’ plates. This continues until the diner says no. In Brazil, this style of service is called rodizio, and various Brazilian churrasqueria chains with rodizio-style service have made their way to all major U.S. cities. The grilled offerings at these locations likely include: filet mignon wrapped with bacon, various types of top sirloin (alcatra, picanha), bottom sirloin, rib eye steak, leg of lamb, pork tenderloin, pork ribs, beef ribs, sausage, chicken hearts, and chicken legs. Many sidebar offerings are also available, including fresh salads, rice, beans, farofa, mozzarella balls, fried bananas, fruits, Brazilian cheese bread, prosciutto, palm hearts, artichokes, sundried tomatoes, salami, and asparagus. As in the case of the feijoada meal, plan on spending several hours with friends at a churrasqueria, where is it also likely that at least a little beer or cachaça will be consumed.

other fresh baked varieties of bread. Pão de queijo (cheese bread) is one variety that is popular throughout much of Brazil. Some regions are also famous for the cheese they produce. In Minas, queijo mineiro (Minas cheese), a white, low-fat cheese that comes as a small round loaf, is produced.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 181

Drinks Cachaça is Brazil’s national liquor and its history goes back over 400 years. Cachaça, also commonly referred to as pinga, is made from the juice of the first pressing of sugarcane. After the cane is washed, pressed, and filtered, it then ferments between one and three days. Cachaça is technically a brandy and a member of the aguardente family. Similar to brandy, most fine cachaças are aged in high-quality wooden barrels. The quality of the barrel and the time in storage enhance the flavor, taste, and color of the cachaça. Most commercially available cachaças are roughly about 80 proof. The most sought-after varieties are produced in very small quantities by small farmers who reside in the extremely hilly region of the state of Minas Gerais known as the Jequitinhonha Valley. A single bottle of one of the most sought-after varieties sells for approximately $100. If cachaça is Brazil’s national drink, then the caipirinha is the nation’s favorite mixed drink. Cachaça is the main ingredient in a caipirinha. The other ingredients are cut-up pieces of lime and several tablespoons of sugar. These are crushed together before the glass is filled with ice and several ounces of cachaça. Next, the caipirinha is either shaken or stirred before being garnished with a slice of lime. These drinks are extremely popular on Brazilian beaches and at parties and in bars. Guaraná is both a plant native to the Amazon Basin. It is also a very popular sugared soft drink made from this plant that is now consumed in many nations around the world, including the United States. The plant itself is a climbing vine that produces red fruit about the size of coffee beans. The fruit are ground up to produce a powder that can be used a variety of different ways. In Brazil, guaraná is primarily used to produce flavored soft drinks that outsell all cola-flavored drinks sold. More recently, a number of energy drinks have begun including guaraná as the guaraná bean contains about twice the caffeine found in coffee beans. Other products to recently emerge in the United States tout guaraná as a useful supplement for those attempting to lose weight. Cafezinho, or “little coffee,” is probably the way most Brazilians prefer to consume their favorite caffeinated beverage. A cafezinho is usually only about three ounces of strong espresso-like coffee. Although some drink their cafezinhos black (puro), most prefer to add lots of sugar and some also add a bit of milk or crème to it. Cafezinhos are served throughout the day. During “official” coffee breaks, they are often served with various types of small cookies or sweets.

Most meals are finished with either a dessert (e.g., Brazilian bolos [cakes] and doces [sweets] are extremely rich and tasty and again are different from one region to the next) or a fruit. This is followed by a cafezinho (a Brazilian espresso). During the meal, adults often partake of one of BrazilÊs many high-quality domestic beers or wines.

182 | Brazilian Immigrants

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Brazilians are extremely artistic people who love their music and their entertainment. Carmen Miranda was likely the first Brazilian entertainer to experience significant success in the United States. Although Portuguese by birth, she was raised in Brazil and would later be known as the „Brazilian Bombshell.‰ She would star in 16 films from 1940 to 1953 and was HollywoodÊs highest paid entertainer for several of those years. Similarly, Brazilian musicians have long infatuated U.S. listeners. In the late 1950s, João Gilberto and Antônio Carlos Jobim helped bring the bossa nova here. In 1963, Gilberto and Stan Getz, an American tenor saxophonist, recorded one of the best-selling jazz albums of all time, Getz/Gilberto. This album helped firmly cement the bossa nova in the U.S. musical mindset as it included several classic songs, including the „Girl from Ipanema.‰ Currently a wide variety of Brazilian musicians tour the United States on a regular basis. Many of these individuals began their musical careers in the 1960s and are the stars of what is referred to as MPB (música popular Brasileira, or „Brazilian popular music‰). Musicians like Milton Nascimento, Gal Costa, Caetano Veloso, Chico Buarque de Holanda, and Gilberto Gil play to sold-out crowds at places like Carnegie Hall and the Blue Note Jazz Club in New York City or the Arsht Center in Miami, Florida. Some, like Dori Caymmi, permanently reside and work in the United States. Many Brazilian writers have also found fame in the United States, but certainly the most popular Brazilian writer today is Paulo Coelho. Coelho, a native of Rio de Janeiro, has become very well-known in the United States for his many novels. His 1988 book The Alchemist has reportedly sold 65 million copies, one of the bestselling books in history, and has been translated into more than 67 languages. His 30 books have sold more than 100 million copies in over 150 countries.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society Paths toward Citizenship Naturalization U.S. citizenship gives a naturalized citizen a U.S. passport, the right to vote in U.S. elections, and access to government benefits. In addition, U.S. citizens are able to solicit immigrant visas for relatives living elsewhere. Recall also that in most cases, one must be a legal U.S. resident for five years before being able to become a naturalized citizen. The 2000 U.S. Census reports on immigrant naturalization status. It reveals that 20 percent of those born in Brazil had become naturalized citizens. Although this

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society | 183

Army Specialist Erika Devasconcolos of Brazil, holds her citizenship papers while receiving an American flag from seven-year-old Romie Williams during a welcome home naturalization ceremony for about 70 soldiers in the U.S. military, Atlanta, September 29, 2003. (AP Photo/ John Amis)

number might seem low, the exact opposite seems to be true. Table 25 shows that 44 percent of all Brazilian immigrants arrived within the last five years. These individuals were not yet eligible to become citizens. That leaves only 56 percent of all Brazilians eligible to naturalize. However, not all of this 56 percent, were legally in the United States. If we assume that one-half of this group was undocumented, a possibility earlier discussed, then only 28 percent of the total were eligible to become citizens, and 20 percent of the total did exactly this. Hence it could be argued that the observed 20 percent represents a very high proportion (i.e., 71%) of those eligible to become naturalized citizens; an indication that these individuals are attempting to forge strong links to their new homeland and become well-integrated members of U.S. society.

Dual Citizenship Brazilian citizens can acquire U.S. citizenship a variety of ways (e.g., by marriage or through naturalization). Some naturalized U.S. citizens may lose citizenship in their country of birth depending on the specific laws in effect in that country. U.S.

184 | Brazilian Immigrants

law, however, rarely mentions dual nationality. Still, U.S. citizens could lose their citizenship if they voluntarily apply for foreign citizenship. In actuality, however, few of the U.S. born who opt to acquire a second citizenship are ever prosecuted. In the case of Brazilian immigrants, many opt to become dual nationals as Brazil also takes a laissez-faire attitude towards dual citizenship. Thus, all those who become naturalized Americans are technically dual nationals, unless of course they have some specific reason for renouncing their Brazilian citizenship. In addition, children born in the United States to Brazilian nationals are also eligible to become dual nationals. This is because they automatically receive U.S. citizenship by virtue of their place of birth, and because they were born to Brazilian nationals, they also have the right to request a Brazilian passport. Having both passports makes it extremely convenient when making multiple trips between the United States and Brazil. As travel visas for these two nations are now approximately $100 each and good for just a relatively brief period, this is an option that many Brazilian Americans have selected.

Intergroup Relations Brazilian adjustment to life in the United States has not been without problems. As discussed previously, some Brazilians believe they are superior to Hispanics because they perceive themselves to be better educated and from better backgrounds. Such an attitude has not always been well-received by Hispanics and has been known to result in less than positive interactions. Similarly, Brazilians occasionally offend non-Hispanic whites who mistakenly refer to them as Hispanics or Spanish speakers. However, my research based on hundreds of interviews revealed that their most significant difficulties occurred not with whites, blacks, or Hispanics, but with the ethnic Portuguese. As discussed earlier, Brazilian and Portuguese ethnics interact a great deal because of their shared culture and language. In addition, some Portuguese firms employ a large number of Brazilians. Because of their shared linguistic and cultural roots, this is not very surprising. What is surprising is that a large number of Brazilians indicated that they were exploited by the Portuguese in one of various ways. They believed that this discrimination might have occurred because of jealousy or simple greed. In the words of one man whom I interviewed in Governador Valadares, Minas Gerais, several years after his return from a multiyear sojourn in the United States: The exploitation that I encountered in the US really wasnÊt because of the Americans. Instead, the greatest exploitation I experienced was at the hands of the Portuguese. I always said, come on guys, donÊt rent from the Portuguese. But,

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society | 185

probably because of their inability to speak English, and the difficulties that caused, they ended up falling into the hands of the Portuguese. Many Brazilian immigrants initially viewed the Portuguese as their benefactors because the Portuguese could help them find both a place to live and employment. Thus the oft-heard expression „o Português da sombra ao Brasileiro‰ (i.e., „the Portuguese provides shade for the Brazilian,‰ or in other words, because of cultural and linguistic ties, the Portuguese provide Brazilians with various types of support). However, there were numerous instances of the Portuguese reporting their Brazilian undocumented workers on pay day so that they would not have to pay them, or Portuguese landlords taking advantage when renting to Brazilians.

Forging a New American Political Identity Political and Student Associations While the development of political associations among Brazilian Americans appears to be in its infancy, Brazilian American student associations have been present in this country for many years. These associations exist on dozens of U.S. campuses in all areas of the country. Examples of these universities include: Stanford, the University of Chicago, Texas A&M, the University of Georgia, Indiana University, University of Kansas, Louisiana State University, the University of Michigan, and the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. One of the oldest associations, if not the oldest, is at Texas A&M and dates back to 1982. Each of these student associations has their own mission and specific aims, but all seem to overlap a great deal. The following objectives come from the University of MichiganÊs Brasilian (spelled with an „s‰ not a „z‰) Student Association and serve as an example of those found elsewhere. Our objectives are to promote an environment where Brazilian culture can thrive and where Portuguese can be spoken, educate the campus about Brazil, its culture, and its language, and finally provide an environment where friendships can be made. (University of Michigan 2010)

Civic and Electoral Participation In Brazil, it is a national requirement that every adult of legal age must vote. Those who do not are subject to fines. In addition, Election Day is essentially a holiday as most businesses are closed enabling every one the time necessary to get to the polls. Consequently, Brazilians are well-versed in how to participate in the election process. However, there is little documentation available on their level of participation

186 | Brazilian Immigrants

in U.S. elections. Of course, in the United States, only those who are U.S. citizens are able to vote. Anecdotal evidence suggests that those who do vote prefer the Democratic Party. This author is unaware of any Brazilian Americans who have run for political office in this county.

Return Immigration Many of the earliest Brazilian immigrants were characterized as target earners (Goza 1994a), that is, those who came here with a set financial plan that they hoped to complete. Once their goal or target earnings were attained, then their plan was to return to Brazil and invest the nest egg they had amassed. Still, in many cases this never happened as target earners, for whatever reason, became long-time if not permanent immigrants. However, because as many as one-half of all Brazilian immigrants lacked proper documentation, their legal status was always very precarious. Consequently, to avoid persecution there have always been Brazilians returning to Brazil. Many hoped to find a way to legalize their status and return to the United States legally. Others returned with no intention of ever coming back to the United States. However, in the early 2000s, many Brazilians began to voluntarily return to Brazil. The flow of those returning appears to have remained constant for much of the past decade, likely due to the worsening U.S. economy and the post 9/11 crackdown on undocumented immigrants. For the most part, those departing have been the ones lacking proper legal documentation, as those legally in this country have more employment options.

The Second and Later Generations Ethnic Identity Ethnic pride and ethnic identity remain strong among second-generation Brazilian Americans. Many have visited Brazil with their parents, and some return on a frequent basis. As children, they almost certainly heard their parents and other friends and relatives speaking Portuguese around their homes. Many among the second generation are heritage speakers who are fluent in the language, although perhaps a bit rusty from not practicing it on a regular basis. Many also celebrate Brazilian holidays and festivals as a way of confirming their ethnicity. Furthermore, most Brazilian Americans born in this country are dual nationals. That is, they have a U.S. passport by virtue of being born here and, if desired, are also able to obtain a Brazilian passport by virtue of their parents being Brazilian. Neither the United States nor Brazil has strict laws prohibiting dual national status. Thus, while second-generation Brazilian Americans are proud of their Brazilian heritage, they are also proud of the fact that they are Americans living in this country. At present, there are very few third-generation Brazilian Americans.

The Second and Later Generations | 187

A member of the Afro Brazilian dance group called Mandingueiros Dospalmares performs capoeira, a combination of dance and self-defense, during a rally and multicultural show in support of higher education and legalization for immigrant students, Boston, May 10, 2003. (AP Photo/Lisa Poole)

It is likely that the experiences of the second generation will be significantly different from those of the first generation. Many of the first generation entered this nation without proper legal documents. Some still lack them and live in fear of being deported. Their children, on the other hand, by virtue of being born in this nation are U.S. citizens. Thus, unlike their parents they will never know the fear that comes with being an undocumented immigrant or experience the saudades that come from undertaking a long-term international move. Also, because they did not grow up in Brazil, their attachments to that country will never be as strong as they are for their parents.

Educational Attainment The 2000 Census reveals that 94 percent of the Brazilian Americans born in the United States over the age of 24 have acquired at least a high school education. In fact, regardless of gender, approximately 30 percent have attended some college. In addition, 45 percent of the women and 42 percent of the men have completed four years of college. This college graduation rate is much higher than that of native-born, non-Hispanic whites. This generation is also better educated than their parents, who recall were also well educated by both Brazilian and U.S. standards. These second-generation children are clearly benefiting from the aspirations of their parents and the many sacrifices that they often had to endure (e.g., crossing a

188 | Brazilian Immigrants

Youth Profile From Public Schools in Brazil to Harvard University The path taken by Brazilian Marcia Caldas de Castro started in public schools in Brazil and led eventually to Harvard University. Today Marcia is an assistant professor of demography in the Department of Global Health and Population and an associate faculty at the Harvard University Center for the Environment. She is also a member of the steering committee of the Harvard Center for Geographic Analysis and a member of the Faculty Advisory Committee and the Program Steering Group of the Brazil Studies Program at the David Rockefeller Center for Latin American Studies. As a child growing up in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil such (Courtesy of Marcia C. Castro) professional accolades no doubt seemed a world away. Marcia’s initial studies were all undertaken in Rio de Janeiro. She began her studies in the city’s grade schools. She then attended a technical high school, where she received a technical degree in statistics. While still in high school, she began her first internship. At that time, she also realized she had a special interest in regional studies and health—a focus that continues to hold her professional interest. In high school she also played basketball, a sport that she would play competitively throughout high school and her first years of college. Upon graduation from high school, Marcia went on to study statistics at the State University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ). While there, she also had multiple internships. In 1987, when she graduated with a BA in statistics from the UERJ, Marcia began working for the Social Security Data Processing Enterprise, a governmental institution. That job opened her eyes to the field of demography. In 1991, she began the MA program at CEDEPLAR (the Center for Planning and Regional Development) at the Federal University of Minas Gerais (UFMG) located in Belo Horizonte. CEDEPLAR has a fine reputation and is known as the premier demography program in South America. Eager for additional knowledge and hoping to find a way for her research to have a more significant impact,

The Second and Later Generations | 189

she applied to Princeton University’s PhD program in demography. She was accepted to this highly competitive program and began her studies there in 1998. She arrived at Princeton with two suitcases and many dreams. Princeton did a wonderful job of connecting her with other international students and providing important “survival tips.” However, in the beginning she missed the warmth of the Brazilian people. Initially, it was easier for her to make friends with international students, perhaps because they had similar difficulties and sharing these helped everyone to adapt and move on. When classes began, she realized that despite having good English speaking and writing skills, she did not read as fast as native-born Americans. Reading more than 600 pages per week for her classes took up virtually all of her time, and she found that she did not have much time to relax. Still, six months into grad school, she felt she had almost adapted. The friendships she made then still remain strong today. Her hard work in graduate school enabled her to receive the Charles Westoff prize for writing the best student paper of the year in demography and to get hired for her present position. Her passion for health-related issues returned with a vengeance during her PhD studies, and she became involved with the study of malaria. This research focus has brought her to Tanzania, Ghana, and the Brazilian Amazon. She teaches a winter course in Brazil that brings together Brazilian students with students from Harvard University. They are all offered the opportunity to acquire valuable fieldwork experience in the area of infectious diseases, where they study dengue, schistosomiasis, leishmaniasis, HIV/AIDS, and leptospirosis. While she is unsure how long she will remain in the United States, she continues to develop projects and get involved with research that will lead to better programs to control the spread of malaria.

border illegally or their saudades) to ensure that their children would have the opportunity to attain as much education as possible. In this case, the sacrifices of the parents will likely ensure that this second generation also experiences a great deal of future success in many other realms.

Cultural Identification Second-generation Brazilian Americans have had a relatively straightforward time adapting to U.S. culture. Since this is where they were born and grew up, they identify primarily with the United States and only secondly with Brazil. However, of course their experience has been affected by the experiences their immigrant parents and other immigrant friends and relatives. Furthermore, because of the relative newness of this ethnic group, it remains in a state of development. Still, some

190 | Brazilian Immigrants

second-generation Brazilian Americans, like Breno Giacomini, are truly living the American dream and have completely accepted U.S. culture as part of their identity. This young man received a college scholarship to play football at the University of Louisville, where he was a bona fide star on their offensive line. For his stellar college performance, he was drafted by the Green Bay Packers in the fifth round of the 2008 NFL Draft. While not yet an NFL starter, he has the potential. This is truly amazing as he is getting paid a tremendous amount of money, likely making more in a year than his father will in his entire career, to play a sport that his parents did not even fully understand at the time of their arrival. While the success of Giacomini is atypical, it does show how adaptive second-generation Brazilian Americans are and how well they are at adjusting to and becoming part of mainstream U.S. culture.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Brazil Forecasts for the 21st Century Brazil and the United States are two world powers that for all practical purposes get along very well. Former President Fernando Henrique Cardoso has lived in the United States and lectured at some of our best universities including Stanford University, the University of California, Berkeley, and Brown UniversityÊs Watson Institute for International Studies. In some ways, he is BrazilÊs version of Bill Clinton. Both are highly intelligent and thoughtful men. Although he is no longer president, he is just one of many Brazilians who will see to it that both nations continue to respect each other and to work together cooperatively in years to come. In 2014, Brazil will host the World Cup in soccer and then two years later it will host the 2016 summer Olympics. ItÊs likely that tens of thousands of U.S. citizens will travel to Brazil to enjoy these events. ItÊs also possible that their experiences with the people of Brazil will make Americans more sensitive to their concerns and issues, thereby reinforcing the positive links between these two nations. Furthermore, because the Brazilian American population now numbers more than one million and because they remit to Brazil more than one billion dollars per year, itÊs probable that our present tradition of mutual respect will continue for many years to come.

Conclusions The Brazilian American population continues to grow and evolve. Their sizable presence is now felt in many regions of the United States as they begin to branch out and move beyond their initial strongholds of New York City, Boston, and Los

Appendix I: Migration Statistics | 191

Angeles. A relatively small but growing native-born second generation has also emerged. Given the large numbers of Brazilians who have already opted to become naturalized U.S. citizens, the ease with which they can now sponsor additional relatives, and the extended social networks already in place, it is likely that many more Brazilians will try to discover their future in the United States, regardless of whether or not they are adequately prepared for this movement. The future looks bright for many Brazilian immigrants, especially those who are well educated. However, as was documented previously, a strong bifurcation exists within this population. More specifically, key measures such as education, occupation, English ability, and income reveal that there are large groups of both haves and have-nots. The latter group represents a sizable contingent that will likely experience tough financial and social times in the United States as they do not possess enough formal education or English ability to compete for the most desirable jobs. Many in this group also confront the additional burden of being without the proper documentation that would significantly improve their socioeconomic condition in this country.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Table 25 Year of U.S. arrival in percentages, in 1980, 1990, and 2000 Year of arrival

1980

1990

2000

11.5

2.9

0.4

1950–1959

9.5

4.2

1.7

1960–1964

11.5

6.3

2.2

1965–1969

19.1

7.8

3.3

1970–1974

16.6

6.7

2.6

1975–1979 (or 1980)

28.4

8.2

2.8

1980–1984

—

15.5

6.0

1985–1989 (or 1990)

—

48.5

15.6

1991–1995

—

—

21.5

1996–2000

—

—

43.9

100.0

100.1

100.0

Before 1950

Total

Source: U.S. Census of Population (1980, 1990, 2000).

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics

Table 26 Distribution of Brazilian Americans by place of birth in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Place of birth

1980

1990

2000

Brazil (first generation)

85.3

88.7

87.0

United States (second or later generation)

14.7

11.3

12.5

47,965

98,089

[N]

247,020

Source: U.S. Census of Population (1980, 1990, 2000).

Table 27 U.S. state of residence for Brazilian Americans in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents State

1980

1990

2000

California

18.1

15.6

12.0

Florida

6.3

10.5

19.9

Massachusetts

6.0

11.9

17.1

New Jersey

10.0

12.1

10.2

New York

17.4

17.0

10.1

Total in these states

57.8

67.1

69.7

Source: U.S. Census of Population (1980, 1990, 2000).

192

Table 28 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009 by region/country of birth and selected characteristics region/country: Brazil Characteristic

Total

Male

Female

14,701

5,752

8,949

Leading states of residence Arizona

116

33

83

California

1,680

695

985

Colorado

106

29

77

Connecticut

552

238

314

3,620

1,511

2,109

Georgia

594

246

348

Illinois

199

62

137

Maryland

229

81

148

2,025

838

1,187

Michigan

160

52

108

Nevada

98

31

67

New Jersey

1,157

434

723

New York

1,085

411

674

North Carolina

221

77

144

Ohio

112

38

74

Pennsylvania

219

76

143

Texas

619

234

385

Virginia

243

74

169

Washington

197

77

120

1,469

515

954

Florida

Massachusetts

Other

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

193

Table 29 Metropolitan areas where Brazilian Americans resided in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Metropolitan area

1980

1990

2000

Boston

3.0

8.7

12.0

Fort Lauderdale, Florida

0.0

2.9

6.8

Jersey City, New Jersey

1.4

2.0

2.0

Los Angeles-Long Beach

7.1

6.2

2.8

Miami-Hialeah

2.3

3.8

4.5

13.8

14.0

7.4

Newark, New Jersey

5.7

5.9

5.4

San Francisco

2.9

1.8

1.2

36.2

45.3

42.1

New York

TOTAL Source: U.S. Census of Population (1980, 1990, 2000).

Table 30 Sex distribution of Brazilian Americans in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Sex

1980

1990

2000

Male

44.9

48.3

45.8

Female

55.1

51.7

54.2

47,965

98,089

[N]

247,020

Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1980, 1990 and 2000.

Table 31 Age distribution of all Brazilian Americans in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Age

1980

1990

2000

Less than 10

13.9

12.4

12.5

10 to 19

16.3

12.4

12.4

20 to 29

20.5

26.4

22.3

30 to 39

18.7

24.3

26.1

40 to 49

12.1

10.4

15.3

50 to 59

8.1

6.9

7.3

60 and over Total [N]

10.3

7.1

4.1

100.0

100.0

100.0

47,965

98,089

Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1980, 1990, 2000.

194

247,020

Table 32 Marital status of Brazilian Americans 18 and older, in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Marital status

1980

1990

2000

Married, spouse present

62.3

52.7

60.3

Married, spouse absent

1.5

4.5

0.0

Separated

2.2

2.8

2.9

Divorced

5.2

7.9

7.5

Widowed Never married/single (N/A) Total %

5.6

3.0

2.3

23.1

29.1

27.0

100.0

100.0

100

[N]

3,060

76,485

209,612

Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1980, 1990, 2000.

Table 33 Number of own family members in household, in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Number of family members

1980

1990

2000

1

16.1

23.2

19.7

2

18.7

19.4

19.8

3

16.9

18.3

20.0

4

24.9

20.9

23.8

5

14.5

10.7

12.2

6

6.1

4.1

2.1

7+

2.7

3.5

2.5

mean Total % [N]

3.3

3.0

2.1

100.0

100.0

100.0

47,965

98,089

247,020

Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1980, 1990, 2000. Note: The respondent also is counted as a family member. Thus N ⫽ 1 means that the respondent does not live with any other family members.

195

Table 34 Relationship to household head in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents 1980 Household head relationship Heads

1990

Sex Male

2000

Sex

Female

Total

Male

Sex

Female

Total

Male

Female

Total

196

50.5

14.1

30.5

47.6

18.7

32.7

49.6

18.3

32.6

Spouses

1.5

46.5

26.3

3.8

39.5

22.3

5.3

40.2

24.2

Children

37.8

28.5

32.7

28.2

23.4

25.7

27.0

24.8

25.8

Parents

0.8

2.4

1.7

0.5

2.2

1.4

0.5

1.9

1.2

Siblings

1.1

1.4

1.3

2.8

2.7

2.7

2.8

2.3

2.5

Other Relatives

0.6

1.2

0.9

2.1

2.2

2.1

3.0

2.0

2.5

10.5

11.1

Non-relatives Total % [N]

7.7

5.9

6.7

15.0

11.3

13.1

11.7

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

100

21,553

26,412

47,965

47,340

50,749

98,089

113,144

133,876

247,020

Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1980, 1990, 2000.

Table 35 Years of schooling completed for Brazilian Americans age 25 and older in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents Years of schooling

1980

None

1990

2000

2.3

1.8

1.2

Grades 1 to 8

18.0

8.9

6.1

Grades 9 to 11

8.4

5.9

4.0

Grade 12

27.2

30.0

31.9

1 to 3 years of college

18.2

22.9

22.3

4+ years of college

26.0

30.4

34.5

Total %

100.0

[N]

100.0

28,952

63,199

100.0 161,317

Source: U.S. Census of Population 1980, 1990, 2000.

Table 36 Top 20 occupations reported, by sex, for foreign-born Brazilian Americans age 18 and older in 2000, in percents Rank

Top 20 occupations for men

%

Top 20 occupations for women

%

1

Managers, officials, and proprietors

9.8

Private household workers

2

Professional and technical workers

6.1

Managers, officials, and proprietors

5.7

3

Operative and kindred workers

4.8

Clerical and kindred workers

5.4

4

Cooks, except private household

4.5

Professional and technical workers

4.1

5

Painters, construction, and maintenance

4.3

Attendants and personal service

3.8

6

Truck and tractor drivers

3.9

Salesmen and sales clerks

3.7

7

Clerical and kindred workers

3.7

Teachers

3.5

8

Laborers

3.7

Operative and kindred workers

3.0

9

Carpenters

3.2

Cashiers

2.9

10

Salesmen and sales clerks

2.8

Waiters and waitresses

2.4

11

Foremen

2.7

Stenographers, typists, and secretaries

2.3

12

Janitors and sextons

1.9

Janitors and sextons

2.1

13

Gardeners and groundskeepers

1.9

Service workers, except private household

2.0

14

Service workers, except private household

1.9

Professors and instructors

1.4

15

Private household workers

1.7

Attendants, hospital, and other institutions

1.4

197

11.9

198 | Brazilian Immigrants Table 36 Top 20 occupations reported, by sex, for foreign-born Brazilian Americans age 18 and older in 2000, in percents (Continued ) Rank

Top 20 occupations for men

%

Top 20 occupations for women

%

16

Teachers

1.5

Cooks, except private household

1.4

17

Testing-technicians

1.5

Buyers and dept heads, store

0.9

18

Buyers and dept heads, store

1.4

Barbers, beauticians, and manicurists

0.9

19

Waiters and waitresses

1.3

Accountants and auditors

0.9

20

Automobile-mechanics and repairmen

1.2

Nurses, professional

0.9

Total percent

63.8

Total percent

60.5

Source: U.S. Census of Population 2000.

Table 37 English speaking ability for those age 5 and older, in 1980, 1990, and 2000, in percents

English speaking ability

1980

1990

2000

Percent

Percent

Percent

Does not speak English

2.2

3.6

5.6

Not well

9.7

16.9

17.3

Speaks well

28.1

26.3

24.3

Speaks very well

41.6

40.3

43.8

Speaks only English

18.4

12.9

9.0

100.0

100.0

100.0

Total Source: U.S. Census of Population, 1980, 1990, 2000.

Appendix III: Notable Brazilian Americans Sônia Braga was born in born in Maringá in the state of Paraná, Brazil, on June 8, 1950. She is best known in the United States as an acclaimed actor; however, in Brazil she is also well-known as a model. In addition, she has also begun producing films. In the early 1970s, she worked on a number of Brazilian TV shows, including Sesame Street (Vila Sesamo). She was a popular actor in Brazilian soap operas when she began starring in feature films as few years later. Her first major success was in the 1976 film Dona Flor and Her Two Husbands (Dona Flor e Seus Dois Maridos), in which she starred as Dona Flor. In the early 1980s, she moved to the United States. Since then she has starred in dozens of films and TV shows. For her role in the 1985 movie Kiss of the Spider Woman, she was nominated for the Golden Globe award as best supporting actress. In 1989, she was again nominated for the same award, this time for the movie Moon over Parador. She has

Appendix III: Notable Brazilian Americans | 199

also appeared in CSI: Miami, Sex and the City, and The Cosby Show. She now lives on Roosevelt Island in New York. Gisele Bündchen was born in Horizontina, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul on July 20, 1980. She is a supermodel, considered one of the best working today. Rolling Stone magazine called her the „most beautiful girl in the world.‰ In 1996, she moved to the United States to begin working in New York City. Since then she has appeared on hundreds of magazine covers around the world. She is estimated to be worth $150 million as she is one of the worldÊs highest paid models. In 2009, she married Tom Brady, the star quarterback for the NFLÊs New England Patriots. She gave birth to a son in December 2009. The family resides in the greater Boston metropolitan area. Dori Caymmi, a musician who resides in Los Angeles, is the son of Dorival Caymmi, one of BrazilÊs most famous songwriters. Dori was born in Rio de Janeiro in 1943 and began following in his fatherÊs footsteps at a very early age. He is praised for his work as a composer, music director, and arranger, having worked with some of BrazilÊs best musicians including Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil, and Gal Costa. He has won two Grammy awards, one for Best Latin Song and the other for Best Latin Samba Recording. He has also been nominated for several other Grammy awards. He continues to write and perform his music, often playing a guitar, wherever there are large Brazilian American communities. João de Matos is a Brazilian businessman who has lived in New York City area for more than 30 years. He is the president and owner of a travel agency that he established not long after arriving in the City. His agency employs a staff of about 35 and is located in the heart of Little Brazil, West 46th Street between 5th and 6th avenues. For many years, he has been the publisher of a newspaper published in New York City called the Brasilians. This paper focuses exclusively on topics of interest to Brazilian Americans. He is also one of the founders of the Brazilian Day Festival in New York City. Breno Giacomini was born in Cambridge, Massachusetts, in September 1985, not long after his parents moved there from Brazil. He is currently a professional football play in the NFL. He was raised in Malden, Massachusetts, where he played both football and basketball for his high school team. He received a college scholarship to play football at the University of Louisville, where he played right tackle on their offensive line. After an exceptional college career, he was selected by the Green Bay Packers in the in the fifth round of the 2008 NFL Draft. His base salary in 2010 was reported to be $470,000. He continues to live in Malden. Anderson Varejão was born in Colatina in the state of Espírito Santo, Brazil, on September 28, 1982. He is now a professional basketball player in the NBA. As a young man, he played for the Franca Basquetebol Clube in

200 | Brazilian Immigrants

the city of Franca, São Paulo. From there, he moved to Europe where he played professionally for a team from Barcelona, Spain. In 2003, he played on the Brazilian national team that won the gold medal at the Pan American Games. In 2004, he was drafted in the second round of the NBA draft. Since then he has played for the Cleveland Cavaliers. For his efforts, Varejão recently signed a six-year contract worth $42.5 million. A very personable guy, his friends call him „Andy,‰ and the press often refers to him as „wild thing‰ because of his long curly hair. He lives in Cleveland much of the year.

Glossary Cachaça: BrazilÊs national drink (a distilled spirit). Cachaça is made from fermented sugar cane juice (see sidebar). Cafezinho: Brazilian-style espresso (see sidebar). Caipirinha: BrazilÊs favorite mixed drink. It consists of cachaça poured over lime pieces crushed with sugar (see sidebar). Capoeira: An Afro-Brazilian form of martial arts (see sidebar). Feijoada: BrazilÊs national dish. A type of stew that starts with a foundation of black beans and meat. Other items that may be added include pork (butt, ears, feet, shoulder, tail), beef (tongue), sausage, ham, and bacon (see sidebar). Futebol: The Portuguese term for soccer, which is BrazilÊs national sport (see sidebar). Garimpeiros: Brazilian miners. Remittances: Money sent back to the homeland, in this case Brazil, from those living elsewhere. Sertão: A Portuguese term that roughly translates as „hinterland,‰ „backwoods,‰ „backcountry,‰ or „bush.‰ It is often used in reference to the dry interior region of northeastern Brazil. Social network: The web of family, friends, community, and church organizations that regularly offers emotional, financial, material, and informational assistance. This form of network assumes that individuals both give and receive through their connections with the other network participants. Target Earners: Sojourners who intend to work until they have acquired the amount of savings that represents their target. The intention of target earners is that once their target has been attained, they will return home; however, life does not always go as planned.

References

| 201

References Anderson, M., and S. Fienberg. 1999. Who Counts? The Politics of Census-Taking in Contemporary America. New York: Russell Sage Foundation. BRAMAS. 2010. Our Mission. [Online article or information; retrieved 02/20/10.] http:// www.framingham.com/org/bramas.htm. Brazilian-American Chamber of Commerce. 2010. Our Organization. [Online article or information; retrieved 02/20/10.] http://www.brazilcham.com/default.asp?id=222. Carvalho, J. 1996. „O saldo dos fluxos migratórios internacionais no Brasil na década de 80: uma tentativa de estimação.‰ Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População 13: 3 14. CIA Factbook. 2010. The World Factbook. [Online article or information; retrieved 02/20/10.] https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/rankorder/ 2172rank.html. Cimitile, M. 2009. Amazon Deforestation: Earth’s Heart and Lungs Dismembered. [Online article or information; retrieved 02/20/10.] http://www.livescience.com/ environment/090109-bts-deforestation.html. Goza, F. 1992. „A Imigração Brasileira na América do Norte.‰ Revista Brasileira de Estudos de População 9: 65 82. Goza, F. 1994a. „Brazilian Immigration to North America.‰ International Migration Review 28: 136 52. Goza, F. 1994b. „Brazilian Frontier Settlement: The Case of Rondônia.‰ Population and Environment 16: 561 84. Goza, F. 1999. „Brazilian Immigration to Ontario.‰ International Migration 37: 765 89. Goza, F., and A. DeMaris. 1999. „Unemployment Transitions among Brazilians in the U.S. and Canada.‰ International Migration 41: 127 52. Goza, F., and I. Ryabov. Forthcoming. „Remittance Activity among Brazilians in the U.S. and Canada.‰ International Migration. Grasmuck, S., and P. Pessar. 1991. Between Two Islands: Dominican International Migration. Berkeley: University of California Press. Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística. 2008. Brazil in Figures. Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística. International Monetary Fund. 2007. Balance of Payments Statistics Yearbook, Volume 58, Part 1: Country Tables. Washington, D.C.: International Monetary Fund. Marcelli, E., L. Holmes, D. Estella, F. da Rocha, P. Granberry, and O. Buxton. 2009. (In) Visible (Im)Migrants: The Health and Socioeconomic Integration of Brazilians in Metropolitan Boston. San Diego, CA: Center for Behavioral and Community Health Studies, San Diego State University. Margolis, M. 1994. Little Brazil. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Margolis, M. 2009. An Invisible Minority: Brazilians in New York City. Gainesville: University of Florida Press. Merrick, T., and D. Graham. 1979. Population and Economic Development in Brazil: 1800 to the Present. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press.

202 | Brazilian Immigrants Messias, Erick. 2003. „Income Inequality, Illiteracy Rate, and Life Expectancy in Brazil.‰ American Journal of Public Health 938: 1294 96. Ministério das Relações Exteriores. 2001. Brasileiros residentes no exterior—Tabelas. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/03/04]. www.mre.gov.br. Population Reference Bureau. 2010. 2010 World Population Data Sheet. Washington, D.C.: Population Reference Bureau. Ripsa. 2008. IDB 2007 Brasil: Indicadores e Dados Básicos para a Saúde. Rio de Janeiro: Rede Interagencial de Informações para a Saúde. Ruggles, S., M. Sobek, T. Alexander, C. Fitch, R. Goeken, P. Hall, M. King, and C. Ronnander. 2008. Integrated Public Use Microdata Series: Version 4.0 [Machine-readable database]. Minneapolis: Minnesota Population Center [producer and distributor]. Sales, T. 2003. Brazilians Away from Home. New York: Center for Migration Studies. Schmitz, P. 1987. „Prehistoric Hunters and Gatherers of Brazil.‰ Journal of World Prehistory 1: 53 126. Telles, Edward. 2004. Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. U.S. Department of Justice. 2000. Statistical Yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service, 1998. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. 2006. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2004. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. U.S. Department of Homeland Security. 2010. Yearbook of Immigration Statistics: 2009. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, Office of Immigration Statistics. University of Michigan. 2010. Brasilian Student Association. [Online article or information; retrieved 02/15/10.] http://uuis.umich.edu/maizepgs/view.cfm?orgID=10003963.

Further Reading Braga Martes, Ana Cristina, and Soraya Fleischer, eds. 2003. Fronteiras Cruzadas: Etnicidade, família e redes sociais (Borders Traversed: Ethnicity, Family and Social Networks). São Paulo: Paz e Terra. This important book contains nearly a dozen chapters written by experts on Brazilian immigration. Unfortunately, the book has not yet been translated to English. However, those able to read Portuguese will encounter a wealth of information on the Brazilian immigrant experience. Each chapter focuses on a distinct theme, examining topics as diverse as the life of Brazilian families in a new social context, second-generation immigrants, social networks, and transnationalism. Goza, Franklin. 1994. „Brazilian Immigration to North America.‰ International Migration Review 28(1): 136 52. This article was the first published in English on Brazilian immigrants in North America. It uses a variety of primary data and government statistics to compare and contrast the experiences of Brazilians in Toronto and a mid-sized U.S. city. The article traces the origins of these movements as well as their early experiences. Next, it examines a

Further Reading

| 203

number of labor force measures before moving to a review of various measures of social adaptation, including variables that monitor cultural and linguistic adaptation. The future plans of these immigrants are also reviewed. Interestingly, some important differences are found among the two groups. For example, most U.S. immigrants were target earners·those who intend to return home once they save a predetermined amount. Meanwhile the Toronto residents were more likely to desire to become Canadian citizens and permanently remain in that nation. Margolis, Maxine. 1994. Little Brazil: An Ethnography of Brazilian Immigrants in New York City. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. In this book, Margolis, an American anthropologist, presents a detailed study of Brazilians in New York City. The fieldwork for this book was undertaken when most of these immigrants were relatively new to the city. Thus, we are able to learn a great deal about their initial U.S. experiences. The book is written so that advanced high school students will have no difficulty following the discussion. It also contains many photographs that document the world of these immigrants. Margolis visits her respondents where they live, work, and play. In it, we learn about the diverse range of occupations filled that range from shoeshine „boys‰ to go-go „girls.‰ This well-written book serves as a solid introduction for the novice seeking to learn more about this population. Sales, Teresa. 2003. Brazilians Away from Home. New York: Center for Migration Studies. First published in Portuguese in 1999, this book examines the lives of Brazilian residents of Framingham, Massachusetts, a city located approximately 22 miles west of Boston. This study, which is largely based on fieldwork undertaken by the author in this community, documents the experiences of Brazilians not long after their arrival in the United States. Sales attempts to study the social identity of these immigrants as she monitors the ways in which they redefine their self-image, the ways in which they view Brazil, and the evolution of their interactions with other groups in the United States. Telles, Edward. 2004. Race in Another America: The Significance of Skin Color in Brazil. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Although this award-winning book is not designed for the introductory student, it is extremely well-written and is worth the time and effort required to understand its content. In this book, Telles presents an amazingly detailed account of race in Brazil. Some will even argue that this is the best volume ever written on the subject of Brazilian race relations. This work was written with one lofty goal in mind: Telles desires to develop a new theoretical paradigm for understanding race in Brazil. In the process, however, he provides much more as he elaborates comprehensive empirical analyses of Brazilian race-related issues. He then uses these results to compare and contrast the race-based socioeconomic disparities that exist in Brazil, South Africa, and the United States. He next synthesizes and modifies extant sociological theory in „the interest of building a universal sociology of race relations‰ (2). The author makes a major contribution to the understanding of race relations, making this book required reading for anyone interested in the topics of race or Brazil.

This page intentionally left blank

Cambodian Immigrants by Justin Corfield

Introduction During the latter part of the Vietnam War, the United States became heavily involved in Cambodia supporting the pro-Western government of Prime Minister, then Marshal, and later President Lon Nol. The defeat of Lon NolÊs Khmer Republic in April 1975 led to large numbers of Cambodians seeking refuge in the United States, with many more arriving during the late 1970s and during the 1980s from refugee camps along the Thai-Cambodian border where they had fled to in order to escape from the Communist governments in control of the country. Some managed to escape to the border in 1975, and others were only able to escape after the Vietnamese invasion of December 1978 January 1979. Subsequently, more Cambodians have moved to the United States settling throughout the country, but particularly at Long Beach, California, which now has the largest concentration of Cambodians outside Cambodia, and Lowell, Massachusetts, where there is also a significant Cambodian American population. Other Cambodian Americans live throughout the major urban areas on the West Coast and in large cities such as New York, Philadelphia, and Chicago.

Chronology 802

The emergence of the Devaraja („God-King‰) system of government under King Jayavarman II.

1432

Destruction of the Cambodian capital of Angkor.

1528

Foundation of the future city of Phnom Penh.

1749

King of Cambodia cedes southern Mekong delta region to Vietnam.

1835–1840

Vietnamese occupation of Cambodia.

1848

Coronation of King Ang Duong.

1860

Death of King Ang Duong. Accession of King Norodom I.

1863

King Norodom agrees to the establishment of a French protectorate over Cambodia. 205

Chronology | 207

1865

Phnom Penh established as the capital of Cambodia.

1904

Death of King Norodom I. Accession of King Sisowath.

1916

Major protest against higher taxes imposed in World War I.

1927

Death of King Sisowath. Accession of his son Sisowath Monivong.

1940

French authorities in Indochina allow Japanese to establish bases in Cambodia.

1941

Death of King Sisowath Monivong; accession of his grandson Norodom Sihanouk.

1945

Cambodia briefly becomes independent. French rule restored.

1946–1954

First Indochina War with nationalists in Cambodia. Vietnam and Laos fight the French.

1946

First elections held in Cambodia with Democrat Party winning control of the constituent assembly.

1953

Cambodia gains its independence as the Kingdom of Cambodia.

1954

Cambodian independence is formally recognized by the major world powers meeting at Geneva.

1955

Sihanouk abdicates. Government political movement Sangkum wins elections and dominates Cambodia until 1970.

1959

Two U.S.-supported plots to overthrow Sihanouk.

1965

Cambodia breaks diplomatic relations with the United States.

1969

U.S. forces from Vietnam start secretly bombing parts of Cambodia.

1970

Overthrow of Sihanouk supported by the United States. Installation of the pro-U.S. Lon Nol government. Civil war starts.

1973

U.S. bombing of Cambodia stopped by U.S. Congress.

1975

Khmer Rouge (Communists) wins the civil war and evacuates the entire population of Phnom Penh and other cities, in order to create a rural peasant society. This symbolizes the start of the so-called Killing Fields, in which up to 1.5 million people were murdered or left to die through overwork, preventable diseases, or broken heart. Their government is closely allied to the PeopleÊs Republic of China.

208 | Cambodian Immigrants

December 1978

Vietnamese (Communist) forces invade Cambodia.

1979

Pro-Vietnamese PeopleÊs Republic of Kampuchea (P.R.K.) is established with support from the U.S.S.R. Start of a new civil war. Tens of thousands of refugees head for Thailand.

1983

Formation of the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (C.G.D.K.) brings together anti-P.R.K. groups. The C.G.D.K. is recognized by the United States and the United Nations.

1985

Hun Sen, the foreign minister, becomes prime minister of the P.R.K.

1989

Anticipating the end of Communism, Hun Sen renames P.R.K. as the State of Cambodia and renounces Communist principles.

1991

Paris Peace Agreements turn Cambodia over to the United Nations.

1993

Elections in Cambodia won by the Royalist FUNCINPEC Party of Prince Norodom Ranariddh. Hun Sen refuses to hand over power; formation of a coalition government. There is also a reestablishment of the Cambodian monarchy with Norodom Sihanouk becoming, once again, king.

1995

Former FUNCINPEC finance minister Sam Rainsy forms opposition party (now the Sam Rainsy Party).

1997

Hand grenade attack on Sam Rainsy injures a U.S. citizen. FBI blames killing on members of the Cambodian PeopleÊs Party (CPP). Hun Sen launches overthrow of his coalition partner Prince Norodom Ranariddh; many Royalists killed.

1998

Death of Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot. Hun SenÊs CPP claims victory in elections amid widespread election irregularities.

1999

Cambodia becomes a member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).

2000–2002

Major breakdown in law and order in Cambodia with a number of politically motivated assassinations. Conservation groups condemn the clearing of the rainforests.

2003

Hun SenÊs CPP again proclaims victory in new elections.

2004

King Norodom Sihanouk abdicates the throne, leading to the convening of the Throne Council, which chooses his youngest son Prince Norodom Sihamoni to become king.

Background | 209

2008

In elections, Hun SenÊs CPP are again victorious against fragmented opposition, and the Sam Rainsy Party emerges as the major opposition party in the country.

2009

Former prime minister Prince Norodom Ranariddh, half-brother of King Norodom Sihamoni, is appointed as president of the privy council.

Background Geography and Demography Located in mainland Southeast Asia, Cambodia shares land borders with Thailand to the west, Vietnam to the east, and Laos to the north. The predominant ethnic group in Cambodia is the Khmer people. They were initially Hindu, but under King Jayavarman VII (reigned 1178 c.1220), the rulers and then the populace converted to Buddhism, and since then the vast majority of Khmers follow Theravada Buddhism. Since ancient times, Chinese traders have lived in Cambodia, and there are now many Sino-Khmers·Cambodians of joint Chinese and Khmer ancestry·and for the last 150 years they formed a major business class in the country. In medieval times, the Kingdom of Angkor dominated the region and covered what is now Cambodia, parts of Thailand, Laos, and much of southern Vietnam. As a result there are Cambodian-speaking minorities outside Cambodia, especially the Khmer Krom in southern Vietnam. Although many speak Vietnamese as a first language, they are ethnically Khmer, and many identify as Cambodians. Within Cambodia there are also some minority groups. Many Chams, descendants of the medieval Kingdom of Champa, live in the east of the country. Their ancestral homeland was what is now central Vietnam but it was invaded and occupied by the Vietnamese in late medieval times causing the Chams to flee westwards to Cambodia, although many of the Chams were killed by the Communists during the late 1970s. There have also been many Vietnamese in Cambodia. Most came during the French period and were either employed as civil servants and low-level administrators or as workers in the rubber plantations in the east of the country, along the border with Vietnam. There are also small numbers of Cambodians of Thai or Lao ethnicity. And there are a small number of Cambodians who descend from the hill tribes who lived in the country before the Khmers and who, in recent centuries, have generally lived in the jungles and the mountains; the French called them the „Montagnards.‰ Within Cambodia, the major city is the capital, Phnom Penh, in the center of the country. Currently it accounts for 8.6 percent of the countryÊs population (1.2 million of 14 million), about the same percentage as in 1970 when it had a population

210 | Cambodian Immigrants

of only 600,000, and the countryÊs population was 7 million. Around Phnom Penh are a number of other towns. Some such as Udong (formerly Oudong) and Lovek were former capitals in early modern times, and others such as Takhmau were prosperous market towns. The second largest city in the country is Battambang, in the west; it is the capital of a province of the same name. North of Phnom Penh and east of Battambang is Siemreap, now emerging as an important city on the basis of the tourist trade. The city is located very close to the remains of great temples, the most famous being Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom. Other large towns around the countryside include Kampong Chhnang, Kampong Speu, Kampong Thom, Kampot, Koh Kong, and Svay Rieng. All these are large market towns, and all are capitals of provinces that have the same name as them (Mabbett and Chandler 1995).

History of Cambodia From the ninth century, the Kingdom of Angkor dominated much of the region, and in 1432, the capital was sacked by the Siamese from modern-day Thailand. The country then became susceptible to attacks from both the Siamese and the Vietnamese. By the 18th century, the country was about to be partitioned between those two powers but was saved by the Burmese sacking of the Siamese capital and by the civil wars breaking out in Vietnam, which were to lead to the rise of the Nguyen dynasty in the late 1790s. By the 1840s, the King of Cambodia, Ang Duong, was worried that his country might be partitioned again, and he sought European support. This policy of trying to get foreign involvement continued under his son King Norodom I. Initially, the British in Singapore were approached, and then the French. The latter established the Protectorate of Cambodia in 1863, and over the next 30 years, they established French Indochina, an entity that brought together Cambodia, Laos, and Vietnam (then divided into Tonkin, Annam, and Cochinchina) under French rule. With the fall of France to Germany in 1940, the Japanese managed to move their armed forces into French Indochina and used Cambodia as a base for their attacks on British Malaya. In March 1945, they took over and forced the Cambodian King, Norodom Sihanouk, to declare independence. This was short-lived because in September of that year the French returned and reestablished their colonial rule. However, many Cambodians resented French rule, and the people started to support the Khmer Issarak (Free Khmer) movement, which started to fight a small-scale guerilla war against the French at the same time that the Viet Minh were fighting the French in Vietnam. In November 1953, the French granted Cambodia independence, and this was accepted internationally at the Geneva Conference held in 1954. In the following year, King Norodom Sihanouk abdicated the throne and became leader of the government, dominating the country for the next 15 years. The country followed a neutralist foreign policy with support from the PeopleÊs

Background | 211

Republic of China. Initially, it was easy to stay neutral but as the fighting from Vietnam occasionally spilled over into Cambodia in the late 1960s, it became extremely difficult. On March 18, 1970, the pro-Western prime minister of Cambodia, Lon Nol, overthrew Prince Sihanouk, who was in Moscow heading back to Cambodia at the time. In October, the country was renamed the Khmer Republic, and over the next five years, there was a bitter civil war, with Lon Nol being backed by the United States. The war led to a devastation of much of the countryside, with vast numbers of refugees fleeing to the cities under government control. On April 17, 1975, the Communists (who had formed a tactical alliance with Sihanouk) captured Phnom Penh and took control of the country. Sihanouk had earlier dubbed these Communists the „Khmer Rouge‰ („Red Cambodians‰). After helping Sihanouk take control of the country, the Khmer Rouge eased him out of power, and over the next three-and-a-half years, they turned Cambodia into a giant labor camp resulting in the deaths of as many as 1.5 million Cambodians (from a population of 7.3 million) and causing many others to flee to Thailand. Of those who died, some 100,000 to 150,000 were murdered. Most of the others died from preventable diseases, overwork, and maladministration, causing many to die of broken hearts. The Khmer

A wounded Cambodian government soldier is carried off a river patrol boat after his unit was hit while trying to wrest back an island from the Khmer Rouge south of Phnom Penh, August 25, 1974. (AP Photo/Tea Kim Heang)

212 | Cambodian Immigrants

Rouge saw Vietnam as their great enemy, and in late 1978, they invaded, but their army was surrounded and destroyed. The Vietnamese then launched their counterattack. This saw them, in a fortnight, overrunning almost all of Cambodia and establishing a pro-Vietnamese communist government in power. This precipitated another civil war, with hundreds of thousands of Cambodians fleeing to massive refugee camps along the Thai-Cambodian border. Although many of the refugees were resettled, as the war progressed, many more headed towards the border camps to escape from the fighting and from Communist rule (Chan 2004). In 1991, the Paris Peace Settlement ended the war and after about 18n months of control by the United Nations, elections were held. The Royalist FUNCINPEC Party won, but the pro-Vietnamese, formerly Communist, CPP (formerly the PeopleÊs Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea) under Hun Sen, refused to accept the results and forced themselves into a coalition government. In 1996, Hun Sen staged a military coup, and·with many irregularities·won the election in the following year, and the elections held in 2003 and 2008 (Chandler 1972, 1991; Tully 2005).

Causes and Waves of Migration Early Immigration The first Cambodians to settle in the United States were, by and large, students who went to study in U.S. institutions under a variety of scholarships offered by the U.S. government. One of the early groups was a number of Cambodians who studied at California State University at Long Beach in the early 1960s (Bunte and Joseph 1992). The students amounted to only a handful of individuals, and after a major diplomatic row between the two countries, Prince Norodom Sihanouk renounced U.S. aid in 1963, breaking relations two years later. In 1969 the situation changed, and once again a number of Cambodians were able to study in the United States, and this increased during the Lon Nol government (1970 1975), when its strong support of the foreign policy of the United States saw many more Cambodians studying in the United States, many on scholarships offered by either the U.S. or the Cambodian governments, but many others self-funded. The decline and fall of the Lon Nol government in 1975 caused many other Cambodians to seek refuge in the United States. The U.S. government felt a strong obligation to help these refugees after its extensive involvement in the region. Some other refugees who managed to escape Communist rule in Cambodia in the late 1970s went to the United States, with others managing to settle in France, Canada (especially Quebec, owing to French being the second language in Cambodia), or Australia. Because of the small community already established at Long Beach, many of the later Cambodian migrants also settled there.

Causes and Waves of Migration | 213

A large number of the leaders of the Cambodian community settled in the United States during this period. Lon Nol himself first lived in Hawaii and then in Fullerton, California, where he died in 1985. His brother, Lon Keng, lived in New York, where he worked for the United Nations. However, neither became involved in the Cambodian communities. Cheng Heng, the head of state of Cambodia/Khmer Republic from 1970 until 1972; Saukham Khoy, the acting president in April 1975; Sak Suthsakhan, the last head of state of the Khmer Republic in April 1975; and Chhang Song, the last minister of information of the Khmer Republic, also settled in the United States; they became active community leaders, as did Thach Reng, the last head of the Khmer RepublicÊs special forces, and Dien Del, a senior army commander in the Khmer Republic (Corfield and Summers 2003). Mention should also be made of the family of Dith Pran, a translator and assistant to New York Times journalist Sydney H. Schanberg. Pran and Schanberg were evacuated by the Americans in April 1975 although Pran was to remain in Cambodia until he managed to escape four years later; his story is told in the film The Killing Fields (1984), although the last part of the story as related in the film is inaccurate (Dith 1997; Kamm 1998; Schanberg 1985).

Immigrant Culture/Early Issues of Assimilation and Separatism Many of the early Cambodian migrants found it hard to live in the United States. Few Americans knew of Cambodia, and the small number of Cambodian immigrants that existed were scattered throughout the country (Corfield and Summers 2003). Many had come from wealthy families in Cambodia and some found it hard to survive without servants. Lon NolÊs own family was a case in point. In Cambodia, Lon Nol had held senior political positions since the 1940s·and was a cabinet minister for much of the 1950s and 1960s. He had maintained a significant household in Phnom Penh with many servants; large numbers of his extended family always stayed in his house; and itinerant Buddhist monks were regularly allowed to stay at his house. When he arrived in the United States with his second wife and their children, he found it hard to manage even with the money he had managed to take with him when he departed. It was not long before his wife forced some of their children to do the housework all night, and they started to fall behind with their schoolwork and sometimes fell asleep at school exhausted. Social services intervened and took the children away at different times, incidents that were extensively covered in the local and international press (Corfield 2009a). Lon NolÊs family is an extreme case. Most of the others learned English as quickly as they could, and the children who started attending U.S. schools often assimilated far better and far more easily than their parents. The older generation

214 | Cambodian Immigrants

spoke of their great desire to return to Cambodia, and by 1978, some were clearly involved in organizing the funding for a guerilla group, the Khmer PeopleÊs National Liberation Armed Forces (KPNLAF), which was launched in the following year. As well as the Cambodian political and military figures who moved to the United States in the years 1975 1976, there were also a number of poorer Cambodians who managed to flee their country for the small refugee camps along the ThaiCambodian border (Chan and Kim 2003). Some of these were resettled in the United States. One of the Cambodian refugees who moved to the United States during this time was the four-year-old Kris Dim and his family who settled in Arlington, Virginia, later moving to Sacramento, California. He later became a bodybuilder, appearing on the cover of FLEX magazine.

Later Waves of Immigration The fall of the hard-line Communist government known as Democratic Kampuchea in January 1979 caused vast numbers of Cambodians to head for the border with Thailand. By the end of 1979, some 750,000 were living in refugee camps along the border, and while many supported resistance groups such as the KPNLAF, some of these and many others tried to get resettlement overseas. Those who had family in France, Canada, or the United States managed to get through the paperwork with help from their relatives. This immediately saw tens of thousands of Cambodians settling in the United States during the 1980s. Some 9.9 percent of American Cambodians in the 2000 Census had settled in the United States before 1980 (many migrating in 1979), with 73.9 percent settling in the period from 1980 to 1989 (Sheehy 1984). With the support of his former employer, the New York Times, translator Dith Pran was able to get into the United States in 1979. The Times immediately offered him a position as a photojournalist based in New York, and it was not long before he was active helping other Cambodians settling in the United States, especially after he became famous through the film The Killing Fields. The man who played Dith Pran in the film had also come to the United States in 1980. Haing S. Ngor, the actor, was from a wealthy Sino-Khmer family, but the Communists had killed all his relatives. In the United States, he finished his training as a doctor, and after his film debut, became very active in the Cambodian community and in the World Anti-Communist League. He was murdered in a street robbery in 1996 in Los Angeles. Many of the more recent Cambodian American migrants are relatives of previous migrants·the more recent ones being sponsored by those who have gained U.S. citizenship. In addition, a number of Cambodian Americans who have gone

Demographic Profile | 215

back to Cambodia have returned to the United States with Cambodian wives or husbands.

Demographic Profile Size and Composition of Community It was estimated in 2007 that there were 247,487 Cambodian Americans in the United States, or 0.08 percent of the total U.S. population. The largest community is in Long Beach, California (36,233), but there are also sizeable numbers in many other places including Boston (17,301), mainly around Lowell and Lynn; Seattle, Washington (12,391); and Oakland, California (10,552). Other Cambodian American communities exist in Providence, Rhode Island (9,330); Stockton, California (9,313); Philadelphia, Pennsylvania (7,790); Dallas-Fort Worth, Texas (5,596); Orange County, California (4,441); San Diego, California (4,314); Fresno, California (4,173); Minneapolis, Minnesota (4,149); New York City (4,060); Modesto, California (2,959); and Chicago, Illinois (2,764).

Age and Family Structure In terms of age, the median age of Cambodian Americans is 25.3 years (as against 36.4 years for all Americans). This is largely because there are far fewer older Cambodian Americans than their counterparts in the rest of the community·only 4.49 percent of all Cambodian Americans are aged 65 years or over vs. 12.05 percent of the overall population (and 3.8% of Cambodian Americans in 2000). In that age group, there are slightly less males (40.9% of Cambodian Americans vs. 42.7% of all Americans). The remaining figures for the population are 34.94 percent of Cambodian Americans are aged under 18 (vs. 25.36% of the overall population), compared to 38.6 percent of Cambodian Americans in the 2000 Census. Also 28.32 percent are aged between 18 and 34 (vs. 22.56% of all Americans); and 32.25 percent are aged between 35 and 64 (vs. 40.02% of all Americans). Overall there is a slight gender bias in favor of females (51.7% vs. 51.0% of all Americans). In terms of family structure, the overwhelming majority of Cambodians live in family households (85.5% vs. 66.9% of all Americans), with only 5.9 percent of Cambodians living alone (vs. 11.9% in the overall community). However, it is also interesting to note that for the population aged 15 or over, 40.7 percent of Cambodian Americans are unmarried, vs. 28.1 percent in the overall community (and 38.9% of Cambodian Americans in 2000).

216 | Cambodian Immigrants

Sophea Srun (left) who moved from Cambodia, shares a laugh with her daughters Madeline and Leakhena (right) at St. Julie Asian Center in Lowell, Massachusetts, August 24, 2006. Sophea and Madeline studied at the Center. (AP Photo/Chitose Suzuki)

Educational Attainment In terms of educational attainment, many Cambodian Americans have seen the way to success as coming from education. Teeda Butt Mam, the daughter of a member of the Cambodian national assembly during the 1960s, arrived in California as a refugee in March 1980, and in 1983, completed an associate degree as a computer programmer and started work in Silicon Valley (Criddle 1992; Criddle and Mam 1987). Author Theary C. Seng worked hard at school and managed to get a private school education courtesy of the Christian Education Fund. She became a lawyer and a member of the New York Bar Association and the American Bar Association (Seng 2005). The urge to succeed is also present in orphans. The Khmer Rouge killed all of Loung UngÊs family. She was able to move to the United States and go to school. In her memoir First They Killed My Father (2000), she thanked her ninth-grade teacher at Essex Junction High School for her first A+ for an essay (Ung 2000, 2005). In terms of success, the U.S. Embassy in Phnom Penh has highlighted the career of Paul Thai, who was 16 when he and his family arrived as refugees in the United States. He went on to gain a degree in criminal justice and

Demographic Profile | 217

became a lieutenant with the Dallas Police Department (Embassy of the United States 2008). Despite the successes of some, the socioeconomic status of many Cambodian Americans is low: 40.9 percent have less than a high school diploma (vs. 15.8% of Americans); 20.2 percent have a college or associate degree (vs. 27.5% of all Americans); 11.1 percent have a bachelorÊs degree (vs. 17.2% of Americans); and only 3 percent have a graduate or professional degree (vs. 10% of Americans). The statistics remain marked for females: only 11.1 percent have a bachelorÊs degree or higher (vs. 26% of female Americans), whereas 17.5 percent of males have a bachelorÊs degree of higher (vs. 28.5% of male Americans).

Economic Attainment Much has often been made of the economic success of immigrants to the United States, and within the Cambodian American population, there have been many examples of people arriving with little and becoming wealthy. Initially, the language barrier proved a problem, but many Cambodian Americans have built businesses working with other Cambodian Americans or other Asians. Although 19.3 percent of all Cambodian American families are deemed to be living in poverty (vs. 10.2% of all American families), considering that the majority of Cambodian American migrants arrived as refugees, this is still a reasonably good record. Some 52.1 percent of Cambodian Americans live in owner-occupied homes (vs. 66.9% of all Americans), and 90.4 percent of Cambodian American families own one or more cars (as against 91.1% of all Americans) (Reeves and Bennett 2004; U.S. Census Bureau 2007).

Occupation and Income Patterns Many of the first Cambodian American immigrants found work in relatively poorly paid manual laboring jobs. However, the statistics show a gradual transformation in occupational patterns. There are now 9.9 percent of Cambodian Americans working for the government (vs. 14.6% of Americans), and 5.2 percent of Cambodian Americans are self-employed (vs. 6.9% of Americans). In 2005, the median household income of Cambodian Americans in the previous 12 months was $44,955 (vs. $46,242 for Americans), although this statistic is partly disguised by the fact that, on average, Cambodian American households are larger than those of many other communities. There are now Cambodians in many different positions throughout the United States, with 19.3 percent of them involved in management, professional, and related occupations (vs. 31.3% of Americans), with 37.3 percent still working in production, transportation, and material moving occupations (vs. 18.7% of Americans).

218 | Cambodian Immigrants

Health Statistics and Related Issues Many Cambodians settling in the United States have endured some period in a refugee camp, and there has long been a worry of tuberculosis. However, mental health has been a much more major problem. This is largely explained by the extreme trauma that many Cambodian Americans have been through, especially during the period of Communist rule in Cambodia. These psychiatric problems have often manifested themselves in depression (Berthold et al. 2007; Marshal et al. 2005). Many Cambodian Americans who arrived as refugees sought treatment from alternative health care providers and those providing complementary medicine. For others, the psychiatric problems have resulted in alcohol and drug abuse, and there is a heavy proclivity to gambling among some Cambodian Americans. This has led to a large number of social problems, which has caused community leaders (from both within the Cambodian American community and the wider community) to try to get young Cambodian Americans to identify more with „mainstream America‰ than be marginalized in gang „sub-cultures‰ (Chang, Rhee, and Berthold 2008; DÊAmico et al. 2007; Hinton et al. 2008, 2009). Chanrithy Him, who migrated to the United States after spending time in a refugee camp along the Thai-Cambodian border and then a processing center in the Philippines, moved to Eugene, Oregon, and worked for the Khmer Adolescent Project, where she has been involved in studying post-traumatic stress disorder among Cambodians who survived the Killing Fields (Hin 2000). For womenÊs health, fertility is fairly close to the national average (30.9% of Cambodian Americans vs. 30.6% of Americans). There have also been far more problems explaining to women the availability of medical care than there has been to men, although this is changing with time.

Adjustment and Adaption Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals Cambodians who have settled in the United States came from a wide variety of socioeconomic backgrounds. Many of the earlier migrants were from urban backgrounds, coming from Phnom Penh and also other cities and towns in the country. A large number of these had already lived a partly westernized lifestyle in Cambodia. For them, the change was not that great·except for the weather and, initially, the lack of Cambodian food. Others from the countryside had far more problems adapting to life in the United States. Most Cambodian families have tried to celebrate the major festivals, especially New Year and PÊChum Ben, but many of the large and more elaborate gatherings are limited to Long Beach and other places with large Cambodian populations.

Adjustment and Adaption | 219

Elders and leaders from Long Beach’s Cambodian community receive a blessing from Buddhist monks before the Cambodian New Year’s Parade in Long Beach, California, April 24, 2005. (AP Photo/Chris Carlson)

Many second-generation Cambodians, educated at U.S. schools, learned about customs and Cambodian culture from their parents and older relatives; but thirdgeneration Cambodians have often been far more separated from their Cambodian culture, although many of them have been able to visit Cambodia.

Families and Changing Gender Relations Most Cambodian Americans live in extended families, and as mentioned earlier, there is a far higher percentage of Cambodian Americans living in extended families than in the overall U.S. population. This has helped with the preservation of familial and community values. Because many of the Cambodian Americans arrived as refugees, it was common for both men and women to find work. In traditional Cambodian societies, although women usually worked in family farms, it was very unusual for most Cambodian women to work for other employers. Socioeconomic circumstances in the United States meant that this tradition was often quickly discarded, and it often left the rearing of smaller children to their grandparents or older family members or family friends. This in turn has led to a major transformation in the gender relations of Cambodian American families.

220 | Cambodian Immigrants

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity Since the first Cambodians settled in the United States, there has been many attempts to preserve national and cultural identity. This has involved reading (and writing) in Khmer, which has been made easier by the development of Cambodian fonts for computer laser and bubble-jet printers. One of the early Cambodian Americans, Bhante Dharmawara (d. 1999) was a prominent Buddhist monk who had been born in Cambodia. For many decades he was involved in the resettling of many Cambodian refugees in the United States; he founded the first Cambodian Buddhist temple in the United States, located in Washington, D.C.; and later on, he established Wat Dharawararam at Stockton, California. Gradually the efforts of Bhante Dharmawara encouraged the establishment of other temples and self-help groups·especially involved in planning for funerals, etc.·and this did much to preserve both Cambodian and also ethnic Khmer cultural identity. Indeed, the United Cambodia Community was established in Long Beach in 1977 as a self-help organization. Over successive years, as the Cambodian American population increased, it became possible to publish books in the United States to preserve culture, as prior to this time, dictionaries·such as those by Franklin E. Huffman of Yale University· were far too expensive for the many Cambodians who had arrived as poor refugees. Another Cambodian active in Khmer culture has been Arn Chorn-Pond, a human rights activist, whose family was killed by the Khmer Rouge. Adopted by the Reverend Peter L. Pond, Chorn-Pond moved to the United States, where he has been active in preserving Cambodian music, especially flute music. In 2004, two museums were established devoted to aspects of Cambodian American heritage. They are the Cambodian Cultural Museum and Killing Fields Memorial in Seattle, established by Dara Duong; and the Cambodian American Heritage Museum and Killing Fields Memorial in Chicago. A number of libraries used by the American Cambodian communities have Khmer language books, with the Mark Twain Library at 1401 Anaheim Street, Long Beach, having a large holding of Cambodian-language books.

National-Language Press and Other Media Although as of June 2009, there are some 274 registered Cambodian-language newspapers in Cambodia, there has not been any major Cambodian-language newspaper in the United States. Many of those which started·especially in California· did not last long, and with wider access to the Internet, it has been easier to publish Cambodian-language material on the Internet. In terms of radio broadcasts, Radio Free Asia broadcasts regularly in Khmer and is widely listened to by Cambodian Americans and Cambodians from around the world. There are also a number of

Adjustment and Adaption | 221

publishers, such as and Shorthand Publications Ltd. and Mimosa Publications Pty Ltd., both of Crystal Lake, and Bayon Market of Long Beach, which have published many books in the Khmer language.

Celebration of National Holidays There are a number of major national holidays in Cambodia, many of which are commemorated by American Cambodians. Cambodia operate on the Lunar Calendar, so the dates according to the Solar Calendar change each year. On Chinese New Year, many Sino-Khmers celebrate what is known in Cambodia as Chaul Chnam Chen. This holiday takes place sometime from late-January to mid-February. The Khmer Krom often refer to it by the Vietnamese name of Tet. In mid-April the major national holiday of the year, known as Khmer New Year, or Chaul Chnam Khmer, is celebrated. In early May the Royal Ploughing Ceremony takes place. This ceremony involves the king cutting the first furrow, celebrating the start of the agricultural year. In late May or June is Visakha Puja, the day to commemorate the birth of Lord Buddha. In September/October is PÊChum Ben, the Festival of the Dead, when offerings are made for those departed at Buddhist temples. In October/November is Bon Om Tuk, or the Water Festival, which

Gloria Keo (left) and Samchay Anongthep perform the blessing dance during Cambodian New Year festivities in Long Beach, California, April 8, 2000. Long Beach is home to the largest Cambodian community in the United States. (AP Photo/Chris Lee)

222 | Cambodian Immigrants

Cambodian New Year Although Cambodian communities throughout the United States celebrate the Cambodian New Year, at Long Beach, more than 20,000 Cambodians and their friends gather to celebrate, making it the largest regular gathering of Cambodians anywhere in the United States. The events are usually split over the two weekends closest to the New Year itself. These involve a parade along Anaheim Street. Although most Cambodians are Buddhist, because increasing numbers are Christian—and there has long been a small Muslim minority—the event has long been a multifaith gathering. The celebrations usually end with as many as 15,000 to 20,000 people meeting at El Dorado Park, where there are performances, some by important artists including classical dance troupes. Cambodian food is also available, although many families bring their own food.

celebrates the naval victory of King Jayavarman VII over the Chams in 1177, and also the reversal of the current of the Tonlé Sap River. In addition to these traditional holidays, there are also a number of other events and commemorations of a political nature. The most important of these is on November 9, the anniversary of independence (which occurred in 1953). Cambodian Republicans tended to commemorate March 18 as the date of the overthrow of Sihanouk in 1970; and on April 17, the anniversary of the day in 1975 that the Khmer Rouge Communists won the civil war, is commemorated with prayers·as it also marks the start of the rule of the Khmer Rouge, which saw the deaths of as many as 1.5 million people.

Foodways Initially many of the Cambodians in the United States were Sino-Khmers (Cambodians of Chinese ancestry), and the ready availability of Chinese food made it easy for them to find food in cities, although those in smaller towns did face some problems. Gradually with the increasing numbers of Cambodians in some cities, especially Long Beach, California, meant that it was possible to establish dozens of shops selling Cambodian food specialties, especially lemongrass and fish sauce, two ingredients that are used in many Cambodian dishes. Some Cambodian recipe books were published that managed to get many other Americans interested in Cambodian food. The book by Princess Norodom Rasmi Sobhana was published by Cambodians in exile, and it has been followed up by a number of other cookbooks. Gradually, many Cambodian Americans also came to eat North American food. The lawyer and author Theary C. Seng recorded in her memoirs that her family spent their first evening in the United States eating apples (Seng 2005; Sheehy 1986).

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 223

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Because many Cambodians had left their country as refugees, many of the Cambodian music recordings and cultural items that were available in the United States came from the Cambodian community in France, in particular the cultural group and company CEDOREK. As the Cambodian community in the United States grew during the 1980s, especially in places such as Long Beach, it became possible to produce books and record music locally. And in terms of preserving Cambodian and Khmer musicology, Dr. Sam-Ang Sam has done much to preserve classical music and performing arts through the Sam-Ang Sam Ensemble and his book Traditional Music of Cambodia (1987). Soon after the founding of the Sam-Ang Sam Ensemble, a number of dance groups started to be formed, and it was not long before there were regular local music and arts festivals for Cambodians at which non-Cambodians were also welcomed. Initially, the effort to form Cambodian dance groups stemmed from the desire to replicate Cambodian culture through village and more formal dancing. However, the music and arts gradually became influenced by U.S. society, and Cambodian Americans began to produce a second generation of music and art. The Classical Dance Company of Cambodia, including the renowned Sophiline Cheam Shapiro, has been active in the United States and in other countries around the world. Mention should also be made of the artists Monirith Chhea, a visual artist who worked in charcoal; Chanthou Oeur, a painter and sculptor who has been involved in the SmithsonianÊs Natural History exhibit „Across the Seas and Over the Mountains‰; and Narath Tan, who worked as a sculptor and artist in Chicago. TanÊs work adapts the Khmer style with Western techniques and has been seen as a mix of Cambodian and American styles.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Paths toward Citizenship Many of the early Cambodian American immigrants were connected with government circles in Cambodia/Khmer Republic, and as a result, they were able to get official sponsorship for U.S. citizenship. From 1975 on, some immigrants were evacuated as refugees, but most of those who arrived from 1979 to 1980 had spent some time in refugee camps. Many of the refugees were sponsored by missionary and welfare organizations, such as the Catholic Social Services, Church World Services, and the Cambodian American National Development Organization, with some Cambodians becoming involved in these groups, which then organized current members to sponsor new immigrants. Even those with families in the United States, such as the family of Theary C. Seng, sponsorship in the United States was provided by church or welfare

224 | Cambodian Immigrants

organizations. In SengÊs familyÊs case, a church group from Grand Rapids, Michigan·the Millbrook Christian Reformed Church·sponsored their arrival. Many of the refugees quickly sought U.S. citizenship. For example, Teeda Butt Mam, who arrived in the United States as a refugee in 1980, gained U.S. citizenship in 1986. There have also been many adoptions. For example, after years of working with refugees along the Thai-Cambodian border, Reverend Peter L. Pond, a New England clergyman, adopted 16 Cambodian children. In 2000, some 34.2 percent of Cambodian Americans were born in the United States; 30 percent were foreign born who had gained U.S. citizenship; and 35.8 percent were born overseas and had not taken up U.S. citizenship.

Intergroup Relations Cambodian Americans have been involved in a variety of community groups. A number of Sino-Khmers identify with the American Chinese community, and as a result, many prefer to be associated with American Chinese (rather than American Cambodian) organizations. Similarly, Khmer Krom, often speaking Vietnamese as their first language, may identify with Vietnamese; and the Chams, a Muslim minority from central Vietnam and eastern Cambodia, also often identify with the Vietnamese. There are also a number of Montagnards, the jungle people of Cambodia who identify with other Montagnards from both Vietnam and Laos. Some sections of the Cambodian community, such as Cambodian war veterans, identify with South Vietnamese war veterans, alongside whom they fought during 1970 1975. They maintain ties with organizations maintained by U.S. veterans. There are also a number of Cambodians of mixed descent, the most famous probably being Francois Chau, a Cambodian American actor of both Chinese and Vietnamese descent, who became famous after he played the Shredder in Teenage Mutant Ninja Turtles II: The Secret of the Ooze (1991). Although there has been much antagonism between Cambodia and Vietnam, not many problems exist between Cambodians and Vietnamese in the United States. This is mainly because most Vietnamese Americans were supporters of South Vietnam and, hence, allies for the anti-Communist Lon Nol government in Cambodia, which many of the original Cambodian American migrants had supported.

Forging a New American Political Identity Many Cambodian Americans have been involved in Cambodian politics since the 1970s. Indeed a number of senior Cambodian politicians lived in the United States for longer or shorter periods. Brigadier General Lon Non, younger brother of President Lon Nol and probably the first Cambodian politician to live in the United States, lived in Silver Springs, Maryland. He returned to Cambodia in 1974, and

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 225

the Khmer Rouge murdered him in the following year. The events of 1975 caused leading politicians Lon Nol, Chhang Song, Cheng Heng, Sak Suthsakhan, and Um Sim, and soldiers Dien Del, Thach Reng, and Jean Fernandez to seek asylum in the United States. It was not long before Sak Suthsakhan, Dien Del, and Thach Reng became active in the establishment of the anti-Communist KPNLAF and its later political movement the Khmer PeopleÊs National Liberation Front (KPNLF) (Corfield 2009b, in press). Chhun Yasith was another Cambodian American who became heavily involved in Cambodian politics. After becoming an immigrant to the United States in 1982, he worked as a tax accountant in Long Beach, California, and returned to Cambodia, where he was initially involved in the main opposition party, the Sam Rainsy Party, and then established the Cambodian Freedom Fighters with the aim of overthrowing the Hun Sen government. In April 2008, he was convicted in the United States of being behind a 2000 coup attempt. There have been many other Cambodian Americans who have returned to Cambodia and held appointments in the government, including Pou Sohtireak, who holds joint Cambodian and U.S. citizenship, was active in the Royalist FUNCINPEC Party, and was minister for Industry, Mines, and Energy. In spite of this strong involvement of Cambodian Americans in Cambodian politics, few have been active in U.S. politics. One exception is Chanrithy Uong, who was elected in 1998 to the city council of Lowell, Massachusetts. There was also Dr. Haing S. Ngor, famous for his acting role in The Killing Fields— the first Cambodian American to win an Academy Award·who became heavily involved in the World Anti-Communist League (WACL), taking part in many speaking engagements in the United States and elsewhere. Jean Fernandez has also been active with Cambodian war veterans in the United States. And Navy Dy, who moved to the United States in 1981, moved to Virginia and worked initially in the U.S. Congress and then at the Pentagon. Sichan Siv was the son of a police officer in Cambodia. When he managed to escape to the United States, he found work as an apple picker and then a „burger flipper‰ in Connecticut, before becoming a cab driver in New York. He managed to complete a masterÊs of international affairs at Columbia University and was an alternate U.S. representative at the United Nations General Assembly from 2001 until 2006 (Siv 2008).

Return Immigration After the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia in 1978 1979, there was a reticence on the part of many American Cambodians to return to Cambodia, even for a holiday. However, as the government in Phnom Penh became more moderate from 1989, and tourism was encouraged, there were significant numbers who did return to

226 | Cambodian Immigrants

Cambodia for brief trips. During the period of United Nations rule from 1991, and after the 1993 elections, which saw the victory of the Royalist FUNCINPEC party, who were heavily supported by many American Cambodians, many more started returning to Cambodia for extended stays and some moved back to Cambodia permanently. This return immigration continued even after the 1997 coup dÊétat. One of those Cambodian Americans who did return to Cambodia was Chath Piersath. He had moved to the United States with his brother and sister in 1981, initially settling in Boulder, Colorado, where he later became a prominent poet. In 1994 he returned to Cambodia for the first time since 1981 and became a volunteer with the Cambodian American National Development Organization (CANDO), later working with other groups including the Human Rights Vigilance of Cambodia while living permanently in Phnom Penh. There has been significant publicity in the media concerning Cambodians who settled in the United States but who have been deported from the United States after criminal activity on U.S. territory under the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act of 1996. However, in spite of many news stories, the numbers affected remain very small, with only 127 Cambodian Americans being deported between 1996 and 2005.

The Second and Later Generations Ethnic Identity The second generation of American Cambodians consists of those born in refugee camps who grew up in the United States and completed their schooling in the United States; or those born in the United States after the migration of their parents. In most cases, both their parents are Cambodians and the sense of ethnic and cultural identity is strong. The strong sense of Cambodian identity has dissipated in young generations, and the lack of identity is especially noticeable in Cambodian American families who do not live in an area with a large ethnic Cambodian population and hence have greater pressures to assimilate. The drive to assimilate is even more pronounced in third-generation Cambodian Americans, especially when one parent is not an ethnic Cambodian.

Educational Attainment It has been much easier for the second- and third-generation Cambodian Americans to gain education in the United States. These have been able to attend U.S. public schools, with some managing to get into private schools. As a result of hard work, many have then been able to proceed to higher education, either in colleges or universities. Fluency in the English language and the ability to strive to do well

The Second and Later Generations | 227

through a strong work ethic has helped many Cambodian Americans complete university and get managerial positions in U.S. society. An example is Soben Huon, who was born in Long Beach and attended Millikan High School. After high school, she moved to Utah, where she studied political science and international relations at Brigham Young University. In 2005, she was voted Miss Utah in 2006 (the first member of a minority community to do so) and was also a competitor in the Miss USA Competition. She was also a dancer with the Cambodian Classical Ballet. Another example is Whitney Ping, who when she was only 10 years old managed to defeat at table tennis her father, Ken Ping, a former Cambodian refugee and keen table tennis player. Whitney Ping went on to represent the United States at the Athens Olympics in 2004.

Youth Profile A Beauty Contest Winner Now Studying Broadcast Journalism Born on February 26, 1983, in Dallas, Texas, Soben Huon, the daughter of Cambodian migrants Matthew K. Huon and Sambath (née Dip), attended Millikan High School in Long Beach, California. She worked hard at school and was also active in community work and training within the local Cambodian Classical Ballet. Combining her school work with playing the violin, she also taught herself to play the piano. After completing her high school, she went to Brigham Young University where she studied for her BA in political science and international relations. While studying, she was also active in a number of charities such as the Red Cross and also others connected with helping impoverished people. It was while studying at Brigham Young University-Provo, Utah that she competed in a beauty competition and was chosen as Miss Utah 2006 in November 2005, the first from a minority group to get the title. The award was made not only for her beauty, but also her involvement in community and charitable groups, ensuring that she would be a good role model. After her crowning as Miss Utah, she represented her state in the Miss USA pageant, being one of the twenty-six delegates to be chosen to appear on the television game show Deal or No Deal. The only member of her family to join the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, she has always been passionately interested in politics and became a firm admirer of Condoleezza Rice, Madeleine Albright, and other women political figures. After graduating from Brigham Young University, Soben Huon went to Berlin, Germany, to study for a MA in journalism and TV broadcasting. As well as English, Khmer, and German, she also speaks some French and Spanish.

228 | Cambodian Immigrants

Cultural Identification The growing assimilation of the second- and third-generation Cambodian Americans has led to a transformation with many now identifying culturally with the mainstream United States, or with a range of other Asian subcultures, such as those within Chinese or Vietnamese communities. At the same time, for the wealthier Cambodian Americans it has become easier and cheaper to visit Cambodia, and as a result, many have been able to go to Cambodia and reconnect with Cambodian culture in a way that was not previously possible. In the 2000 Census, of people aged 5 and older, some 8.4 percent of Cambodian Americans spoke English at home, with 38.1 percent speaking English well but tending not to speak it at home. The remainder, 53.5 percent, did not speak English at home and spoke it less than „very well.‰

Appendix I: Migration Statistics The vast majority of Cambodian Americans who were born overseas migrated to the United States from 1979 on. The figures published in the 2000 Census list those who migrated before 1980 (9.9%), between 1980 and 1989 (73.9%), and from 1990 until 2000 (16.1%). For numbers of Cambodians who achieved permanent legal status between 2000 and 2009, see Table 38.

Table 38 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000 to 2009 Region and country of birth

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

Cambodia

2,138

2,462

2,800

2,263

3,553

4,022

5,773

4,246

3,713

3,771

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2009 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (Table 3).

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics According to the U.S. Census returns, the number of people identifying as Cambodian Americans has risen markedly. In the 2000 Census, some 178,043 were identified as solely as Cambodian Americans, with 212,633 identifying wholly or partly as Cambodian Americans, as opposed to 241,025 in the 2007 report of the U.S. Census Bureau based on projections and other data. Given the historical circumstances

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics | 229

of many Cambodian Americans following the rule of the Khmer Rouge, it is believed that there are probably more Cambodian Americans than shown on census figures as census collectors often found people missing when they called or relationships being „mixed up‰ on completed census forms. For figures on permanent residents of Cambodian origin and their broad class of admission·or reasons for admission, see Table 40.

Table 39 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009 region/ country: Cambodia Characteristic

Total

Male

Female

Total

3,771

1,341

2,430

33

5

28

1,202

428

774

Leading states of residence Arizona California Colorado

37

13

24

Connecticut

55

22

33

Florida

95

29

66

Georgia

88

35

53

Illinois

50

14

36

Maryland

33

8

25

400

164

236

Michigan

Massachusetts

25

4

21

Minnesota

231

89

142

Nevada

26

6

20

New York

71

25

46

North Carolina

53

20

33

Ohio

91

33

58

Pennsylvania

167

61

106

Texas

277

105

172

Virginia

79

28

51

Washington

318

118

200

Other

440

134

306

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

230 | Cambodian Immigrants Table 40 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by broad class of admission and region and country of birth: Fiscal year 2009 Region and Familycountry of sponsored birth Total preferences Cambodia

3,771

383

Employment- Immediate based relatives of Refugees preferences U.S. citizens Diversity and asylees 63

3,063

72

Other

166

24

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2009 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (Table 10).

Appendix III: Notable Cambodian Americans Abdulgaffar Peang Meth. Political activist and university lecturer. Resident in Michigan; Guam. Butt Mam, Teeda. Author and public advocate for Cambodian community. Resident in California. Chanthou Oeur. Painter and sculptor. Resident in Long Beach, California. Cheng Heng. Head of State of Cambodia, 1970 1975. Resident of Dallas, Texas. Died in 1996. Chhang Song. Minister of Information 1974 1975, founder of Save Cambodia Inc. Resident in Maryland. Chhea, Monirith. Artist. Resident in California. Dim, Kris. Professional bodybuilder with the National Physique Committee. Resident in Arlington, Virginia; Sacramento, California. Dith Pran. Journalist and photojournalist, as well as prominent advocate for the Cambodian community through the Dith Pran Holocaust Awareness Project. Resident in New York; then Woodbridge, New Jersey. Died in 2008. Huon, Soben. Miss Utah 2006. Resident in Long Beach, California; Salt Lake City, Utah. In Tam. Provincial governor; Prime Minister of Cambodia, 1973. Resident in Chandler, Arizona. Died in 2006. Lon Keng. United Nations Official (and brother of Lon Nol). Resident in New York. Lon Nol. Prime Minister of Cambodia (Khmer Republic from 1970) 1966 1967, 1969 1972, President of the Khmer Republic 1972 1975. Resident in Hawaii; then Fullerton, California. Died 1985. Narath Tan. Sculptor and artist. Resident in Chicago, Illinois.

Glossary | 231

Ngor, Haing S. Doctor and actor. Resident in Los Angeles, California. Murdered in 1996. Sak Suthsakhan. Army commander. Head of State of Khmer Republic 1975, co-founder of KPNLAF. Died in 1994. Sam-Ang Sam. Ethnomusicologist and classical musician. Resident in Maryland. Sichan Siv. U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations 2001 2006. Sophiline Cheam Shapiro. Cambodian classical dancer. Thach Reng. Special Forces Commander 1972 1975; co-founder of KPNLAF. Died in 2002. Theary C. Seng. Cambodian American lawyer and author of Daughter of the Killing Fields (2005). Resident in Grand Rapids, Michigan; later New York. Whitney Ping. Table tennis player and participant in 2004 Athens Olympics.

Glossary Cambodge: The French name for Cambodia. Cambodian People’s Party (CPP): Formerly the PeopleÊs Revolutionary Party of Kampuchea, effectively the ruling party in Cambodia from 1979 (in coalition 1993 1998). FUNCINPEC: The Royalist Political Party, with the name in full standing for National United Front for an Independent, Neutral, Peaceful and Cooperative Cambodia. Kampuchea: Another name for Cambodia used mainly by Communists. Khmer Krom: Ethnic Khmers from southern Vietnam. Khmer Leou: See Montagnards. Khmer Republic: The official name of Cambodia from its proclamation in October 1970, until its overthrow by the Khmer Rouge in April 1975. Khmer Rouge: „Red Cambodians,‰ that is, Cambodian Communists, especially the pro-Chinese Cambodian Communists under Pol Pot. Khmer Serei: Free Khmers, anti-Communist Cambodians during the 1960s. Montagnards: „Mountain people,‰ that is, Cambodian hill tribes and jungle peoples (also known as Khmer Loeu).

232 | Cambodian Immigrants

References Berthold, S. M., E. C. Wong, T. L. Schell, G. N. Marshall, M. N. Elliott, D. Takeuchi, and K. Hambarsoomians. 2007. „U.S. Cambodian RefugeesÊ Use of Complementary and Alternative Medicine for Mental Health Problems.‰ Psychiatric Services 58(9): 1212 18. Bunte, Pamela A., and Rebecca M. Joseph. 1992. The Cambodian Community of Long Beach: An Ethnographic Analysis of Factors Leading to Census Undercount. Washington, D.C.: Center for Survey Methods Research, Bureau of the Census. [Online article retrieved 04/11.] http://www.census.gov/srd/papers/pdf/ev92-09.pdf. Chan, Sucheng. 2004. Survivors: Cambodian Refugees in the United States. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Chan, Sucheng, and Audrey Kim. 2003. Not Just Victims: Conversations with Cambodian Community Leaders in the United States. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Chandler, David P. 1972. The Land and People of Cambodia. Portraits of the Nations Series. New York: J. B. Lippincott Company. Chandler, David P. 1991. The Tragedy of Cambodian History: Politics, War and Revolution since 1945. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Chang, J., S. Rhee, and S. M. Berthold. 2008. „Child Abuse and Neglect in Cambodian Refugee Families: Characteristics and Implications for Practice.‰ Child Welfare 87(1): 141 60. Corfield, Justin. 2009a. The History of Cambodia. Santa Barbara, CA: Greenwood Press. Corfield, Justin. 2009b. „Cambodia War Veterans.‰ In Encyclopedia of American Veterans, vol. 1, edited by William Pencak, 117 18. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press. Corfield, Justin. In press. „Cambodian American Experience: History and Culture.‰ In Asian American History and Culture: An Encyclopedia, edited by Huping Ling and Allan Austin. Armonk, NY: M.E. Sharpe. Corfield, Justin, and Laura Summers. 2003. Historical Dictionary of Cambodia. Lanham, MD: The Scarecrow Press. Criddle, JoAn D. 1992. Bamboo and Butterflies: From Refugee to Citizen. Dixon, CA: East/West Bridge. Criddle, JoAn D., and Teeda Butt Mam. 1987. To Destroy You Is No Loss: The Odyssey of a Cambodian Family. New York: The Atlantic Monthly Press. DÊAmico, E. J., T. L. Schell, G. N. Marshall, and K. Hambarsoomians. 2007. „Problem Drinking among Cambodian Refugees in the United States: How Big of a Problem Is It?‰ Journal of Studies on Alcohol and Drugs 68(1): 11 17. Dith Pran, comp. 1997. Children of Cambodia’s Killing Fields: Memoirs by Survivors. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. Embassy of the United States, Phnom Penh, Cambodia. 2008. Contributions of Asian Americans to U.S. Society Honored in May. [Online article retrieved 12/09.] http://cam bodia.usembassy.gov/2008_asia_pacific_month.html.

Further Reading | 233 Hin, Chanrithy. 2000. When Broken Glass Floats: Growing Up under the Khmer Rouge. New York: W.W. Norton and Company. Hinton, D. E., S. D. Hinton, R. J. Loeum, V. Pich, and M. H. Pollack. 2008. „The Multiplex Model of Somatic Symptoms: Application to Tinnitus among Traumatized Cambodian Refugees.‰ Transcultural Psychiatry 45(2): 287 317. Hinton, D. E., A. L. Hinton, V. Pich, J. R. Loeum, and M. H. Pollack. 2009. „Nightmares among Cambodian Refugees: The Breaching of Concentric Ontological Security.‰ Culture, Medicine and Psychiatry 33(2): 219 65. Kamm, Henry. 1998. Cambodia: Report from a Stricken Land. New York: Arcade. Mabbett, Ian, and David Chandler. 1995. The Khmers. Oxford: Blackwell. Marshal, Grant N., Terry L. Schell, Marc N. Elliott, Megan S. Berthold, and Chi-Ah Chun. 2005. „Mental Health of Cambodian Refugees Two Decades after Resettlement in the United States.‰ Journal of the American Medical Association 294(5): 571 79. Reeves, Terrance J., and Claudette E. Bennett. 2004. We the People: Asians in the United States—Census 2000 Special Reports. [Online article retrieved 12/09.] http://www. census.gov/prod/2004pubs/censr-17.pdf. Schanberg, Sydney H. 1985. The Death and Life of Dith Pran. New York: Elisabeth Sefton Books/Viking. Seng, Theary C. 2005. Daughter of the Killing Fields: Asrei’s Story. London: Fusion Press. Sheehy, Gail. 1984. „A Home for CambodiaÊs Children.‰ The New York Times, September 23, 50. Sheehy, Gail. 1986. Spirit of Survival. New York: William Morrow. Siv, Sichan. 2008. Golden Bones: An Extraordinary Journey from Hell in Cambodia to a New Life in America. New York: Harper. Tully, John. 2005. A Short History of Cambodia: From Empire to Survival. Crows Nest, NSW, Australia: Allen and Unwin. Ung, Loung. 2000. First They Killed My Father: A Daughter of Cambodia Remembers. New York: HarperCollins. Ung, Loung. 2005. Lucky Child: A Daughter of Cambodia Reunites with the Sister She Left Behind. New York: Harper Collins. United States Census Bureau. 2007. Selected Population Profile in the United States. S0201. Selected Population Profile in the United States Population Group: Cambodian alone or in any combination Data Set: 2005 American Community Survey. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Census Bureau.

Further Reading Burke, Todd, and DeAnn Burke. 1977. Anointed for Burial: Cambodia’s Like a Mighty Wind. Plainfield, NJ: Logos International.

234 | Cambodian Immigrants This book is by U.S. Protestant missionaries who went to Cambodia during the Khmer Republic 1970 1975. Harris, Ian. 2005. Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu: University of HawaiÊi Press. This book covers the history of Buddhism in Cambodia and in Cambodian communities overseas, including the United States. Her Story, Her Struggle: Khmer American Women and Girls’ Oral History Project. 2000. Long Beach, CA: Asians and Pacific Islanders for Reproductive Health. A research project into the experiences of women from Cambodia who have moved to Long Beach, California. Khmer Court Dance. 1995. Media Generation ; Montpelier, VT: Multicultural Media, VHS videotape. This provides details on the training of Cambodian Americans in traditional court dancing styles. Lafreniere, Bree. 2000. Music through the Dark: A Tale of Survival in Cambodia. Honolulu: University of HawaiÊi Press. An account of music in Cambodia, and the survival of traditional techniques in overseas communities, especially in the United States. Ong, Aiwha. 2003. Buddha Is Hiding: Refugees, Citizenship, the New America. Berkeley: University of California Press. A detailed account of how refugees settled into U.S. society. Pa, Chileng. 2008. Escaping the Khmer Rouge: A Cambodian Memoir. Jefferson, NC: McFarland. An autobiography covering life in Cambodia and in the United States. Phim, Navy. 2007. Reflections of a Khmer Soul. Tucson, AZ: Wheatmark. An autobiographical account which contains the experiences faced by the author in the United States. Sam, Sam-Ang. 1987. Traditional Music of Cambodia. Middletown, CT: Center for the Study of Khmer Culture. This book provides details on the teaching of traditional Cambodian music styles in the United States. Samuel, P. S., J. P. Pringle, N. W. James, S. J. Fielding, and K. M. Fairfield. 2009. „Breast, Cervical, and Colorectal Cancer Screening Rates amongst Female Cambodian, Somali, and Vietnamese Immigrants in the U.S.A.‰ International Journal of Equity Health 14: 30. A detailed study of the problems in the screening of Cambodian and other women for breast cancer.

Further Reading | 235 Smith-Hefner, Nancy Joan. 1999. Khmer American: Identity and Moral Education in a Diasporic Community. Berkeley: University of California Press. A sympathetic study of the Cambodian American community. Thach Sira. 1997. Khmer Krom Suffering [in Khmer]. Lincoln Village, OH: Sira Thach. A reflection on Khmer Krom and Cambodian society contrasted with life in the United States. Yang Sam. 1987. Khmer Buddhism and Politics from 1954 to 1984. Newington, CT: Khmer Studies Institute. An early study of Cambodian Buddhist documenting its survival in the communities in the United States.

This page intentionally left blank

Chilean Immigrants by Cristián Doña-Reveco

Introduction Chilean migration to the United States has its historical origins in the population exchanges of the 19th century and the Gold Rush in California. Post-1960s emigration from Chile has developed in relation to socioeconomic and political changes in Chile, which have been influenced in varying degrees by the foreign policies of the United States. Although the United States is the second largest receiving country of Chilean immigrants, this group represents less than 1 percent of all the immigrants in the United States. Most migrants are located in the traditional receiving states of Latin American migrants: Texas, California, Florida, New York, and New Jersey. In many cities these immigrants have created organized communities that help in the integration of newcomers and that provide social services in Chile. Chilean immigrants to the United States have a comparatively higher educational level and income than other immigrants from Latin America. Due to the small number of Chilean American immigrants, there is little information about return patterns, civic participation, and integration to host societies.

Chronology 1536

Diego de Almagro arrives to ChileÊs central valley. He is the first Spanish explorer to reach mainland Chile. Magellan had sighted southern Chile in 1520.

1541

Pedro de Valdivia founds Santiago del Nuevo Extremo, capital city of the Reyno de Chile during colonial times and capital of Chile.

1810

First Junta de Gobierno. Independence war against Spain begins.

1818

Proclamation of Independence.

1879–1884

War of the Pacific against Peru and Bolivia. Chile obtains rich territories in the Atacama Desert.

1891

Rivalries between the president and congress detonate a civil war. Its origins can be linked to a possible nationalization of nitrate 237

Chronology | 239

companies. More Chileans die in this eight-month war than in the 1879 1884 conflict. 1924–1932

Period of social and political crisis. There are six presidents in eight years. Chile is the hardest hit country in the world by the crash of 1929 and the subsequent economic depression of the 1930s.

1948

„Ley maldita‰ (Defense of Democracy Law) is passed by congress. At the beginnings of the Cold War, Chile decides to outlaw the Communist Party, which had been part of the governing coalition. This law remains in effect until 1958.

1961

The conservative government of Jorge Alessandri puts into effect the first agrarian reform.

1964

Election of Eduardo Frei Montalva. Agrarian reforms deepen. Chile becomes the third largest receiving country of Alliance for Progress funds. The nationalization of copper companies begins.

1970

Allende is elected. He is the first democratically elected president from a Communist-Socialist/left wing coalition in the world. Agrarian reforms deepen. Copper mines and other U.S.-owned companies are completely nationalized. Kissinger states, „I donÊt see why we need to stand by and watch a country go communist due to the irresponsibility of its people. The issues are much too important for the Chilean voters to be left to decide for themselves.‰ (Muñoz, 2008, 85).

1973

Military coup is headed by Augusto Pinochet. Beginning of the largest exile in Chilean history. Assassinations, concentration camps, and multiple other violations to human rights are undertaken by government officials.

1976

Orlando Letelier, AllendeÊs former secretary of state, is killed in Washington, D.C., along with her assistant, a U.S. citizen, by members of PinochetÊs secret police. This assassination marks a change in the support given by the U.S. government to the Chilean dictatorship.

1982

External debt economic crisis. First national protest against Pinochet. Openings to the return of exiles.

1988

Plebiscite to vote continuation of the dictatorship or free elections. The option „no‰ to Pinochet wins.

1989

Free elections. The Concertación de Partidos por la Democracia formed by Christian Democrats, Socialists, Radicals, and others win the election. Patricio Aylwin Azócar, a Christian Democrat, is elected president.

240 | Chilean Immigrants

1990

Aylwin creates the Oficina Nacional de Retorno to provide assistance in the return of exiles. The Dirección para las Comunidades Chilenas en el Exterior (DICOEX), part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is also created. Its role is to maintain contact with Chilean communities abroad.

1994

Eduadro Frei Ruiz-Tagle (Concertación) is elected president. During his government, Chile begins to negotiate its participation in a free trade agreement with the United States. At the end of his government, Pinochet is arrested in London.

1999

Ricardo Lagos is elected president (Concertación). First socialist since Allende. Chile signs a Free Trade agreement with the United States. This treaty includes a special type of visa for Chilean professionals. Pinochet is released from imprisonment in London on medical grounds and returns to Chile.

2003–2004

The government of Chile through the DICOEX applies a registry or census of Chileans and their descendants living abroad. A minimum of 762,151 people report to recognize themselves as Chileans residing in other countries. This represents about 5 percent of the Chilean population.

2005

Michelle Bachelet (Concertación), former political prisoner and exile, is elected president. She is the first woman to be elected president of Chile.

2006

Augusto Pinochet dies.

2010

Sebastián Piñera (Alianza) is elected president in a conglomerate of right, center right parties, and former Concertación politicians. This is the first time since 1958 that center right and right-wing parties win a presidential election.

Background Geography Chile is located in the southwestern corner of South America. It is a long and narrow country with an approximate length of 2,700 miles and an average width of 109 miles. Its total landmass of 287,187 square miles is about twice the size of Montana. Located in the Pacific Rim, its coastline of 3,999 miles provides the country with privileged access to sea routes and oceanic resources. It shares borders with Peru in the north, Bolivia in the northeast, and Argentina in the east.

Background | 241

The estimated population of the country as of 2007 was 16,598,074 people; 40 percent of which lived in the metropolitan area of Santiago, the capital. The population growth is amongst the lowest in Latin America, at around 0.97 percent, and comes in third only to Uruguay and Cuba. Chile has the highest human development index of Latin America (0.878), with 96 percent of its population literate, a low infant mortality rate (8.36 per 1,000 live births), and high life expectancy at birth (76.96 years). Form east to west, Chile can be divided into three morphologic regions: the Andes mountain range, the Central Valley, and the coastal mountain range. From north to south it is possible to distinguish three geographic regions: the dry north, the Mediterranean central region, and the temperate oceanic in the south. Despite running almost 4,000 miles from the northernmost tip to the southernmost tip, Chile presents a remarkable thermal homogeneity. The average difference in the median temperature between the most northern and southern cities is only 59ÀF (15ÀC); a small value for a difference in latitude of 39À between both cities. The length of the country creates a geographical diversity that allows for the existence of several natural resources; most of them area specific. Chile is the worldÊs largest producer of copper. Most of the production is located in the arid north, close to the mountain ranges. With almost half of the exports, Chile is also the largest fruit producer in the southern hemisphere; most of the fruit production occurs in the Central Valley. Other relevant exports are forestry and wood products, processed food, fishmeal (worldÊs 2nd largest producer) and seafood, and wine (worldÊs 10th largest producer). Chile is located in the Pacific Ring of Fire. This zone is where most earthquakes occur, and it is the site of the most active volcanoes in the world. In fact, 3 of the largest 10 earthquakes recorded happened in Chile in 1960 (magnitude 9.5 and the largest on record), 2010 (magnitude 8.8), and 1922 (magnitude 8.5). At least 17 other earthquakes magnitude 7.5 and above have been felt in the country since the arrival of the Spaniard colonizers in the first half of the 16th century. The deadliest of these earthquakes occurred in Chillán (south central Chile) in 1939; it destroyed most of the city and killed more than 30,000 people. Spanish is the official language of Chile, although there are some other languages spoken by different ethnic groups. These ethnic groups are formed by descendants of the peoples that lived in the territory of Chile previous to the Spanish colonization. As of 2002 they represented less than 5 percent of the countryÊs population. The largest group is the Mapuche (87.3%), followed by the Aymara (7%). Although the statistics differ, more than half of the Chilean population define themselves as white; while a third considers themselves mestizo (mixed white and Amerindian). These populations share a mostly Spanish origin with some small influences from German, Italian, French, Palestine, and Sirio-Lebanese migrations.

242 | Chilean Immigrants

History of Chile The period since the 1930s in the history of Chile can be divided into three subperiods: (a) industrialization by import substitution and the Alliance for Progress (1930 1973); (b) military governments and exile (1973 1990); and (c) democratization processes and neoliberal economic policies (1990 to date). The relations between Chile and the United States have influenced the continuities and changes of these three periods. In this sense the hegemonic influence that the United States has tried to achieve in the Americas is not new and does not start with the Cold War. This is a long time process that can be traced back to the Monroe Doctrine, the first Pan-American meetings, the independence of Panama, and the power vacancy left by the British Empire after the World War I.

Industrialization by Import Substitution and the Alliance for Progress (1930–1973) The economic crisis of the 1930s, which began in the industrialized countries, presented Chile, as well as other Latin American governments, with the need to change the development policies that had been being applied up to then. New development policies centered on the creation of national industries and intended to reduce the dependence of national economies from foreign manufactured products. Their main objective was to build up a national industry that would lead the countryÊs path to development. Although the new set of policies, known as the ISI model (acronym in Spanish for Industrialization by Import Substitution) had different impacts and outcomes in different countries of Latin America, Chile under the ISI model had been able to maintain, between the late 1930s and 1973, on average, a sustained economic growth. During this period, Chile, along with the other Southern Cone countries, underwent what has been referred to as the second stage of the demographic transition, which is defined by low mortality, high fertility, and an increase in total population; and the enormous social changes happening in the country since the 1940s led to an increase in migration from rural areas, which in turn resulted in an increased urbanization, a larger participation of women in politics and the labor force, the development of strong unions and labor movements, and in general the development of important social movements. By the 1970s, however, the ISI model had begun to fail. Despite growth, the Chilean economy did not have the market size to consume all the production; and the ISI model suffered from a structural dilemma that finally caused its fall. One of the pillars of this model was protecting the national industry through high import taxes. This meant that every part of the manufacturing process had to be locally produced, including machinery and its components. Replacements parts, necessary to keep the manufacturing process in function, were too expensive to be imported

Background | 243

and they were not produced in the country. Factories began to close; government subsidies stopped due to lack of income, and a new economic crisis began. This crisis had major effects not only in the economies of the countries but also in their social and political systems. The end of U.S. foreign aid destined for development and the increment of direct political intervention and military aid to „loyal‰ armed forces had a direct impact on the countries of the Southern Cone. The role of the United States in this period is principally marked by the Alliance for Progress. This was a program established by President Kennedy in the 1960s to promote development and social justice in the continent through loans that had to be targeted to rural areas. The Alliance for Progress can be easily understood as a second stage of the good neighbor policy. This U.S. foreign policy was designed to deter and oppose the spread of communism and the Cuban revolution in other Latin-American countries. Chile was probably the most benefited by this program. By the time it was ended, Chile had received the largest share of loans in proportion to its size. Its main problem was that it consisted mainly of tied aid. This meant that economic resources were poorly used to buy expensive and monopolized agricultural equipment and to pay high interest on loans obtained in U.S. banks. The

Cooperative market in Santiago, Chile, late 1960s. This was one in a network of customerowned supermarkets founded under the Alliance for Progress, enabling low-income families to achieve sizeable savings on food purchases. (National Archives)

244 | Chilean Immigrants

Nixon era during the late 1960s produced a decline in the official support for the Alliance for Progress, and foreign policy changed provide more military support and direct support to right-wing politicians and paramilitary groups. By 1970 it was clear that the Alliance had failed and was never implemented again. Military support through educational exchange between military schools and equipment sales that had as an objective the indoctrination of Latin-American militaries in U.S. policies was not new; it started in the 1950s with the founding of the so-called School of the Americas. Its objective had been to train Latin American militaries in contra-insurgency, antiterrorism, and anticommunist ideologies. Many officers from this education center emerged later on to help lead the military coups, direct the secret police; and design what in 1975 became Operation Condor, a joint effort of the military of the Southern Cone to eliminate left-wing dissidents in any country of the region without considering their nationality (Loveman 2001). This had deep consequences for Chile and the rest of the countries of the Southern Cone and represented a much more direct influence than the good-willed „Trojan horse‰ of the Alliance for Progress.

Military Governments and Exile In September 1973, a military coup deposed Allende, and the dictatorship that ensued was the most repressive and bloodiest that ever existed in the country. Although it is not possible to prove that the United States government directly participated in the coup, it has been proven that the United States gave direct support to the military and provided support for antigovernment forces. The Chilean dictatorship defined itself as the bearers of a historical project, and their leaders portrayed themselves as new liberators: always comparing themselves with the founding fathers of the nation. They argued that they were destined to save the country from the claws of Marxism and from moral, social, and economic decadence (Bethell 1993). Even if they were not supported by the United States at the moment of the coup, they were tolerated and even applauded by the United States, at least until the presidency of Jimmy Carter. Besides being a regime of torture and murder, the dictatorship was also responsible for the largest political exile in the history of the country. Although estimations vary, the number of exiles and émigrés that had to leave the country between 1973 and the mid-1980s for political or related reasons lies somewhere between 400,000 and 600,000 people (Eastmond 1997). This is a significant number, considering that the total population of Chile according to the 1982 census was close to 11.3 million people (between 3.6% and 5.3%). A significant number of these exiles never returned to Chile. In fact, only 5 percent of those who were exiled used the policies developed by the democratic governments since 1990 to assist in their return to Chile and help in their incorporation into Chilean society.

Causes and Waves of Migration | 245

During this period, Latin America and Chile in particular experienced crises of external debt. The crisis began in 1982 in Mexico and rapidly spread to the rest of the continent. In every country in the region, unemployment soared, poverty increased, and social discontent grew. The 1980s have been called the „lost decade‰ due to the lasting impact of this crisis in the development of Latin America. This economic crisis, the lack of support of the U.S. government to the military dictatorships after 1980, and specific internal political problems led to the beginning of the democratization processes in Chile. Open and national „days of protest‰ began in 1982. In 1988, the plebiscite defeated Pinochet, and in 1990 the free elections were held. Despite the victory, the dictatorship had already put in place several constrictions to avoid changing the economic and political structures that had been developed by the military and to evade being judged for crimes against humanity.

Democratization Processes The democratization process has been an ongoing struggle between maintaining and changing the economic and social structures inherited from the military government. This has lead to processes of creating a new national identity and coping with the human rights abuses of the dictatorship, economic crisis, and migration. The economic system, based on the neoliberal approaches applied during the dictatorship, has had mixed results in Chile. These policies have allowed having an aboveaverage growth, with national companies expanding and investing in other countries in the Americas. It has also helped to reduce poverty levels since the 1990s. Despite these gains, the old policies have not diminished the income inequality in the country, one of the worst in Latin America and the worst among OECD countries. It has also defined at least three new forms of migration: transnational executives, tertiary education students, and those that do not fit or are left out of economic growth. With regards to immigration, return policies were implemented in order to recover some of its populations that were exiled·with some success. Chile has begun to receive new migration flows, especially from neighboring countries, pulled by an over-publicized socioeconomic tranquility and stable political order.

Causes and Waves of Migration Early Immigration Although Chileans had traveled to the United States since independence, the earliest recognized mass migration began in the late 1840s. As European and East Coast U.S. travelers on their way to California reached the port of Valparaiso, news of the gold rush spread throughout Chile. This created the first migration of Chileans to

246 | Chilean Immigrants

a country on the northern hemisphere. By the second half of the century, the Chilean American community comprised between 4,000 and 5,000 people, and was the second largest Hispanic American group after Mexicans. While this migration was formed mainly by laborers from central Chile with little education, some businessmen also migrated and used this opportunity to export wheat and other staple products to California. This early Chilean migration left important marks on the history of California. In late 1849 and early 1850, the „War of Calaveras‰ or „Chilean War‰ took place as a result of the refusal of Chilean miners to leave an area wanted by Anglo-American miners. From a different perspective, an important number of families stayed in California and helped develop towns, unions, businesses, and newspapers. There is little record of how many descendants of these families remain in California. Even today, however, it is possible to find people in California who reminisce about the Chilean migration and its relevance.

Later Waves of Immigration Migration from Chile to the United States since the 1950s can be divided into three periods. The first period, from 1953 to 1973, is characterized by a process of modernization in Chilean society, as well as by a growing influence of the United States on Chilean politics. The second period, 1973 1990, overlaps with the dictatorship of General Pinochet. It is during this period that the largest exile in the history of Chile occurs. This period can be divided into two subperiods: the first, between the 1973 coup and the global crisis of 1982; and the second, between 1982 and the return to democracy in 1990. The third period begins with the election of Aylwin in December 1990, and it is marked by democratic governments, an economic system centered in the role of the market, and a growing social participation of the state.

Migration in the Context of Modernization The decade of the 1950s marked a change in the migration flows to and from Chile. Although this country never received the volume or proportion of migrants that other countries in the region received·namely Argentina and Uruguay·it is still considered an important country of reception of European and Mediterranean migrants. Shortly after World War II, this migration stopped and new flows began or become more prominent. First, Argentina consolidated as the main receiving country of labor migration from Chile. Between 40 percent and 60 percent of the close to 858,000 estimated Chilean emigrants reside in that country. Second, emigrants began settling in countries such as Venezuela, Canada, and Australia, which were

Causes and Waves of Migration | 247

in need of labor due to modernization and industrialization processes. It is in this context that migration to the United States gains relevance. Beginning in the early 1950s, the number of Chileans admitted with immigrant visas to the United States increased steadily. From close to 400 migrants a year in 1953 and 1954, Chilean immigration to the United States grew to a maximum of almost 2,000 in 1965. That number declined in the following years and remained close to 1,000 admissions per year until 1973. The total number of Chileans who entered the United States in the period from 1953 to 1973 was 18,956 people, an average of 903 a year. About 40 percent of the immigrants that arrived in this period participated in the labor force. The high percentage of dependants recorded implies that this was mostly a family migration. About two out of every five migrants who worked were occupied in management and professional occupations, which suggests this was a migration of highly qualified individuals.

The Centrality of Exile On September 11, 1973, the Chilean army, with General Pinochet at the head, led a coup dÊétat again President AllendeÊs democratically elected government. Repression of Allende supporters began immediately, and although it never stopped during PinochetÊs rule, the great majority of tortures, summary killings, and disappearances happened between 1973 and 1978. For the first two years, there were between 20,000 and 30,000 exiles; 80,000 political prisoners; and an unknown the number of deaths, estimated at a low of 3,000 to a high of 30,000. The governing bodies of the political parties that formed the governing coalition under Allende, namely the Socialist, Communist, and other smaller parties were completely destroyed, and their members were either murdered, disappeared, or exiled. Only six months after the coup, in March 1974, the military government stated that they would not set timetables for their government, since they had the task to rebuild the nation morally, institutionally, and economically. This rebuilding involved replacing Marxism with conservative Catholic and Chilean nationalistic values. The Chilean exile had two origins. First, during the first month after the coup, a number of Chileans composed mostly of the political elite of the government that had survived the coup and avoided the first waves of detentions asked for diplomatic asylum in many embassies. They were joined there by middle-level political activists and by foreigners. In the years that followed the coup, many other Chileans who had been detained in concentration camps were expelled from the country. It is estimated that close to 76 percent of the exiles left the country with their families: 52 percent left Chile between 1973 and 1976; 16.3 percent between 1977 and

248 | Chilean Immigrants

1980; and close to 10 percent between 1980 and 1984 (Wright and Oñate 1998). This last group was comprised also of economic exiles that due to their political beliefs had no opportunity of getting a job in Chile. Psychological problems were common among the exiles with higher than normal proportions of alcoholism and depression, with some deaths attributable to suicide and alcohol-related diseases (Norambuena Carrasco 2000). For most Chileans, the exile to the United States was complicated. After all, many refugees had been politically antagonistic to U.S. policies, which had helped in the fall of Allende. Although the United States did not develop a specific refugee status for Chileans, it received close to 400 exiles in 1976 as „paroles refugees,‰ while their families were admitted on a conditional residence status. Available data show that between 1975 and 1984, 794 former Chilean refugees and asylees were granted lawful permanent resident status. These refugee visas were usually granted to free, formerly imprisoned, Chileans using visas that NGOs and U.S. congressmen had obtained by pressuring Kissinger. Unlike other refugees, however, Chileans did not receive any assistance from the state or federal level·in food, housing, or education programs. They were only helped by charity organizations and NGOs (Muñoz 2008; Eastmond 1997). With regards to those Chileans who entered the United States with immigrant visas, the first two years of the dictatorship showed a steady but slow increase in the number of admissions. In this period about 1,300 immigrants were admitted every year; this number more than doubled in 1976 and 1977. Available data also show a high level of qualifications among them: close to 35 percent worked in a management and professional occupation. The percentage of dependants also diminished to almost 55 percent of the total admitted. Finally, the period between the foreign debt crisis and the return to democracy shows a steady influx of migrants to the United States. An average of 2,793 Chileans were admitted to the country every year. Only after 1988, the year of the plebiscite that defeated Pinochet, is it possible to observe a sudden increase in the number of immigrants admitted. This number increases to a little more than 3,000 by 1989 and to over 4,000 in 1990, the first year of the new democratic government. This last year represents the highest number of Chilean immigrant admissions ever. Migration since 1990 has continued at a level between 1,000 and 2,000 admissions a year. This migration is mainly by highly educated migrants who come to work at U.S. companies as expats or by traditional economic migrants in search of the American dream. According to the 2007 American Community Survey almost 20 percent of Chileans had arrived less than five years earlier in the United States, which means that they had arrived since the 2000 Census. The group of immigrants that came in the 2000s maintains the general characteristics of the previous migrant groups: about a third have four or more years of college and about a quarter have at least some college.

Demographic Profile | 249

Demographic Profile Size and Composition of Community The relative importance of the Chilean population in the United States, in relation to other migrants from South America, has decreased since the 1960s. With a total population of 80,804·according to the 2000 Census·Chilean Americans represent only a little over 4 percent of South Americans in the United States. Although these numbers are small, Chilean Americans have never had a large representation; the highest proportion on record was around 7 percent, as recorded in the 1960 Census. As with other countries in the Southern Cone (Argentina and Uruguay) and South America, the growth between censuses of the Chilean-born population in the United States has also followed a constant decline. Between 1960 and 1970, the population grew at a rate of 8.44 percent per year, while 40 years later that growth had reduced to 3.68 percent. According to the American Community Survey, as of 2008, there are 91,590 Chileans in the United States. According to the Registro de Chilenos en el Exterior carried by the DICOEX in 2004, there are 113,934 Chileans in the United States. This makes

Jose Luis Briones watches television news in Miami’s Sabores Chilenos restaurant, October 13, 2010. South Florida’s Chilean community was celebrating the rescue of 33 miners who spent more than three agonizing months underground. (AP Photo/J. Pat Carter)

250 | Chilean Immigrants

the United States the second largest receiver of Chileans migrants in the world after Argentina. The distribution of Chilean migration in the United States centers mostly on the traditional migrant receiving states. The northeast corridor, between Massachusetts and Virginia, accounts for a third of the Chilean migrants (36.6%). In this area, New York and New Jersey hold 23.3 percent, the largest concentration of Chileans in the United States. Florida is the single state with the largest proportion of Chileans, almost one out of every five of those born in Chile reside there, followed closely by California (19.3%). With the exception of Texas (4.8%), only in a handful of other states can we find between 1 percent and 2 percent of the Chileans in the United States. The remaining states have less that 1 percent of the Chilean population residing in the United States as of the 2000 Census.

Age and Family Structure With a median age of 40 years, the Chilean migration is six years older than that of the aggregate for Latin America. This statistic could suggest two things: first, in general the Chilean migration is older, and second, that this migration has been and still is comprised mostly of families. Both statements are true. About two-thirds of these migrants arrived before 1990 compared with little over 50 percent in the case of other Latin Americans. As of 2000, 60 percent of Chileans were married, which is slightly higher than the Latin-American percentage (57.7%). With regards to gender, a little over 50 percent of this population is female. Three-quarters of the Chilean-born population are between 20 and 64 years of age, while 8.6 percent are over 65 years of age. There is no scientific data on the number of Chileans that decide to retire in Chile, but anecdotal information shows a relevant number of families have bought houses and apartments in Chile with this objective.

Educational Attainment An old migration law states that the level of education increases with the distance between countries of origin and destination. This seems to be true for the case of those born in Chile and in the Southern Cone. According to the 2000 Census, only 19 percent of Chileans have less than a high school diploma, while those with an associate, bachelor, or postgraduate degree account for close to 37 percent of those 25 years and older. As a comparison, 51 percent of migrants from Latin America have less than a high school diploma and only 13 percent have completed studies beyond high school. The question that remains is whether Chilean migrants achieved comparatively higher levels of education in the United States or in Chile.

Demographic Profile | 251

If they were educated in the United States, then Chileans would be more prone to upward assimilation compared to other Latin Americans. On the other hand, if they were educated in Chile, then the migration would have been a product of what is called a brain drain, or a loss of educated workers due to lack of employment opportunities in the home country. According to the 2000 Census, a majority of Chilean migrants are employed in the tertiary sector (61%). Within the service sector, a third work in educational, health, and other social services, while 18 percent work in professional and scientific areas. Unlike other Latin Americans, less that 1 percent are working in primary extraction activities.

Economic Attainment Most likely due to the aggregate higher educational levels of this group, Chilean Americans have achieved a comparatively high economic attainment as compared to other Latin-American immigrant groups. A third of all Chilean immigrants have occupations in management or professional fields (34%). This percentage more than doubles that of Latin America as a whole (14%), although it is relatively smaller when compared to other regions of the world. Only about 1 in 10 Chileans work in construction and related occupations, and a little over 12 percent in occupations that are in the transportation subsector. Census data shows a high propensity among Chileans of being self-employed. A little over 10 percent of workers fall in this category. Although this percentage is higher than for any other region as a whole, when each country is analyzed by itself and compared to Chile, some differences become clear. For example, this same proportion is higher among Uruguayans in the United States (close to 13%). Those born in Chile generally earn more money than those born in Latin Americans. According to the 2000 Census, when analyzed by household, the median income of Chilean Americans is $9,000 higher than the Latin-American median. Almost three-quarters of Chilean Americans have a household income of more than $25,000 a year, which would imply that only a quarter live in poverty.

Health Statistics and Issues Due to the small proportion of Chilean Americans among the total foreign-born population, there are no reliable data on health problems or health access. Because of the similarities on socioeconomic variables such as income and educational levels, it is possible to hypothesize that the general health conditions of Chileans is closer to that of the natives·again, relative to socioeconomic position·than to the Latin-American immigrants in general.

252 | Chilean Immigrants

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals As with the other countries in the Southern Cone, Chile has been historically more influenced by western European countries than by the United States. This has been changing since the 1960s, although a mixture of influences is still perceivable. In general, the celebration of mayor U.S. holidays (Halloween, Thanksgiving) depends on particular families and their degree of assimilation to the U.S. society. There are no major differences in the celebrations of birthdays. Giving presents and having a dinner or some sort of meal is customary. Weddings in Chile are in general religious celebrations. Because the majority of the country is Catholic or share some Catholic beliefs, most weddings and baptisms are performed in the Catholic Church, even if the bride and groom or parents are not strict Catholics. In the last 20 to 30 years, there has been a growth of participation in Christian churches throughout Chile; most ceremonies and traditions, however, remain similar.

Families and Changing Gender Relations Since the 1960s, families have been going through important changes in Chile. Currently, despite being one of the most conservative countries in the Americas, most women participate actively in the labor force; however, there are several gender inequalities on salaries and responsibilities. In general the characteristics of Chilean American families are very similar to the other families in the United States. Chileans, however, tend to have a lower divorce rate than their U.S. counterpart. There is no information on whether same sex couples are more common in Chilean families in the United States than in Chile. Chilean families in the United States tend to maintain accepted gender roles. Men are usually better paid than women and this had resulted in the development of a „second shift,‰ in which women work both outside and inside the home.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity Chilean American communities are usually formed by city or metropolitan area of residency. Most communities have developed good informative Web site and Facebook groups. Not every Chilean participates in these groups. Only a minority are active participants. Chilean Americans tend to get together for national holidays and for relevant sports competitions. Soccer matches in which the Chilean national team competes are eagerly followed at Chilean restaurants and homes. They also participate actively when a Chilean player has engaged in tennis competitions played in the United States, such as the U.S. Open or Indian Wells. Chilean American

Adjustment and Adaptation | 253

communities also participate actively in raising funds for social organizations in Chile. Most communities provide support to the Chilean Teletón, which has worked with handicapped children for over 30 years. After the earthquake of 2010 an important number of Chilean organizations in the United States promoted social and cultural activities to raise funds to help Chilean cities and communities in distress. From a governmental perspective, DICOEX has been active in trying to maintain a sense of being Chilean. This organization provides funds on a competitive basis for Chilean groups interested in presenting or developing their cultural ties to Chile. A few organizations of Chileans abroad have tried to create an online gathering place to discuss voting rights, the loss of citizenship, and other political aspects of emigrant life. Finally, most communities have within them folkloric groups that try to keep Chilean musical traditions alive.

National /Regional-Language Press and Other Media There are no Chilean newspapers in the United States at the national level. Most city-based communities have their own Web sites on which they post relevant news from the home country. Major Chilean newspapers have good and active Web sites free of charge where most people get their news. The two main television channels have Web sites with specific programs for Chileans abroad. Most of this material, however, can only be accessed through a satellite company.

Celebration of National Holidays Although the Chilean proclamation of independence was signed on February 12, 1818, the country celebrates its national day on September 18 and 19. The first day commemorates the establishment of the first Junta in 1810: the first step in becoming an independent nation. The second date is the day of the army, and it is when this component of the armed forces celebrates its history. These two days are probably the most important of the Chilean holidays. They are celebrated by most Chileans residing in the United States. Individuals get together to have a barbeque; state- or city-based communities might hold a formal dinner with some national foods and drinks. The Chilean consul participates actively in these parties, and more recently, the consul reads a letter sent by the president to the Chilean communities abroad, in which the notions of being part of an „imagined community‰ are celebrated. A less important holiday, but one that is also celebrated abroad, is the Glories of the Navy, which commemorates a naval battle that occurred on May 21 during the 1879 War. This holiday celebrates the history of the Chilean navy. Chilean Americans also celebrate Christmas ( December 24 25) and New YearÊs Day (January 1).

254 | Chilean Immigrants

Foodways Chilean food is comprised mostly of meat (mostly beef ) as well as fish and seafood. These proteins are usually accompanied by potatoes, rice, or salad. Common national dishes are empanadas (pastries filled with meat, seafood, or cheese), corn pie, and bean stew. There are a few regional differences that are not usually transferred abroad. There are several online stores where is possible to find Chilean brand canned seafood, marmalades, wines, sweets, and other foods. Delivery is expensive because of weight. Chilean wine can be found in most supermarkets chains in the United States.

Chilean Food and the Role of Restaurants As in most immigrant communities, restaurants play a very important role among different Chilean American groups. Currently, it is possible to find at least one Chilean restaurant in every major community in the United States, including in Los Angeles, Boston, New York, Chicago, San Francisco, Miami, Houston, and Washington, D.C. There are small restaurants that serve only sandwiches to more upscale places that have sophisticated versions of Chilean food. Regardless of size, these places fulfill their as role as a gathering place for Chilean immigrants and as keepers of certain traditions. Although Chilean food varies somewhat with the location, there are some dishes that are always present in Chilean restaurants in the United States. Empanadas, pastel de choclo, and diverse preparation of fish and seafood such as the caldillo de congrio are probably the most common dishes. Although some restaurants have as their purpose introducing Chilean cuisine in the United States, the scant number of restaurants and the competition of other more “developed” ethnic cuisines from Latin America (Mexico and Brazil, among others) or from other regions of the world have impeded an expansion of Chilean cuisine in the United States. Most Chilean restaurants are devoted to the communities where they are located, and only a handful are intended to be upscale restaurants for U.S. gourmands. As part of the community, Chilean restaurants provide immigrants with foods and drinks that are not normally prepared at home. They also allow Chileans to introduce friends from the United States or other countries to Chilean food. Restaurants also participate in activities of the Chilean communities by providing catering of traditional foods or having stands to sell them. In this sense, they help maintain certain chilenidad (Chilenity) through food. Finally, as a meeting place, restaurants have been venues where members of the community gather to watch soccer games, in particular those of the World Cup qualifiers. These occasions also help to introduce recently arrived members and returning members to the community; and promote conversations about social changes in Chile, politics, and Chilean current events.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 255

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Chile has a very rich folklore that has different manifestations and that varies with the territory. In almost every community it is possible to find a group of people that keep musical traditions by participating in national celebrations and other activities. These groups are usually guitar based and play traditional songs as well as perform the national dance, la cueca. It is possible to find in some stores in the United States that sell handicrafts made by Chilean artisans. These are not common, however, and many times can be mixed with those from such other Andean countries as Peru and Bolivia. Chile has a growing independent cinema industry that has received international praise and has even won some competitions in the United States. Some of these movies have made it to the independent circuit and are also widely available on DVD. Chilean narrative has always been well recognized and considered in the United States. Authors such as Isabel Allende, Ariel Dorfman, José Donoso, Alberto Fuguet, and Roberto Ampuero have lived and taught at some point during their lives in universities in the United States.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Paths toward Citizenship According to the 2000 Census, a little over a third of the Chilean born population (35%) arrived in this country before 1980. This statistic implies that this migration is older than most other Latin-American immigrant groups. As of 2007, however, still less than half of Chilean immigrants have become citizens (41%). As is common to almost every migrant group, those Chileans who have naturalized are those who have been in the country longer. Of all those that have become naturalized, 61 percent arrived to the United States before 1980 however, only one out every four migrants from Chile who are currently in the United States arrived in that period. The availability of a specific visa for Chilean professionals within the Free Trade Agreement between the two countries would most likely increase the number of migrants who do not become citizens in the future, particularly since this visa does not allow for changing to a citizen status. This form of admittance is recent, however, and has not been fully used. Because it has not been measured by any census, there is little information on its impact. The last 10 years have shown, according to the Department of Homeland Security, a continuous but small increase of legal residencies obtained by Chilean immigrants: from 1,700 in the year 2000 to 2,250 in 2009 with a peak of 2,774 in 2006. The number of Chilean immigrants with legal residencies still represents less that

256 | Chilean Immigrants

U.S. Army major Petros Kosmas Chapanos, M.D., a native of Chile, wipes away tears as he prepares to take the oath of allegiance to become a United States citizen during a naturalization ceremony in Dallas, November 5, 2008. (AP Photo/Tony Gutierrez)

1 percent (0.22%) of the total legal residences given the last decade. According to the last available data from 2009, Chileans obtaining legal resident status are living in the traditional immigration states for this population: Florida, California, New York, New Jersey, and Texas.

Intergroup Relations Chilean American immigrants and their communities tend to establish ties with immigrants from other Latin-American countries. Two approaches have been observed. On the one hand, some Chilean Americans tend to go beyond historical animosities between countries by embracing a pan Latin-American identity and becoming part of different Latino groups. On the other, Chileans participate with other migrants from countries that are considered to be more „racially similar,‰ since more than 70 percent of Chileans consider themselves white, and even a somewhat large percentage consider themselves non-Hispanic (Marrow 2007), such as western Europeans, Argentineans, Uruguayan, and Anglo-Americans. The origins to this last approach can be found the country of origin, Chile. It is common for many Chileans, particularly in the higher classes, to identify solely with their white European ancestors and to disregard any possible native or even mestizo ancestry. With this they create a particular habitus, a structure of establishing

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 257

relationships with other social groups based in this self-identification. Chileans in Chile also hold some well-developed stereotypes in regards to other Latin Americans, which some Chileans have transported with them to the United States.

Forging a New American Political Identity Chilean immigrants have participated actively in political activities in the United States. With the help of NGOs and charity organizations, several groups were formed during the dictatorship to help jailed Chileans and to help exiles who arrive in the United States. These groups also participated in movements with similar groups from Argentina and Uruguay. Currently there are a few organizations that have tried to lobby the Chilean parliament from the United States to improve the rights of citizens abroad. So far, and only recently (2005), have these groups helped to put in place constitutional changes in Chile that allow for the children of emigrants who have at least one Chilean parent to be recognized as Chilean citizens. Previously, children had to spend a least one year in Chile to be considered citizens. There are still rights that have not been approved, such as voting from overseas. Another constitutional change is required for voting rights, and it has yet

Chilean immigrants Betty Granadidim, Betty Martinez, and Maurilio Coelho join others at a nationwide rally calling on Congress to stop H.R. bill 4437, Boston, Massachusetts, April 10, 2006. The bill would criminalize undocumented immigrants and the people who help them. (Joe Raedle/Getty Images)

258 | Chilean Immigrants

to be approved: this has become a contentious and electoral matter. The new government sworn in March 2010 made a campaign promise to make advances in this issue. Some of his coalition members, however, have proposed that voting rights for Chileans abroad have to be tied to showing a permanent connection with the country, such as yearly or frequent visits to the country. There is little information with regards to the participation of Chilean Americans in the United StateÊs political life. In most cases, Chileans have been active in secondary positions at the local level, as in the case of Ximena Hartsock; or in advisory positions in the state department, as in the case of Arturo Valenzuela.

Return Immigration The democratic government elected in 1990 created an institutional office to facilitate the return of former exiles to Chile. Despite the good intentions of the Oficina Nacional del Retorno (National Office for Return) and the economic incentives to return, only a small percentage did return (between 8% and 10% of all estimated exiles). Although there is no information specific to the United States, there are personal narratives and other sources that show that there was some who returned among those that resided in the United States. Most of these, however, are cases of people who have achieved a high level of education or have become successful businesspeople. Evidence from other countries of immigration suggests that for many returnees this has been a traumatic process due to the cultural changes in Chile in the last 30 years. Anecdotal evidence suggests that an important number of those who returned eventually went back to their countries of immigration. As with other communities, there are some transnational activities among Chilean migrants. Transnational activities, however, are generally available only to those who have developed successful businesses and are not common practices in the overall population. There are also some temporary return trips, particularly during end-of-the-year holidays. Some older migrants have suggested the possibility of retiring in Chile. To do this, some have bought houses in their hometowns or in coastal areas of the country. The lack of data makes it hard to determine whether this a common practice.

The Second and Later Generations Unlike other countries where the Chilean migrants are more statistically relevant, there are no studies on second-generation Chileans in the United States. Observation in Chilean American communities allows one to argue that the incorporation of these second-generation individuals has more to do with class status than with participation in a specific migrant group. As such, the children of Chilean migrants would tend to follow the patterns of U.S. youth.

The Second and Later Generations | 259

Youth Profile A Chilean Girl in Economic Need Grows Up to Gain Doctorate in Engineering Field In 1985, shortly before her 10th birthday, Thelma Valdes arrived in the United States. Her father, an accountant, had lost his job when the company he worked for went bankrupt during the 1982 economic crisis. Although he had tried to begin his own business, the difficult economic times that Chile was going through in the early part of the decade had made it impossible for him to succeed. Because of Chile’s tough economic climate, Thelma’s father decided Chile offered no future for his daughter. Thus, he decided to migrate to the United States in order to create better opportunities for his family. The first few months in the United States were extremely difficult for Thelma and her family. They lived in a friend’s house in Queens, New York. For a short while, Thelma had to sleep on a makeshift bed; her first birthday present in the United States was a bed. The area of the city where they were living was not safe. For instance, every night they would hear gunshots being fired and the sound of ambulance sirens. As a way of getting Thelma and her family out of this danger, her mother searched for jobs, and her dad worked as a waiter. Thelma’s mother found a job cleaning and caring for a mansion in upstate New York. Finally, the family decided to relocate to a town three hours away from the city. The town where they relocated is rural and fairly homogeneous. There are a handful of families from Latin America, and people would turn around to look whenever someone spoke Spanish in the streets. Thelma enrolled in the fifth grade at the local Catholic school. Thelma’s mother, an English teacher in Chile, helped her understand and translate her homework throughout the year. By her sixth year of middle school, Thelma had already learned English and earned good grades at school. That year, she received the school’s award for having the highest grades in her class. According to Thelma, family life stabilized by 1990. A couple of years after her mother gave birth to Thelma’s only sister, they could afford to buy a house in the town. Her father became a successful, (Courtesy of Thelma Valdes)

260 | Chilean Immigrants

independent contractor, and her mother secured a job teaching Spanish in an elementary school teaching. By that time, Thelma decided to continue her high school education a half an hour away in a larger city, graduating in 1993 from a Catholic high school. The following year she was accepted in the biomedical engineering undergraduate program at the Catholic University of America in Washington, D.C., with a scholarship. As with most students leaving home for the first time, her initial semesters at the university were difficult. Because her parents were not well-versed on the university culture in the United States, Thelma felt that she could have done better during the first couple of semesters. Nevertheless, she was persistent, and after taking a biomaterials class, she decided to apply for a MS degree to pursue her interests in that field. In 1997, Thelma was accepted at the University of Connecticut to work in the area of implantable devices, tissue regeneration, and biomaterials. After she graduated in 1999 graduating, she applied and was accepted into the doctoral program at the University of Connecticut, where she received her PhD in 2005. Because her main advisor relocated to the University of Washington Engineered Biomaterials Center in 2003, Thelma finished her work in Seattle and moved back to the East Coast in the beginning of 2006, where she found work in a medical technology company as a senior engineer. Thelma believes that any individual, particularly in the difficult conditions that surround his or her migration, can continue studying and move forward, but only if the conditions to do so exist. According to her, her ability to succeed was made possible because she was given a stable household and her family was economically comfortable enough that she was able to continue her education. She says that if her family had been in economic need, she would have stopped her PhD to try to help them.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Chile Since the last decade of the previous century, the United States has considered Chile a model of democracy, economic policy, and development in Latin America. Regardless of a few critical moments, the relationship between both nations has been extraordinarily good since the return to democracy (Mares and Rojas Aravena 2001). This was not necessarily the case during PinochetÊs dictatorship. Beside the initial support given by the Nixon administration, the relationship shattered after the 1976 assassination of Orlando Letelier, AllendeÊs former secretary of state, in Washington, D.C. CarterÊs administration gave support to human rights groups working in Chile and brought LetelierÊs assassins to justice in the United States, although the administration maintained diplomatic relations with Chile. ReaganÊs

Issues in Relations between the United States and Chile | 261

policy towards Chile was ambiguous. On the one hand, it provided help for the return to democracy and applauded ChileÊs economic reforms; on the other, it only recognized the dictatorship as an authoritarian state. This was a euphemistic concept to differentiate pro-Soviet dictatorships (totalitarian) from pro-U.S. dictatorships (authoritarian). A return to democracy in Chile marked a change in the relationship with the United States. Chile was promoted as an example for other Latin-American nations. In fact, the Washington Consensus (the basic set of policies towards Latin America in the early 1990s that was promoted by international financial institutions in Washington, D.C.) was based on the democratic values, fiscal policies, trade liberalization, and general economic neoliberalism promoted in Chile by the center-left governing coalition. This led the United States to offer Chile a free trade agreement similar to NAFTA. Negotiations began in the mid-1990s and entered into force in 2004. This treaty includes a particular type of visa for Chilean professionals to work in the United States without the possibility of becoming citizens. Chile and the United States have disagreed on foreign policy issues during the last decade; particularly in relation to the Iraq War. Regardless of the support that Chile gave to the United States after the attacks of September 11, 2001, the Chilean government did not consider the attacks to be related in any way to the intention of the United States to invade Iraq. Thus, Chile, being a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council at the time, voted against the resolution invoked by the United States to invade and declare war on Iraq. For some in the Chilean foreign policy community, this was going to create unnecessary problems in the signature of the free trade agreement. This was not the case, and the United States did not take any action against Chile for this vote.

Forecasts for the 21st Century The beginning of the 21st century show two highly integrated countries although Chile does not depend economically or politically on the United States as it once did, for example, during the 1960s. If this integration continues, migration flows will tend to follow similar patterns that have been evident in the last 15 years. Information is available that suggests that migration from Chile will increase disproportionally in the coming years. Most likely this migration will continue having three component faces: 1. Considering that the U.S. government has continuously increased the number and quality of scholarships available for Chilean graduates, Chile will continue sending students for postgraduate studies in the United States 2. ChileÊs economic growth and development policies have placed the country in a good position to become a developed nation. In fact, Chile became a

262 | Chilean Immigrants

member of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development in early 2010. This will probably increase the number of people with incentives to invest in the United States and to be hired in management and professional occupations in this country 3. Economic growth and a failure to reduce social inequality have created a propensity in some segments of the population to migrate·not only to the United States but also·and mainly·to western Europe. Changes in the social role of the state in economic policies could decrease or increment such migration patterns Despite its small numbers, Chilean migration to the United States is highly relevant for the sending country since the United States is the second largest receiver of Chilean migrants in the world. And there is still lot to learn. There are no data on cases of undocumented or overstayed migrants, although some Chilean newspapers have presented cases of possible disappearances in the southern U.S. border area. There is also no data on remittances of any kind that might be sent from the Chilean communities. Second-generation and return migration have also received little attention from scholars in either country. Hopefully, the active economic integration process that both countries are pursuing will also bring more social and cultural integration, which would benefit both societies.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Chilean immigrants admitted to the USA by year, 1953–2008 4,500 4,000 3,500 3,000 2,500 2,000 1,500 1,000 500 0 1953

Figure 2

1958

1963

1968

1973

1978

1983

1988

1993

1998

2003

Chilean immigrants admitted to the United States by year (1953–2008)

2008

Table 41 United States (1953–2008): Immigrants admitted by country or region of birth (Chile) and historical period of arrival Years 1953–1973

Country of birth

1983–1990

1991–2008

Total

Average

Total

Average

Total

Average

33,329

2,381

Totala

Argentina

61,430

2,925

23,584

2,620

21,688

3,098

64,706

4,622

171,408

Chile

18,956

903

18,612

2,068

19,554

2,793

33,329

2,381

90,451

5,885

280

7,845

872

6,518

931

13,444

960

33,692

Other South America

267,938

12,759

245,298

27,255

337,749

48,250

1,145,053

81,790

1,996,038

South America

354,209

16,867

295,339

32,815

385,510

55,073

1,256,532

89,752

2,291,590

2,473,949

117,807

1,576,184

175,132

2,764,286

394,898

6,813,891

486,707

13,628,310

72,700

3,462

100,707

11,190

162,205

23,172

1,015,397

72,528

1,351,009

917,594

43,695

1,862,755

206,973

2,240,078

320,011

5,748,315

410,594

10,768,742

2,666,674

126,984

657,468

73,052

568,375

81,196

2,470,115

176,437

6,362,632

35,750

1,702

35,892

3,988

33,400

4,771

95,295

6,807

200,337

269

13

24

3

192

27

23,818

1,701

24,303

6,521,145

310,531

4,528,369

503,152

6,154,045

879,149

17,423,363

1,244,526

34,626,922

Place of birth

Uruguay

North America Africa Region of birth

1974–1982

Asia Europe Oceania Unknown Total

b

Source: U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, Annual Yearbook, Table 14 (1962–1978), Table 13 (1979–1981), Table IMM 1.3 (1982–1984), Table 3 (1997–2004). a Total does not implies that the mentioned number of immigrants are today residing in the United States. b From North America included Canada, Mexico, Central America, and the Caribbean.

Table 42 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000–2009 Region and country of birth

264

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

Total

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

Chile

1,700

1,921

1,839

1,310

1,810

2,404

2,774

2,274

2,017

2,250

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Table 43 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009. Leading states of residence: region/country: Chile State of residence

Total

Male

Female

Total

2,250

1,026

1,224

28

9

19

California

341

150

191

Colorado

46

20

26

Connecticut

51

21

30

Florida

596

260

336

Georgia

34

12

22

Illinois

38

20

18

Maryland

60

30

30

Massachusetts

44

22

22

Minnesota

28

19

9

Arizona

Nevada

26

14

12

New Jersey

117

51

66

New York

217

110

107

North Carolina

42

14

28

Ohio

25

8

17

Pennsylvania

67

36

31

Texas

111

51

60

Virginia

43

17

26

Washington

42

17

25

294

145

149

Other

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

265

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics

Table 44 United States (1960–2000): Foreign-born population by country or region of birth Census year Place of birth

1960

Argentina

Number

Chile

Number Percentage

Uruguay

Number Percentage

Other South America

Number Percentage

South America

Number Percentage

Region of birth

266

Country of birth

Percentage

Central America and the Caribbean

Number Percentage

North America

a

Number Percentage

Africa

Number Percentage

16,579 18.52 6,259 6.99 1,170 1.31 65,528 73.19 89,536 0.93 242,871 2.51 1,528,402 15.79 35,355 0.37

1970 44,803 17.55 15,393 6.03 5,092 2.00 189,950 74.42 255,238 2.74 789,021 8.48 1,572,132 16.90 80,143 0.86

1980 68,887 12.28 35,127 6.26 13,278 2.37 443,719 79.09 561,011 4.25 1,612,255 12.22 3,052,648 23.14 199,723 1.51

1990 92,563 8.92 55,681 5.37 20,766 2.00 868,487 83.71 1,037,497 5.47 3,072,326 16.20 5,051,931 26.65 363,819 1.92

2000 125,218 6.49 80,804 4.19 25,038 1.30 1,699,211 88.03 1,930,271 6.21 4,979,216 16.01 10,006,929 32.17 881,300 2.83

(Continued )

Table 44 United States (1960–2000): Foreign-born population by country or region of birth (Continued ) Census year Place of birth

1960

Asia

Number

Europe

Number

267

Region of birth

Percentage Percentage Oceania

Number Percentage

Total

Number Percentage

Source: U.S. Census Bureau (2006). a North America includes Mexico, Canada, and the Atlantic islands.

490,996 5.07 7,256,311 74.98 34,730 0.36 9,678,201 100.00

1970

1980

1990

2000

824,887

2,539,777

4,979,037

8,226,254

8.87 5,740,891 61.71 41,258 0.44 9,303,570 100.00

19.25 5,149,572 39.03 77,577 0.59 13,192,563 100.00

26.26 4,350,403 22.95 104,145 0.55 18,959,158 100.00

26.44 4,915,557 15.80 168,046 0.54 31,107,573 100.00

Table 45 United States (1960–2000): Intercensal growth of the foreign-born population by country or region of birth Census years Place of birth Country of birth

Argentina Chile

1970–1980

1980–1990

1990–2000

9.20

4.24

2.93

3.00

8.44

7.81

4.53

3.68

12.53

8.91

4.40

1.87

Other South American Countries

9.74

8.01

6.47

6.47

South America

9.61

7.49

5.96

6.02

10.59

6.86

6.23

4.74

North Americaa

0.28

6.40

4.93

6.58

Africa

7.76

8.55

5.82

8.31

Asia

5.07

10.19

6.49

4.92

Europe

-2.33

-1.09

-1.68

1.22

Oceania

1.72

6.11

2.92

4.70

Total

-0.39

3.46

3.59

4.85

Total

Sex ratio

Uruguay

Region of birth

1960–1970

Central America and the Caribbean

Source: Calculations based on data presented in Table 44. a North America includes Mexico, Canada, and the Atlantic islands.

Table 46 United States foreign-born population by sex, 2000 Sex Place of birth Country of birth

Male Argentina

61,950

63,270

125,220

97.91

Chile

39,245

41,560

80,805

94.43

Uruguay Region of birth

Female

Latin America North America Africa

12,655

12,385

25,040

102.18

8,392,945

7,694,030

16,086,975

109.08

365,025

464,420

829,445

78.60

484,790

396,510

881,300

122.26

Asia

3,932,835

4,293,420

8,226,255

91.60

Europe

2,222,910

2,692,650

4,915,560

82.55

Oceania Total

80,150

87,895

168,045

91.19

15,478,655

15,628,925

31,107,580

99.04

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Special tabulations (Stp—159).

268

Table 47 United States foreign-born population by educational attainment, 2000. Population 25 years and older Educational attainment

Country of birth

Place of birth

269 Region of birth

Argentina

Less than 9th grade 8,980

9th to 12th grade, no diploma

High school graduate (includes equivalency)

Some college, no degree

12,640

21,720

20,280

Associate degree

Bachelor’s degree

5,500

16,460

Graduate or professional degree 19,955

Total 105,535

Chile

4,680

7,745

15,095

13,910

4,760

10,315

8,890

65,395

Uruguay

2,570

3,675

5,505

4,280

1,185

2,470

2,405

22,090

Latin America

4,223,665

2,428,595

2,253,220

1,391,230

420,900

681,400

455,100

11,854,110

North America

39,925

87,280

148,945

152,895

53,090

138,690

102,555

723,380

Africa

39,990

52,990

122,810

119,790

56,455

166,370

127,540

685,945

Asia

770,955

638,265

1,071,810

896,385

422,445

1,701,360

1,180,685

6,681,905

Europe

524,430

481,845

1,067,680

698,900

263,100

630,385

621,720

4,288,060

9,015

17,195

33,020

26,435

8,880

22,555

15,295

132,395

5,607,980

3,706,170

4,697,485

3,285,635

1,224,870

3,340,760

2,502,895

Oceania Total

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Special tabulations (Stp—159).

24,365,795

Table 48 United States foreign-born population by U.S. citizenship and period of U.S. entry, 2000

Region of birth

Country of birth

Citizenship status and year of entry/Place of birth

Naturalized U.S. citizen Entered 1990 to 2000

Entered 1980 to 1989

Entered before 1980

Total

Argentina

4,200

12,630

43,340

60,170

Chile

3,610

9,180

20,440

33,230

770

3,575

8,345

12,690

Latin America

669,640

1,587,775

2,600,180

4,857,595

North America

21,735

32,655

327,710

382,100

Africa

64,810

129,830

123,525

318,165

Asia

702,060

1,673,490

1,803,485

4,179,035

Europe

291,455

337,695

2,118,885

2,748,035

9,650

16,000

31,795

57,445

1,759,350

3,777,445

7,005,580

12,542,375

Uruguay

270

Oceania Total

Not a U.S. citizen

Region of birth

Country of birth

Citizenship status and year of entry/Place of birth

Entered 1990 to 2000

Entered 1980 to 1989

Entered before 1980

Total

Argentina

41,275

13,730

10,050

65,055

Chile

27,790

11,920

7,865

47,575

Uruguay Latin America North America Africa Asia

6,170

4,175

2,000

12,345

6,536,265

3,221,205

1,471,905

11,229,375

224,420

69,410

153,515

447,345

434,115

97,100

31,920

563,135

2,830,950

930,540

285,730

4,047,220 (Continued )

Table 48 United States foreign-born population by U.S. citizenship and period of U.S. entry, 2000 (Continued) Europe Oceania Total

345,965

497,230

2,167,520

68,775

23,080

18,740

110,595

11,418,850

4,687,300

2,459,040

18,565,190

Entered before 1980

Total

Total Entered 1990 to 2000

Entered 1980 to 1989

Argentina

45,475

26,360

Chile

31,400

21,100

28,305

80,805

6,940

7,750

10,345

25,035

7,205,905

4,808,980

4,072,085

16,086,970

246,155

102,065

481,225

829,445

Uruguay Latin America North America Africa

Region of birth

271

Country of birth

Citizenship status and year of entry/Place of birth

1,324,325

53,390

125,225

498,925

226,930

155,445

881,300

Asia

3,533,010

2,604,030

2,089,215

8,226,255

Europe

1,615,780

683,660

2,616,115

4,915,555

Oceania Total

78,425

39,080

50,535

168,040

13,178,200

8,464,745

9,464,620

31,107,565

Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Special tabulations (Stp—159).

272 | Chilean Immigrants

Appendix III: Notable Chilean Americans Despite the fact that the numerical contribution to the immigration stocks in the United States has been limited compared to other Latin-American countries, an important number of Chilean artists, writers, and intellectuals have resided and currently reside in the United States. A non exhaustive list of those currently residing in the United States include the actresses Leonor Varela and Coté de Pablo; rock star Tom Araya (Slayer); television host Mario Kreutzberger (Don Francisco); actress Leonor Varela; writer Ariel Dorfman, artist Alfredo Jaar; political scientist Arturo Valenzuela; and writer Isabel Allende. A brief biography of these last three individuals follows. Isabel Allende is probably the best known Chilean in the United States and arguably the best known living Chilean writer in the world. She was born of Chilean parents in 1942 in Lima, Peru, where her father, first cousin of Salvador Allende, was a posted as diplomat at the time. Her literary career began in Chile, where she worked as a journalist and published her first books and plays. Allende left Chile shortly after the military coup of 1973 for Venezuela, where she would live and work for 13 years. Her post-1973 works began with the famous The House of the Spirits (1981), which has been translated into 20 languages and has been made into a movie and a play. This book was followed by 16 other books so far, which have been translated into more than 27 languages; some of these works have also been adapted for film and theater adaptations. She has received numerous awards and honors in Chile, the United States, and at least seven other countries. Allende currently lives in San Jose, California. Alfredo Jaar is an artist, architect, and filmmaker born in Santiago, Chile, in 1956. In his art, he depicts real events through installations and interventions, usually related to the impact of war and globalization. Among his most famous works are: „A Logo for America Project‰ (1987), which delivered a message about identity replacing the idea of the country „America‰ for the continent America; the Rwanda Project (1994 2000), which is about genocide in that country; and Project Emergencia (2000), an online installation on the topic of Aids in Africa. He received a Guggenheim Fellowship in 1985 and a MacArthur Fellowship in 2005. He resides in New York. Arturo Valenzuela is a political scientist born in Concepción, Chile, in 1944. He has lived in the United States since the 1960s. Valenzuela holds a PhD in political science from Columbia University. He has taught as professor or visiting professor in several universities in the United States, Europe, and Latin America. His research deals with the origins and consolidation of democracy, Latin American politics, and regime transitions. His book The Breakdown of

Glossary | 273

Democracy in Chile (1978) is considered a classic on the political analysis of the Chilean military coup of 1973. He is currently on leave as director of the Center for Latin American Studies in the Edmund A. Walsh School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. Valenzuela was the Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere affairs between 2009 and 2011: the highest political position any Chilean has held in the U.S. government. He has also served as Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and Senior Director for Inter-American Affairs at the National Security Council during the second term of the Clinton presidency and as Deputy Assistant Secretary for Inter-American Affairs in the U.S. Department of State in ClintonÊs first term.

Glossary Cachai: Part of Chilean slang. According to some people, it derives from the English verb „to catch‰ and it means „to understand.‰ Sometimes it is used as a filler word that can be translated as „you know.‰ Caldillo de congrio: One of the many ways to prepare and serve Chilean seafood, in this case eel. Pablo Neruda composed an ode to this dish, which probably helped make it a classic. Carrete: „Party.‰ Used most often by young people, it refers to any kind of party where there will be drinking and dancing. Ce-ache-i (CHI): The Chilean sports chant. It is a spelling of the countryÊs name: „Ce-ache-I: Chi; le: le; chi-chi-chi; le-le-le, viva Chile.‰ Used frequently during a sports match. Cueca: Chilean national dance that is almost always danced by a couple; it emulates the courting of the rooster and the chicken. It has Spanish and African origins. Curanto (or pulmay): A meal from Chiloe, the second largest island in continental Chile. Curanto traditionally is prepared in a hole in the ground (pulmay is made in a large stew pot), and it contains beef, chicken, pork, and different kinds of potato pies, fish, and other seafood. It is served with a lot of wine, and the preparations (and the party surrounding it) might last for hours. Dieciocho: „The 18.‰ The name given to the period of celebration of ChileÊs independence from Spain. It gets the name from the date that commemorates the beginning of the process that led to the countryÊs independence on September 18, 1810. Empanada: A pastry filled with mincemeat, cheese, or seafood. It is cooked in a clay oven or fried. Although empanadas are made in almost every South American country, the specific recipes for the pastry and the fillings have fairly specific national origins.

274 | Chilean Immigrants

Pastel de choclo: Traditional in the summer time (the winter version is made with potato), this corn pie is one of the most recognizable foods in Chilean restaurants. It is filled with the same mincemeat that is used in empanadas and is covered with a corn paste. It is similar to the Irish ShepherdÊs pie. Pisco: Although this spirit made of distilled grapes is originally from Peru, Chile has become a leading producer and exporter of this product. With this spirit is made Pisco Sour, an aperitif very common in Chilean restaurants.

References Bethell, Leslie. 1993. Chile since Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Eastmond, Marita. 1997. The Dilemmas of Exile: Chilean Refugees in the U.S.A. Gothenburg Studies in Social Anthropology, 13. Göteborg, Sweden: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis. Loveman, Brian. 2001. Chile: The Legacy of Hispanic Capitalism. Latin American Histories. New York: Oxford University Press. Mares, David R., and Francisco Rojas Aravena. 2001. The United States and Chile: Coming in from the Cold. Contemporary Inter-American Relations. New York: Routledge. Marrow, Helen B. 2007. „Who Are the Other Latinos, and Why?.‰ In The Other Latinos: Central and South Americans in the United States, edited by J. L. Falconi and J. A. Mazzotti, 39 77. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Muñoz, Heraldo. 2008. The Dictator’s Shadow: Life under Augusto Pinochet. New York: Basic Books. Norambuena Carrasco, Carmen. 2000. „Exilio y Retorno. Chile 1973 1994.‰ In Memoria para un Nuevo Siglo: Chile, miradas a la segunda mitad del siglo XX, edited by M. Garcés and M. Olguín, 165 72. Santiago, Chile: Lom Ediciones. United States. 1963–2008. Statistical yearbook of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Washington, D.C.: The Service. Wright, Thomas C. and Rody Oñate. 1998. Flight from Chile: Voices of Exile. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.

Further Reading Bethell, Leslie. 1993. Chile since Independence. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. This book is a great resource on the history of Chile from a political and economic perspective. It is organized by historical periods. Bunster, Enrique. 1954. Chilenos en California. Presencia del pasado, 3. Santiago de Chile: Editorial del Pacífico. Among only a handful of books on the topic, this is a classic in the stories of Chilean 49rs in California.

Further Reading | 275 Eastmond, Marita. 1997. The Dilemmas of Exile: Chilean Refugees in the U.S.A. Gothenburg studies in social anthropology, 13. Göteborg, Sweden: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis. This is a study on the contexts of reception and analysis of the circumstances regarding Chilean refugees in the United States. Hite, Katherine. 2000. When the Romance Ended: Leaders of the Chilean Left, 1968–1998. New York: Columbia University Press. This book provides sociopolitical analysis of the role of exile as one component in the political transformation of the Chilean left. Kornbluh, Peter. 2003. The Pinochet File: A Declassified Dossier on Atrocity and Accountability. New York: New Press. This book provides analysis of CIA documents regarding Pinochet, the years before the military coup, and the dictatorship. López-Calvo, Ignacio. 2001. Written in Exile: Chilean Fiction from 1973–Present. New York: Routledge. An interesting book on the role of the military dictatorship in the changes of Chilean narrative and fiction since 1973. Loveman, Brian. 2001. Chile: The Legacy of Hispanic Capitalism. Latin American Histories. New York: Oxford University Press. A classic textbook on Chilean history. Wright, Thomas C., and Rody Oñate. 1998. Flight from Chile: Voices of Exile. Albuquerque, NM: University of New Mexico Press. A study of the Chilean exile during the dictatorship using oral histories and testimonies.

This page intentionally left blank

Chinese Immigrants by Jonathan H. X. Lee

Introduction The Chinese were the first Asian immigrants to come to the United States. To date, the Chinese have lived in America for over 150 years. Today, about 35 million Chinese live outside of China in over 130 countries. As of 2009, the total population in China is 1,338,612,968. Chinese Americans are a complex and highly diverse ethnic and culture group. Their statistical data shows that they straddle both ends of the sociological spectrum, from rich to poor, from college graduates to illiterate dropouts, from doctors and lawyers to sweat shop workers, and from high-tech professionals to no-tech workers. Currently, 59.6 percent of the Chinese immigrants in the United States are from mainland China, 15.9 percent from Taiwan, and 9.4 percent from Hong Kong. The surge in immigrants from mainland China reflects improved geopolitical relations with the Communist government since the 1980s. Among the Chinese Americans, about 190,000 are undocumented residents. Four out of five Chinese Americans are bilingual, and three out of four are U.S. citizens.

Chronology 1785

Earliest record of Chinese in the continental United States. Three seamen from ship Pallas land in Baltimore.

1842

First Opium War (1840 1842) ends.

1848

Gold discovered in California sparks a gold rush by Americans, immigrant Chinese, and others.

1850

The Taiping Rebellion, large-scale revolt against Qing government, occurs.

1852

First group of 195 Chinese contract laborers land in Hawaii.

1854

People v. Hall rules that Chinese cannot give testimony in court.

1862

The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, the Chinese Six Companies is established. California passes a „police tax‰ of $2.50 a month on every Chinese resident. 277

Chronology | 279

1863

Thousands of Chinese workers are recruited to build the western section of the Transcontinental Railroad.

1867

In June, 2,000 Chinese railroad workers stage a one-week strike.

1868

The Burlingame-Seward Treaty is signed to facilitate trading and emigration between the United States and China to guarantee adequate supply of Chinese labor for railroad.

1869

The Transcontinental Railroad is completed, a year ahead of schedule. Anti-Chinese riots start to erupt throughout the West, until the turn of the 20th century.

1870

California passes a law against the importation of Chinese, Japanese, and „Mongolian‰ women for the purpose of prostitution.

1871

Los Angeles, California, becomes a site of anti-Chinese violence.

1875

The Page Law, which bars Asian women suspected of prostitution and attempts to regulate contract labor from China, is enacted.

1877

Chico, California, becomes a site of anti-Chinese violence.

1878

The California Circuit Court ruling In re Ah Yup declares that Chinese are not white and therefore ineligible to apply for naturalization.

1880

United States and China sign treaty giving the United States the right to limit but „not absolutely prohibit‰ Chinese immigration. The CaliforniaÊs Civil Code passes antimiscegenation law prohibiting Chinese men from marrying white women.

1882

The U.S. Congress enacts the Chinese Exclusion Act, which bans immigration of laborers and their wives from China for 10 years. It also bans Chinese immigrants from becoming naturalized citizens.

1885

Rock Springs, Wyoming, becomes the site of one of the worst instances of anti-Chinese violence. On September 2, white miners attack Chinese miners in Rock Springs. Twenty-eight Chinese miners are murdered, and 75 Chinese homes are burned.

1886

In Yick Wo v. Hopkins, the U.S. Supreme Court, in a unanimous opinion, invokes the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to protect Chinese laundry owners against

280 | Chinese Immigrants

an ordinance that on its face is race neutral but is applied in a prejudicial manner. 1888

The Scott Act, unanimously enacted by the House, and with slight resistance from the Senate, is passed. It prohibits Chinese laborers and return of Chinese laborers from entering or re-entering the United States. The Act also ends the certification (exit visa) process.

1892

The Geary Act is enacted by Congress. It requires all Chinese residents of the United States to carry an identification card called the resident permit. Failure to carry the permit at all times is punishable by deportation or a year at hard labor. In addition, Chinese are not allowed to bear witness in court and can not receive bail in habeas corpus proceedings.

1893

In Fong Yue Ting v. United States, the U.S. Supreme Court declares Congress has the right to legislate expulsion through executive orders. The Chinese community raised money to bring this before the court to test the Geary Act. Congress amends the Geary Act to make it more difficult for Chinese businessmen to enter this country.

1898

In United States v. Wong Kim Art, the Supreme Court rules that a person born in the United States of Chinese parents is of American nationality by birth.

1900

San Francisco Chinatown is quarantined during bubonic plague scare; Hawaiian Organic Act provides U.S. government territory of Hawaii, and Chinese residents are required to apply for certificate of residence.

1902

Chinese exclusion extends for another 10 years.

1904

Chinese exclusion extends indefinitely. All Chinese immigrants are excluded from the United States, Washington, D.C., and all U.S. territories.

1905

Boycott of American products by Chinese in the United States and China.

1906

San Francisco earthquake and fire destroy government documents. The missing documents open the way for Chinese immigrants to come as „paper sons‰ claiming birthrights. Asian Indians denied U.S. citizenship.

1910

Angel Island opens as an official immigration station and functions as a prison for thousands of Chinese immigrants. By

Chronology | 281

1940, roughly 175,000 Chinese immigrants are detained and processed. 1911

The Republic of China is established under leadership of Dr. Sun Yat-sen.

1921

The Chinese Communist Party is founded in Shanghai, China.

1924

Congress enacts the first permanent immigration quota law, which establishes a preference quota system.

1925

In Chang Chan et al. v. John D. Nagle, the Supreme Court rules that Chinese wives of American citizens are not entitled to enter the United States.

1928

In Lam Mow v. Nagle, the Supreme Court rules that children born of Chinese parents on American vessels on high seas were not born in the United States and are thus not citizens.

1936

American Ruth Harkness brings the first giant Chinese panda, named Su-lin, from China to America.

1941

United States declares war on Japan. Chinese Americans start to volunteer and are drafted to serve as U.S. military personnel.

1943

The Magnuson Act repeals the Chinese Exclusion Act for military, political, and economic reasons. A token 100 Chinese immigrants are permitted to enter the United States annually. Chiang Kai-shekÊs wife, Soong Meiling, is invited to address the U.S. Congress. She speaks against the Japanese and appeals to the United States for support, which establishes good will between China and the United States.

1945

World War II ends. Congress enacts the War Brides Act, which allow spouses and children of American service men to enter the United States. Among them are 722 Chinese immigrants.

1946

Wives and children of Chinese American citizens are allowed to apply as no quota immigrants.

1947

Japanese Americans who renounced their citizenship have it restored.

1948

Displaced Persons Act allows, for a limited time, 15,000 Chinese residents to change their status in the United States.

1949

Communist victory occurs in China. Chiang Kai-shek establishes exile government in Taiwan. The United States recognizes Taiwan as an official government.

282 | Chinese Immigrants

1950

The Second Displaced Persons Act further help Chinese in the United States to change their status as a result of the Communist victory in China. McCarthyism leads to Chinese Americans being viewed as disloyal and threatening to U.S. national security.

1952

The McCarran-Walter Act, also known as the Immigration and Nationality Act, revises and consolidates all previous laws regarding immigration and naturalization.

1965

The Immigration and Nationality Act eliminates national origins quotas: 20,000 people per country allowed to entry annually. Priority is given to those with skills or with family in the United States.

1972

President Richard Nixon visits China.

1982

Chinese American Vincent Chin is brutally murdered in Detroit by two white men (Ronald Ebens and Michael Nitz), who mistake him as Japanese. Ebens and Nitz blame the Japanese for losing their jobs in the auto industry.

1987

Kentucky Fried Chicken, the first American fast-food restaurant, opens in China.

1989

Tiananmen student protest occurs in China. President George H. W. Bush issues an executive order that allowed tens of thousands of Chinese students to permanently stay in the United States.

1997

Hong Kong returns to China and becomes a special administrative region.

1999

Taiwanese American scientist Wen Ho Lee is arrested and accused of giving U.S. nuclear secrets to China. All charges are dropped, and the judge on the case issues an apology.

2009

Two Chinese Americans, Steven Chu and Gary Locke, are appointed to serve in President Barack ObamaÊs administration.

Background Geography of China China is the third largest country in the world. Its geographic landmass is 3,657,765 square miles, which is as large as all of Europe or the United States. China is bordered by Russia and Mongolia on the north. North Korea, South Korea, and Siberia

Background | 283

are its northwestern neighbors. To the west, it shares boundaries with India, Nepal, Pakistan, Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan, and Russia. To the southwest, it is bordered by Bhutan. To the south, China is bordered by Vietnam, Laos, and Burma (Myanmar). Japan is its neighbor to the west, separated by the Sea of Japan. Taiwan is its neighbor to the southwest, separated by the Taiwan Straits. Because China is so large, its terrain includes dense forests, broad plains with rolling plateaus, expansive deserts, high mountain ranges, subtropical areas, fertile lowlands, and vast inhabitable and uninhabitable lands. The eastern half of China is coastal, running along the Sea of Japan, the East China Sea, the Yellow Sea, and the South China Sea. High plateaus are located in the Tibetan region to the south. North of the Tibetan Plateau is the Gobi and Taklamakan deserts, which extends through Mongolia, part of the ancient Silk Road network. On ChinaÊs border with Nepal is Mount Everest, the worldÊs tallest peak.

Rivers China possesses two of the worldÊs greatest rivers: the Yellow River (Huanghe) in the north and the Yangtze (Yangzi) River to the south. The Yangtze River begins high up on the Tibetan Plateau, moves eastward, and is joined by countless tributaries before depositing its rich silt along the fertile East China Plains and exits to the East China Sea. The Yangtze River is about 3,915 miles long. It is the longest river in Asia and the third longest river in the world. The Yellow River is the second longest river in China and stretches about 3,395 miles. It is considered the cradle of Chinese civilization, and by extension, one of the cradles of civilization in world history (e.g., the Nile cradle in Egypt).

China’s Natural Resources Because ChinaÊs landmass is so large, it contains a lot of natural resources, such as coal, natural gas, aluminum, zinc, lead, uranium, petroleum, iron ore mercury, tin, molybdenum, manganese, tungsten, antimony, vanadium, magnetite, and hydropower. ChinaÊs hydropower potential is enormous. China has harnessed the power of the Yangtze River with the construction of two of the worldÊs largest hydropower generating dams: The Three Gorges Dam and the Gezhouba Dam. As of 2009, the total generating capacity of these two dams is 21,515 mega watts of electricity. The entire project is expected to be completed in 2011, at which time it will generate 25,615 mega watts of hydroelectric energy.

Natural Disasters Along coastal China, there are frequent typhoons·an average of five per year. In the plains area, there are yearly floods and droughts. China also has a lot of

284 | Chinese Immigrants

earthquakes. The most recent was the Great Sichuan 8.0 earthquake in 2008 that killed more than 70,000 people, injured an additional 380,000, and left 4.8 million people homeless; and 18,222 people are still listed as missing.

Languages For thousands of years, classical Chinese was the written standard form of Chinese. Because the spoken forms were mutually unintelligible, many people from all over China communicated with each other in writing. Vernacular Chinese, Baihua, is the written standard based on Mandarin from the Ming Dynasty (1368 1644). This was adopted in the early 20th century as the national vernacular, Guoyu. Seventy percent of the Chinese populations speak Mandarin, Putonghua, the national language. There are several major linguistic groups in China, most of them belonging to the Sino-Tibetan language family: Mandarin, Wu (Shanghainese), Yue (Cantonese), northern and southern Min (Hokkien-Taiwanese), Xiang, Gan, and Kejia (Hakka). There are also non-Sinitic languages spoken by ChinaÊs ethnic minorities: Zhuang (Thai), Mongolian, Tibetan, Uyghur (Turkic), Hui, Yi, Miao, Hmong, and Korean.

Peoples China maintains the worldÊs largest population at 1.3 billion. This is one-fifth of the worldÊs peoples. Ninety-four percent of them are Han Chinese. The remaining 6 percent is composed of 55 non-Han minorities, of which the major ones are: Tibetans, Zhuang, Hui, Korean, Mongolian, Yao, Uighur, Yi, Manchu, and Miao.

History of China Spanning 5,000 years, the Middle Kingdom (Zhonguo) of China has the longest continuous recorded history in the world and one of the worldÊs oldest written language systems. ChinaÊs cultural influences and footprints encompass all of East Asia and parts of Southeast Asia, and for centuries, Chinese civilization developed at its own pace, so that, to most Westerners, this ancient civilization seemed a world apart. Archeologists and historians agree that Chinese civilization began in the inland valleys of the Yellow River and the Wei River. This area is considered to be the cradle of Chinese civilization. According to legends, the Yellow Emperor (Huangdi) defeated his rival tribes and established the first Chinese kingdom. In so doing, he established himself as the Son of Heaven (tianzi). The first dynasty to be described in the ancient Chinese Historical Records (Shiji), attributed to the grand historian Sima Qian (b. 145 B.C.E.), is the Xia Dynasty (2100 1600 B.C.E.). The ancient Chinese peoples were composed

Background | 285

of many different tribes, some of which began to grow grains and vegetables and to raise domesticated animals, such as chickens, pigs, and dogs., Gathered together in little villages near their fields, these people lived in small homes made of mud bricks. Slowly, as the population grew, some of the villages got larger and started to build walls, and pottery factories and markets developed. By 1500 B.C.E. some tribal chiefs in the northern plain had gained so much power and wealth that they formed new forms of sociopolitical organizations and a powerful state, led by hereditary kings. This was the beginnings of the Shang Dynasty (1766 1122 B.C.E.), named after one of its capital cities. The Shang Dynasty was ruled by a group of elite aristocrats who had large landholdings and had an army that controlled the people and attacked surrounding tribes for territory, swag, and prisoners to use as slaves and sacrificial offerings. The rulers relied on priests for predictions on government matters and the outcome of warfare. The priests applied hot rods to the bones of cattle, sheep, or tortoise shell until they cracked, which were then interpreted by the priests as portents from the spirits or from heaven (tian). The Shang Dynasty is the earliest authenticated ruling house in China. Bronze vessels, used in religious and political rituals, cast in pottery molds and elaborately decorated, testify to the high level of technology and aesthetic sensibilities of this period. The Shang Dynasty was replaced with the Zhou Dynasty (1122 256 B.C.E.). The Zhou Dynasty is the longest lasting dynasty in Chinese history. The dynasty was based on a feudal system that eventually was composed of several individual smaller states. It consisted of kings who ruled over nobles with semi-independent territories of their own, all of them holding power through inheritance rights, passed down from father to eldest son. Chinese culture, literature, and philosophies originated and developed during this period. Most notable are the teachings of Lao-tzu, which developed into a religious philosophical school known as Daoism; and the teachings of Confucius, known as Confucianism. During this period, the doctrine of the Son of Heaven who receives a „Mandate from Heaven‰ to rule was formalized. A period of turmoil, known as the Spring and Autumn period (722 481 B.C.E.) and Warring States period (403 221 B.C.E.), was marked by perpetual warfare among the various kingdoms. The violence and unsteady nature of the period is reflected in the contrast between spring and autumn. Although it was a period of constant warfare and social political instability, there was unprecedented development in agriculture, science, and technology. Moreover, written history, literature, and philosophies, centered on ethics and morals, blossomed. Confucius was born during the Zhou period in the sixth century B.C.E. to a humble family in the State of Lu. Confucius developed a humanistic code of conduct and moral behavior in service of the state as a means to restore peace and harmony to society. Another great philosopher by the name of Mozi advocated universal love on the basis that heaven created the world and loved its people and wanted them

286 | Chinese Immigrants

to prosper and be at peace. To rival the teachings of Confucius and Mozi, the socalled legalist school advocated a strict system of punishment to control the people and agricultural production. Lao-tzu, the founder of Daoism, sought to escape all the political and social disharmony by abandoning society and personal will to be one with nature and the Way (Dao), thus making it possible to have mystical relationships with nature and heaven. The Zhou Dynasty ended when Qinshi Huangdi (the first emperor of China) defeated and united all the rival states in 221 B.C.E., thus ushering in the Qin Dynasty (221 206 B.C.E.). During this period, China extended its borders; imposed strict legal codes; completed the Great Wall with forced labor from hundreds of thousands of people; built transportation networks; and standardized its weights and measure systems, currency, and writing. The ruthlessness of this period led to countless rebellions and eventually was replaced by the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.E. 220 C.E.). The Han Dynasty, founded by rebel military leaders settled down and became the large, semicontinental state it is today. Today, 94 percent of the Chinese people call themselves the „people of Han‰ (hanren). Han rule was relatively stable. The new rulers sent expeditions and settlers out to Central Asia and down the Pearl River Delta. China came into contact with the Roman Empire and India during this period. By the second century C.E., the government started to loosen its grip because of weak emperors who neglected their duties and because of conflicts among groups of officials in the imperial court. Protests and rebellion broke out, culminating in 184 C.E. in a religious upraising known as the Yellow Turbans. The rebellion ushered in an era of warlords. In a long succession of dynasties, resulting from conquest and civil strife, social and political fragmentation, China was once again united with establishment of the Sui Dynasty (589 618) and the Tang Dynasty (618 907). The Tang period was a prosperous period. The population rose to over 60 million, and the arts and literature flourished once more. Buddhism, a religious tradition that had originated in India, was introduced to China during the Han dynasty; blended with local beliefs and practices, Chinese-style Buddhism became uniquely Chinese and was adopted by the imperial family during this period. Because of the development of the Silk Road network and ChinaÊs extensive trade by sea, Islam, Judaism, Zoroastrianism, and Christianity were introduced into China. Silk production thrived, along with new technologies in sailing and agriculture. After the Tang Dynasty, there was a half century of disunity between the north and south. The Song Dynasty (960 1279) brought a reunited China. The civil-service examination system was developed during this period, based on a new merit system that marked an end to the old aristocratic order. Song China became a rich and cosmopolitan realm, with Asian traders arriving by land in the northwest and Arabs by sea in the southeast. Song China began to decline in 1211, when Genghis Khan, a

Causes and Waves of Migration | 287

Mongolian leader, began the invasion into China from the north. His conquest was complete in 1279 under Kublai Khan, his grandson, who established the Yuan Dynasty (1271 1368). During this period of Mongolian rule, China extended trade with Europe, and Marco Polo brought ChinaÊs achievements to EuropeÊs attention. Another rebellion led to the fall of the Yuan Dynasty and raise of the Ming Dynasty (1368 1644). The Ming emperor constructed a new capital in Peking (present-day Beijing), with the Forbidden City at its center. Rice and tea became major agricultural products in the southern area of Hangzhou. Commerce flourished, chief among them was the export of blue-and-white porcelain known in Europe as „chinaware.‰ The decline of Ming China lead to its conquest from another northern invader: the Manchu. The Manchu established the Qing Dynasty (1644 1911) and again expanded ChinaÊs borders. Even though Qing China was non-Han, it adapted and accepted the Chinese social and political order expressed in the Confucian conception of social order. However, it failed in its reform efforts. It suffered from internal pressures; rebellions; growing external pressures from the major western European colonial powers; and defeat by Japan in 1895, all of which resulted in China becoming increasingly weak and isolated. This isolation was broken when Great Britain defeated China in the Opium War (1839 1842), forcing China to open its ports to international trade and exposing China for the next one hundred years to Western imperialism and colonization. Utterly weak and damaged by the Taiping Rebellion (1851 1864), the Qing Dynasty finally collapsed in 1911 in a revolution led by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. The revolution marked the end of imperial rule in China.

Causes and Waves of Migration Push-Pull Factors of Chinese Immigration By 1800 China faced a bleak future. Its military was weak and unable to protect its people from Western colonial powers. Its rulers and cultural consciousness was too strong to surrender to the political visions of Chinese modernizers. According to Benson Tong, „in the absence of modernization, its people were forced to look elsewhere for a livelihood‰ (2000, 22). Thus began the movement of Chinese immigrants to America. Tong argues that: ChinaÊs educated elite spent so much of their time and energy trying to attain the status and prestige of the scholar-official class that it had to sideline endeavors that might have fostered economic and technological change. Heavy government exactions, but without an erection of an infrastructure for trade, on private wealth and investments also dampened the sprit of entrepreneurship. Perhaps the most convincing explanations for ChinaÊs inhibited industrialization was the

288 | Chinese Immigrants

relative stability of the market demand, which offered little stimulus for radical technological change and attending higher productivity. Even in agriculture, rapid commercialization did little to transform small-scale subsistence farming. (Tong 2000, 22) Population growth and pressure exacerbated ChinaÊs inability to protect its people from internal and external pressures. By 1800 the population of China totaled 300 million, representing a two-fold increase since the 1660s (Tong 2000, 18). Agricultural land did not develop with this population growth because so much of China consisted of arid and mountainous land. Between 1661 and 1812, the population increased by more than 100 percent, while arable land had only increased by less than 50 percent (Tong 2000). For instance, in Guangdong province, one of the fastest growing provinces in China, population growth increased by 79.5 percent, while ChinaÊs total national average increased by 47 percent between 1787 and 1850 (Tong 2000, 21). Population growth became a significant social, economic, and political problem for China because the economic system did not develop, and the impact of the global industrial revolution was not significantly felt. In order to survive, the displaced Chinese, the poor, and the unemployed were forced to commit social vices, such as banditry or rebellion, or move. All these problems·faltering administration, widespread corruption, degeneration of the military, and the pressures of a rising population·indicated that the ruling power had passed its peak. Ironically, internal economic and social changes, not unlike those taking place in Europe, only served to highlight the ineptness of the state. Since late Ming times, China had experienced a series of intertwined pre-capitalist changes, including significant urbanization, especially in the lower Yangzi area; the increasing role of a monetary economy; the development of regional and long-distance trade; the emergence of a countrywide market for commodities; more geographical mobility; the expansion of popular literacy; the growing heterogeneity of the gentry class; and the professionalization of some managerial activities. In this context of fluid social relations and gradual disintegration of the old order, the country by 1800 had become vulnerable to both internal rebellion and external invasion. In this milieu, social dislocations intensified and, against such a backdrop, both migration and emigration became viable, even necessary possibilities [for survival]. (Tong 2000, 19) Population growth exacerbated harsh economic conditions. The British Opium Wars of 1893 1842 and 1856 1860 forced China to pay large indemnities to the Western imperialist colonial powers and drained the Chinese spirit as opium was imported into China to advance British economic interest. This resulted in the Qing governmentÊs high taxation on peasant farmers, who, unable to pay their taxes, lost

Causes and Waves of Migration | 289

their land. Once displaced from their land, they were unable to find employment elsewhere because ChinaÊs industrial sector was underdeveloped, a result of foreign competition imposed on China after the Opium Wars had undermined domestic industries such as silk production. In fact, according to Tong, Guangdong produced many massproduced goods, but foreign goods flooded the local markets, limiting the demand for Chinese-made goods, such as premodern Chinese handicrafts. The rapid growth of the colonized islands of Macao and Hong Kong, by as early as the mid-1850s, captured much trade from Guangdong. By 1870, free trade and competition from other coastal ports in China exacerbated the unemployment rate for the urban proletariat in Guangdong. Unemployment, high taxation, growing population pressure, and natural disasters such as flooding deepened the problems of hunger and poverty in the Guangdong province. Tong notes that one flood in Guangdong was so severe that, according to one imperial account, the „rivers and the sea and the streams have joined in one sheet over the land for several hundred li‰ (one li equals a third of a mile) (Tong 2000, 23). The hardest hit population was the subsistence-based peasantry, who also bore the heaviest taxation. These immigrants defied Chinese law, since the Ming and Qing dynasties forbid overseas travel on pain of death. They were willing to take the risk of disobeying the law in light of the turmoil in the economy and the hostile ecological and climatic conditions, which led to destitution and deprivation. The greatest outflow of Chinese immigrants occurred between the 1840 and 1900. An estimated 2.5 million people left China and went to the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Southeast Asia, the West Indies, South America, and Africa. During this early period, the majority traveled to the Kingdom of Hawaii and the mainland United States. Civil unrest and political and military chaos pushed Chinese immigrants out of their country to seek sanctuary elsewhere. Virtually all the Chinese who emigrated came from only five small regions in the two provinces of Fujian and Guangdong and the island of Hainan. Three of the groups settled mainly in Southeast Asia, while the other two traveled across the Pacific to Hawaii and mainland United States. A vast majority of the first wave of Chinese immigrants who landed in California during the 19th century came from the Guangdong Province. The Guangdong natives in the United States can, in turn, be divided into three subgroups, each speaking its own Chinese dialect. Sanyi people came from three districts immediately south and west of the city of Guangzhou, in the Pearl River Delta; Siyi inhabitants hailed from four districts to the southeast of Sanyi; and Xiangshan natives originated from a district between Guangzhou and the Portuguese colony of Macau, some 40 miles west of Xianggang (Hong Kong). To Cantonese migrants, emigration represented a means for a better life in the face of population pressure, economic hardship, political upheaval, religious persecution, and natural disasters. Although aspiring emigrants had many places to choose from, places where gold had been reportedly discovered·most notably California, Australia, and the Fraser River Valley of British Columbia·were the most alluring.

290 | Chinese Immigrants

The discovery of gold at SutterÊs Mill in 1848 provoked a distant gaze of desire toward the West Coast, including the Pacific Northwest and British Columbia. Australia was also a central object of the gold craze. San Francisco was known as „Old Gold Mountain‰ (Jiujinshan), while Australia was known as „New Gold Mountain‰ (Xinjinshan) (Chan 1991). Between 1848 and 1882, waves of Chinese immigrants, predominantly from the southern provinces of Guangdong (also known as Canton) and Fujian, came to California, Oregon, Washington, and Idaho in search of gold. Although their search was for gold, many ended up in coal mines, railroad construction, and other service work (e.g., as cooks, laundry workers, and shopkeepers). Chinese pioneers began to establish Chinatowns, either by necessity or by choice, and started to recreate and reproduce a perception of community. A high percentage of these immigrants were young men in their working prime, chosen by their families to journey to Gold Mountain (Mandarin: Jinshan; Cantonese Gam San); they held high hopes of making it rich and returning home after several years aboard. San Francisco was a major port of entry for Chinese immigrants during the early period of the gold rush. In the latter part of the 1840s, there were approximately 325 Chinese forty-niners in the United States. By 1851, there were 2,716. By 1852, there were 20,026 Chinese immigrants residing in the United States.

Chinese grocery store in San Francisco’s Chinatown, about 1904. (Library of Congress)

Causes and Waves of Migration | 291

In 1876, the Pacific Mail Steamship Company began regularly scheduled runs between Hong Kong and San Francisco, and, as a result, between 1870 and 1883, an average of 12,000 Chinese immigrants were arriving through the port of San Francisco each year. Before the steamship, the voyage took from 55 to 100 days. With the advent of the steamship, and the famous China route that began in 1867 and lasted until the turn of the century, the time taken to reach San Francisco from China shortened to weeks. Not only were steamships faster than traditional sailing ships, but they also could hold more passengers. Immigration was further encouraged when the price of the tickets for the steamship dropped threefold. By 1870, there were 63,000 Chinese immigrants living on American soil·between 75 and 80 percent living in California, with sizeable communities in Idaho, Montana, and other areas in the southwest and New England. For this reason, along the West Coast, but primarily in California, there were many Chinese communities of various sizes, as far south as Baja, California, and San Diego, and as far north as Vancouver, Canada. Starting in the late 18th century, a major pull factor for the Chinese to uproot and relocate to distant lands was the exaggerated tales of the riches of America, on Gold Mountain. The people of Guangdong had been exposed to American influences by way of Yankee traders and missionaries. Early Chinese immigrants in the 19th century who chose to journey to Gold Mountain, known as gam san haak (Cantonese for „travelers to Gold Mountain‰), often found only hek fu („taking in pain‰) (Tong 2000, 21). Prejudice, disfranchisement, and social exclusion marked their daily existence and Gold Mountain dreams. This movement of Chinese laborers is concomitant with the rise of global capitalistic economy. Tong notes, „the global expansion of European and American capitalism had necessitated the movement of workers, capital, and technology across borders so that investors and businesspeople could tap into the natural resources and markets of the underdeveloped countries. The eventual immigration of those from Guangdong to Gold Mountain was part of a larger diaspora that involved as many as 2.5 million between 1840 and 1900‰ (22 23).

Early Immigration The travelers were mainly poverty-stricken young men. Some of them were married, generally illiterate, or unschooled, but all were inspired by the tales of Gold Mountain. There was more than just gold to be mined, but employment opportunities as well. The poor peasants entered into contract, a form of forced slave labor, to afford their passage to the Kingdom of Hawaii and the United States. For example, arrangements for their Pacific passage were often made by emigration brokers, who represented the sugar plantation owners in Hawaii. The peasants were offered „free passage‰ to the island in exchange for their labor. The terms of the contracts

292 | Chinese Immigrants

usually lasted five years and included shelter, food, and medical care. The other way to finance passage to the States was through the „credit-ticket system.‰ Here, a broker would loan money to the migrant, who would later pay off the loan with interest out of his earnings. Coolies is the term for people who are kidnapped and forced into labor through coercion, and unlike the so-called coolie trade of Africans to Cuba and Peru, the Chinese were not coolies. Chinese laborers voluntarily left their villages in hopes of making money and riches to support their families in China. Many also simply borrowed money from their relatives for their transPacific journey. The coolie trade was finally banned in 1862 with the passage of the Act to Prohibit Coolie Trade. Chinese immigration also included merchants. They were venture capitalists seeking new opportunities in a foreign land. Like the peasant laborers, this class of people were also mostly, if not all, men. Single women did not travel alone to distant foreign lands. The married ones often stayed home to care for their families and elders. They also stayed behind because the family simply could not afford their passage. Because husbands and sons where separated from wives and families, the Chinese immigrants are described as sojourners. Sojourners are people involved in temporary migration who plan to eventually return to those they left behind. A third of the Chinese sojourners did just that, similar to the way European immigrants engaged in return migration as well (Tong 2000, 25) „This phenomenon, known as return migration, also characterized turn-of-the-century European immigration to the New World‰ (Tong 2000, 25). Despite many returning to China, two-thirds remained in America·for legal, financial, or personal reasons·to live, work, and settle.

Chinese in Hawaii versus California The experience of the Chinese in Hawaii is much different than their co-ethnic experience over on the mainland. Chinese laborers in Hawaii were more likely to have their wives with them. In 1900, of the 25,767 Chinese in Hawaii, 3,471 or 13.5 percent were female, but of the 89,683 Chinese on the U.S. mainland, only 4,522, or 5 percent, were female. One reason for the differences in sex ratio is the ethnic makeup of the two groups of immigrants. The Chinese in California were mainly Punti, whereas most of their counterparts in Hawaii were Hakka. Hakka society did not practice foot-binding, and Hakka women had greater freedom of mobility. Moreover, immigration conditions and policies also affected the sex ratio difference between the Chinese immigrant populations in Hawaii and the mainland. Starting in 1864, the Pacific Commercial Advertiser expressed angst about the predominate male Chinese population and encouraged plantation owners to import Chinese women as a way to control the men and the social problems and vices that results from a bachelor society. The plantations owners believed that Chinese women could be used to control

Causes and Waves of Migration | 293

the men, better than any regulation that they could enforce. Chinese women who immigrated to Hawaii did so under the same circumstances as Chinese men: labor contracts. They were supposed to engage in „light labor‰ only and not be separated from their husbands. Chinese women were paid less than their male counterparts.

Chinese Women in Hawaii versus California The combination of missionary concern and employer self-interest did not encourage the immigration of Chinese women into the mainland, as it had in Hawaii. In fact, the opposite occurred because employers viewed Chinese male laborers as sojourners, temporary and migratory. California employers wanted a workforce of single men. They wanted a mobile workforce that could move from one location to the next for construction and harvesting. Chinese men worked on the railroad and as migrant farm laborers. The differences in gender ratio of the Chinese community in Hawaii and California influenced the way they were perceived: on Hawaii they were not seen as competitors in the labor market, whereas in California they were. This perception of Chinese immigrants as competitors in the California labor market led the white Californians to view the Chinese as a racialized group, and Chinese immigrants became targets of prejudice, hostility, and violence. By the 1880s, the white community in California represented 87 percent of the population and saw Chinese women and their families as a threat to racial purity and what they considered to be a „white manÊs country.‰ Besides coming as wives, Chinese women were also imported to America and forced into the lucrative prostitution trade, regardless of the final destination: Hawaii or California. Chinese prostitutes lived and worked as slaves to their owners and usually did not survive more than six years. The prostitutes ranged from age 16 to 25. The majority could not read the terms of the contracts they were forced to sign with their thumbprint. The lowest level prostitutes were forced to work and live in cribs, rooms no larger than four-by-six feet. They were forced to sell themselves to poor laborers, teenage boys, sailors, and drunks for a little as 25 to 50 cents. If infected with disease, they were left to die. Prostitutes forced to work in the mining camps lived short and harsh lives. Prostitutes who revolted were physically punished. Some would try to run away, but their owners would track them down because they were highly valued. Their condition was, in large measure, a result of the demographics of the society. Chinese women were viewed as exotic curios on the East Coast, but things were different on the West Coast as gold started to run low. The rising hostility towards Chinese immigration on the West Coast correlates with the rise of racialized and debased descriptions of Chinese women in the media of the time. In 1870, of the 3,536 Chinese women in California, 2,157, roughly 60 percent, were prostitutes. Because the Chinese population in California was mostly men,

294 | Chinese Immigrants

Chinese prostitutes were in high demand. Anti-Chinese sentiments among white Californians were fueled by reports of Chinese prostitution, and in 1875, the Page Law was designed to halt the flow of Chinese prostitutes to America, who were seen as a great threat to white manhood, health, morality, and family life (Tong 2000, 28). „Chinese men, bereft of family life and denied conjugal ties, sought prostitutes or baak baak chai (a derogatory Cantonese phrase for Âone hundred menÊs wifeÊ)·as they did opium smoking and gambling·for entertainment. Applied stringently, the Page Law excluded wives and single women with legitimate claims. Immigration officials believed that prostitutes typically posed as wives, sisters, or daughters of sojourners already in America. Officials consequently assumed that all Chinese women seeking entry into the United States were potential prostitutes‰ (Tong 2000, 28). In San Francisco, Chinese prostitutes became the first immigrant group in the host society to be targets for removal or confinement in geographic locality. This movement to isolate Chinese prostitutes in the municipality of San Francisco extended into a larger effort to isolate all Chinese in America. By the mid-1890s, an unexpected health concern made it possible for city health officers to force the Chinese into a specific geographical locality. The bubonic plague provided the city officers with a reason to isolate the Chinese. The Burlingame Treaty (1868) between China and the United States repealed the century-old prohibitory emigration law of the Qing government and secured the right of Chinese to open and voluntary migration to America. More importantly, the treaty offered Chinese immigrants in America equal protection of all legal rights enjoyed by other foreigners residing in the United States. By the early 1870s, the U.S. federal courts interpreted the treaty to also provide for the rights of the Chinese to live and work in America. The treatyÊs spirit of equality and fair treatment for the Chinese was soon overturned as anti-Chinese sentiments along the Pacific Coast swelled.

Immigrant Culture/Early Issues of Assimilation and Separatism Chinese immigration to the United States can be divided into three stages: the first stage ranges from 1840 to 1882; the second stage ranges from 1882 to 1965, and the third stage ranges from 1965 to the present.

1840–1882 The gold on Gold Mountain was not as plentiful as the embellished tales described. The very first wave of Chinese immigrants who landed in the port of San Francisco were viewed favorably, as celestials and strangers who would eventually become good Americans. When California celebrated its admission into the Union in 1850,

Causes and Waves of Migration | 295

the Chinese participated in the ceremonies alongside white Americans. Justice Nathaniel Bennett declared that even though the Chinese were born and raised under different governments, they stood as brothers, respected as equals, who shared one country, one hope, and one destiny. This sentiment of inclusiveness quickly changed as nativist cries got louder and louder. White American miners demanded that Chinese miners, along with Mexican, Hawaiian, French, and Chilean miners, be banned from mining. Shortly after the discovery of gold, there were an estimated 2,400 Chinese miners, nearly two-thirds of the Chinese in America, mining for gold in the American West. Competition intensified and the Chinese miners became the targets of hostility, and faced rigid racial prejudice from competing white miners, as well as from local and state governments. The best example of this can be seen when the California state legislature passed the Foreign MinerÊs Tax of 1852, which was chiefly enforced against Chinese miners, who often had to pay more than once. In theory, the foreign minerÊs tax was ostensibly imposed on all miners who did not desire to become naturalized citizens. Lawmakers knew, of course, that the Chinese could not gain citizenship, due to the 1790 Nationality Act, which excluded nonwhites from being able to become a naturalized citizen. The foreign minerÊs tax remained intact until the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1870. By that time, the state of California had collected from Chinese miners a total of $5 million, a sum representing 25 to 50 percent of the state revenue. In 1855, the California state legislature passed a law known as „An Act to Discourage the Immigration to this State of Persons Who Cannot Become Citizens Thereof.‰ This law imposed a landing tax of $50 for each passenger ineligible to become naturalized citizens; the tax was charged not to the passengers, but to the master or owner of the ship. By the late 1850s, early 1860s, there were 24,000 Chinese miners, two-thirds of whom were mining in California. Many of the Chinese miners organized themselves into small groups, composed of up to 40 members, while others formed their own companies. Most of the Chinese miners were also independent prospectors. Chinese miners in the Yuba County obtained their placer claims through preemption rather than purchase. Chinese miners filed a required application in the countryÊs recordÊs office and marked the boundaries of their claim in the preemption claim procedure. As a result of exclusion from mining and of a decrease in gold, during the mid1860s, the Chinese left the mines and ventured into fishing. Eventually, Chinese fishing activities stretched from the Oregon boundary down to Baja, California, and also along the Sacramento River delta. By the 1870s, a number of them concentrated on catching and processing shrimp in the San Francisco Bay, while others collected abalone off the coast of Southern California. A large portion of the Chinese immigrants established their residence along the California coast and began the business of gathering, drying, and exporting seafood resources, namely sea lettuce (ulva), kelp, and abalone back to China. One of these thriving communities

296 | Chinese Immigrants

was in Cambria. Prior to 1866, when the little community of Cambria was officially established, the Chinese immigrants in California were already living along the coastal bluffs in San Luis Obispo County. The Chinese seaweed farmers found the rocky coastal area of San Luis Obispo County ideal for their trade. The ulva, a sea lettuce, already grew but competed with many other forms of algae. In order to encourage luxurious and fast growth, the Chinese made sure the rocks preferred by the ulva were plentiful and strategically placed to receive the full benefit of wave action and sun. The selected rocks were thoroughly cleaned by scorching or burning, originally accomplished by pine shavings smoldering in a wire basket held against the rocks. In later years, a blow torch was used, eliminating the job of scraping the dead algae away. Besides the venture into the fishing industries, large numbers of Chinese workers were employed in the railroad industries. In February 1865, 50 Chinese workers were hired by the Central Pacific Railroad to help lay the tracks for the transcontinental line leading east from Sacramento. The Chinese laborers were praised by Leland Stanford, the company president, and Charles Crocker, the companyÊs superintendent, as hardworking, amiable, and quiet·workers who learned any skill quickly and efficiently. They even went as far as to suggest that Chinese workers were more productive and reliable compared to white workers. The Chinese laborers were trained for all aspects of railroad construction: blasting through mountains, driving horses, handling rocks with picks and shovels. Animosity and hostility from white railroad laborers developed, which resulted in the white workers demanding that the company stop hiring Chinese. Within a two-year period, the company employed 12,000 Chinese laborers, roughly 90 percent of their workforce. Not only were the Chinese laborers fast workers, but their employment saved the company a lot of money because the Chinese laborers were paid $31 dollars a month, while their white co-workers were paid $45 dollars a month. White workers also demanded lodging. Because the Central Pacific managers wanted to accelerate construction, they forced Chinese workers to work through the winter of 1866. Time was a big concern for the company because the amount of payment it received in land and subsidy from the federal government was determined by the miles of tracks they were able to build. The Chinese workers lived and worked in tunnels under the snow. Snowslides and landslides occasionally buried the camps and crews. In the spring, thawing corpses, motionless, with shovels and picks in their hands were discovered. That spring, 5,000 Chinese workers went on strike and demanded eight-hour days and $45 a month. The strike was advertised through a Chinese-language newspaper. The Central Pacific managers blamed their rival Union Pacific for masterminding the strike. This allowed them to negate the possibility that the Chinese workers were capable of acting on their own benefit and behalf. As a possible solution to the Chinese strike, the Central Pacific sent a wire to New York, inquiring about

Causes and Waves of Migration | 297

the feasibility of sending 10,000 blacks to replace the striking Chinese. Superintendent Crocker responded to the Chinese strikers by cutting off their food supplies; this strategy worked because weeks later, virtually imprisoned in their camps on the mountains of the Sierras, the starving strikers went back to work. In 1869, the Transcontinental Railroad was completed. The completion of the Transcontinental Railroad is often cited as a symbol of AmericaÊs manifest destiny. The construction of the Central Pacific Railroad line was a Chinese achievement, but this fact remains unnoticed and invisible. Released from railroad construction, the Chinese laborers moved into agriculture. In CaliforniaÊs Sacramento-San Joaquin River delta region, they constructed irrigation channels, reclaimed swamplands, and built the levees, dikes, and ditches. As tenant farmers or sharecroppers, the Chinese introduced new varieties of fruits and vegetables for the local markets. The majority were laborers who toiled in orchards, vineyards, and hop fields. By 1870, the Chinese constitute 18 percent of all farm laborers in California; by 1880, they represented 86 percent of the agricultural laborers. Economic disparity in pay existed in this industry as well. Employers of Chinese laborers paid lower wages than white workers. The Chinese workers were trapped in a racially based dual-wage system, where they were paid less than white workers for doing the same job. In 1880, Chinese pickers in Santa Clara County, California, went on strike, demanding increased compensation for the fruit they harvested. The 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act reduced the supply of Chinese farm laborers, so they recognized the increased need for their labor and demanded higher wages as a result. Other ex-miners began working in the salmon canneries on the coastal bays and streams from central California to western Alaska. Others traveled to the Pacific Northwest after being recruited to build the North Pacific line or to run lumber mills. Still others worked in small businesses: laundries, restaurants, and dry good stores, owned by Chinese merchants. During the 1870s, Chinese workers were recruited to replace the emancipated black slaves for plantation work and railroad building in the South: in Louisiana, Mississippi, and Florida. The Chinese did not stay on the plantations long. As early as 1871, the New Orleans Times noted that Chinese preferred to work in the small trades and industries in the city rather than toil in the fields. By 1880, there were a recorded 50 Chinese in Mississippi, 133 in Arkansas, 489 in Louisiana, and 95 in New Orleans; they worked as laundry men, cigar-makers, shoemakers, cooks, and woodcarvers. Chinese workers were also recruited to the Northeast (in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania) as scabs to break striking shoemakers, steam launderers, and cutlery makers·most of whom were Irish immigrants. By then, there were 500 Chinese in New York, and about 900 in Boston (Tong 2000, 33). San Francisco, also known as Dai Fow (Cantonese for „Big City‰), became a destination city for those seeking employment opportunities. The so-called ethnic

298 | Chinese Immigrants

antagonism, which pitted one ethnic group against another to keep wages low and resulted in strong anti-Chinese sentiments and violence, drove many Chinese immigrants into self-employment. The Chinese laundry was chief among them. The Chinese laundryman was an American phenomenon. It does not exist in China: in fact, there are no laundries in China. Back in China, women do the washing, not men. Opening a laundry in America required little capital because the materials were simple: a stove, trough, dry room, sleeping area, a sign, and some English skills. Besides low capital investment demands, the Chinese were pushed into this line of work because it was one of the few that was open to them, besides restaurants. In 1900, one out of four employed Chinese males worked as a laundryman. After working on the railroad and in mining, the Chinese population became an urban population because many were „driven out‰ of rural areas as a result of economic competition and racial discrimination. San FranciscoÊs Chinese population went from 2,719 in 1860 to 12,022 in 1870. Similarly, Los AngelesÊs Chinese population went from 605 in 1880 to 1,817 in 1890 (Tong 2000, 33). In the 1870s, the urban Chinese population moved into manufacturing and once again found themselves caught in a racially segregated labor market with low wages. Often Chinese laborers occupied menial positions in the woolen mills, paper mills, knitting mills, and tanneries, while European Americans took the skilled jobs. In instances where they held the same position as whites, the Chinese were paid less for the same work. In the early 1880s, Chinese men earned one dollar a day as factory workers, while white men earned two dollars (Tong 2000, 34). Throughout much of this early period, anti-Chinese sentiments informed much of the public policies and popular racism that discriminated against the Chinese living in America.

1882–1965 By 1882, the Chinese population in the United States was about 110,000, or onefifth of one percent, of the total U.S. population. When Chinese laborers were no longer needed, political agitation against the Chinese intensified, and beginning in 1882, the U.S. Congress enacted a series of very harsh anti-Chinese laws designed to exclude Chinese immigrants and deny their naturalization rights and basic rights. The centerpiece of the legislation was the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act. In 1888, the Chinese Exclusion Act was extended to include all Chinese, not just laborers. It was renewed by the Geary Act of 1892 and extended indefinitely in 1902. The Chinese Exclusion Act was the first U.S. law ever passed to prevent immigration and naturalization on the basis of race, which later was extended and expanded to include other Asian immigrants, such as the Japanese, Korean, and Indian. The exclusionist policies led to an immediate and sharp decline in the Chinese population: from 105,465 in 1880 to 89,863 in 1900 to 61,639 in 1920.

Causes and Waves of Migration | 299

This demographic decline resulted in the steady disappearance of Chinatowns throughout America. For example, the Chinese communities in California towns such as Cambria, Riverside, Yosemite, Hanford, Mendocino, Santa Barbara, Ventura, and San Luis Obispo slowly disappeared as the remaining Chinese moved northward to San Francisco or southward to Los Angeles, two cities with major Chinese centers and more possibilities for employment. Chinatown communities in Evanston, Wyoming; Silver City, Idaho; and Walla Walla, Washington gradually disappeared as well. It is estimated that by 1900, nearly 45 percent of Chinese immigrants resided in the San Francisco Bay Area. In the 1880s, cities and towns with a Chinatown were scattered throughout the West, though the Chinatown might consist of only a street or a few stores and its inhabitants might number only a few hundred. Eventually, these enclaves disappeared altogether. By 1940 only 28 cities with Chinatowns could be identified; by 1955, only 16. Enforcement of the exclusion laws by immigration officials resulted in additional exclusionary measures that doubly hindered Chinese immigration but also reinforced the popular conceptions and construction of the Chinese as „Orientals‰ and foreign „others‰ who threatened the American landscape. At the same time, those years witnessed an increasing number of Chinese American families, which resulted in a new generation of acculturated English-speaking Chinese Americans who grew up between the 1930s and 1940s. In response to the systemic decimation and exclusion, the Chinese Six Companies, also known as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association, was formed to advocate for Chinese rights in the United States. In an 1876 letter to President Ulysses Grant, the Chinese Six Companies urged the president to remember the contributions Chinese immigrants had made to the development and expansion of America. The Chinese Six Companies also publicly denounced mob violence against the Chinese. The Chinese also employed the U.S. court system in their protest. In 1855, Chan Yong applied for citizenship in San FranciscoÊs federal district court and was denied citizenship on the basis of the 1790 Naturalization Law, which limited naturalization rights to „whites‰ only. Since the Chinese were not „white,‰ they were, therefore, unable to become naturalized citizens. In 1862, Ling Sing sued the San Francisco tax collector, challenging a $2.50 capitation tax levied on the Chinese on the basis that it was unconstitutional. The California Supreme Court, in Ling Sing v. Washburn, ruled that while the Chinese could be taxed as „other residents,‰ they could not be set apart as „special subjects of taxation.‰ In 1868, the Chinese Six Companies lobbied for inclusion of a provision to protect the Chinese American immigrants in negotiations between the United States and China. They argued that federal protection of Chinese Americans would protect Chinese American lives and properties in the United States and promote Chinese investments in the country and promote trade between America and China. The Burlingame Treaty of 1868 recognized the „free migration and emigration‰

300 | Chinese Immigrants

of the Chinese to the United States as visitors, traders, and permanent residents. It also provided the Chinese with rights and privileges of movement and residency as subjects of the „most favored nation.‰ The flow of immigration (encouraged by the Burlingame Treaty) was stopped by the Chinese Exclusion Act. The Chinese population declined until the act was repealed in 1943 by the Magnuson Act. Official discrimination was evident in the highest offices of the U.S. government, including U.S. President Grover Cleveland, who, in 1888, supported the Chinese Exclusion Act, and proclaimed the Chinese „an element ignorant of our constitution and laws, impossible of assimilation with our people and dangerous to our peace and welfare‰ („Chinese Immigration‰ 2003). The Civil Rights Act of 1870 contained references to the Chinese in America. This act nullified the decision in People v. Hall (1854), which had made it illegal for Chinese to testify against a white person in court. On August 9, 1853, George Hall, a white miner, accompanied by his brother and one other man, assaulted and robbed a Chinese placer miner on the Bear River in Nevada County, California. Ling Sing left his tent after hearing the sound of gun fire and was shot and killed by Hall. The sheriff arrested Hall and his companions. Hall was later tried and found guilty based on the testimony of three Chinese witnesses. The judge sentenced Hall to death by hanging. However, chief justice of the California Supreme Court Hugh Murray overturned the conviction on the basis that „Asiatics‰ were „Indians‰ and therefore unable to testify against a white man in court. Murray argued that „Asiatics‰ long ago traveled over the Bering Strait and „descended‰ into Indians. Indians were not allowed to testify in court against a white man, so since „Asiatics‰ (in this case, the Chinese eyewitnesses) were Indians, they too, could not testify in court against a white man. Fear of the bubonic plague at the beginning of the 20th century fueled anti-Chinese sentiments and the efforts to „drive them out‰ or to confine them to a certain geographic locality. In 1894, the plague was found in Canton and Hong Kong. In 1896, the San Francisco board of health ordered that all passengers arriving from China and Japan be detained and quarantined because the plaque was present in those countries. Two cases of the plague discovered in HonoluluÊs Chinatown resulted in the removal of 4,500 Chinese into a quarantine camp. In San Francisco, there was suspicion that a Chinese man died of the plague because his autopsy revealed enlarged lymph nodes, so Surgeon General Walter Wyman ordered San FranciscoÊs Chinatown to be placed under quarantine. Health and city officials immediately cordoned off Chinatown and forbade Chinese to travel outside of California without a certificate of health. Growing anti-Chinese sentiment that resulted from economic competition and racism coupled with the fear of the bubonic plague resulted in large-scale efforts to „drive out‰ the Chinese residents in smaller rural townships, most often by burning down the Chinatowns. This pushed Chinese immigrants to urban areas like San Francisco. In response to the forced quarantine in San Francisco, the Chinese residents, supported

Causes and Waves of Migration | 301

by Governor Henry Gage (1899 1903) and local businesses, fought the quarantine through numerous federal court battles, claiming the U.S. Marine Hospital Service was violating their rights under the Fourteenth Amendment. He did not do this because he was champion of the civil rights of Chinese American residents. Instead, he feared the economic damage to the city and stateÊs economy if rumors of the bubonic plague was made public. The courts initially agreed with Governor Gage and Chinatown residents, citing that the quarantine violated their civil rights, yet most of these lawsuits were eventually thrown out of court on later dates.

1906 San Francisco Earthquake, Angel Island, and Paper Sons Due to exclusionary immigration laws, the majority of Chinese men in America believed they would never be able to bring their wives and or family to America. However, on April 18, 1906, things changed. Early that morning an earthquake shook San Francisco. Fires broke out and destroyed much of the city along with the municipal records. Without records, the Chinese living in United States could claim they were born here and thus were citizens who could sponsor their wives and children to the United States. Before the earthquake and fire, the number of Chinese women remained around 5 percent or less of the total Chinese population. In 1900, there were 4,522 Chinese women living in America. After the earthquake and fire, Chinese women began arriving in much larger numbers: in 1910, 219 women arrived; in 1915, 356 women arrived; in 1920, 573 women arrived; in 1922, 1,050 women arrived; by 1924, 1,893 women arrived. In the years 1907 1925, roughly 10,000 Chinese women came to the United States. A 1924 immigration act stopped the inflow of Chinese women because it prohibited entry of immigrants who were ineligible to become citizens and instituted a permanent quota that provided preferences to immigrants from certain parts of Europe. Meanwhile, Chinese sons were also entering the United States as well. U.S. law stipulates that children of American-born citizens are automatically granted citizenship status, even if they are born in foreign countries. These Chinese children of self-proclaimed American-born Chinese fathers were legally allowed to enter the United States. Many children who came were legitimate, whereas others were imposters known as „paper sons‰ and sometimes „paper daughters.‰ Immigration officials knew of the paper sons and did not trust that all Chinese women were wives of Chinese American men, so they were detained at Angel Island. Angel Island is the largest island in the San Francisco Bay. Nearly 300,000 immigrants passed through Angel Island Immigration Station during its heyday. Angel Island Immigration StationÊs goal was to exclude the entry of Chinese, Japanese, Koreans, Indians, and other Asian immigrants. While detained on Angel Island, real sons and paper sons, along with mothers and wives, were asked a series of questions to determine whether the kin relationship was real or fake: What is your motherÊs

302 | Chinese Immigrants

name? What kind of feet does she have? Had your father any brothers or sisters? What are their names? WhatÊs the name of your fatherÊs or husbandÊs native village? How long has he been away? How many floors did your house have? On what floor did you live? What feast did you celebrate? Who attended the celebration? Living in America was difficult. Attempts to settle and create families was not easy, especially with the passage of alien land laws that made it illegal for immigrants ineligible to become naturalized citizens from buying and owning real estate. In 1913, California passed its first alien land law. This law also stipulates that aliens ineligible for citizenship could not lease land for agriculture for terms longer than three years. This, along with violence and attacks fueled by anti-Chinese sentiments, pushed Chinese laborers out of the agricultural industries and into the urban ghettos of San FranciscoÊs Chinatown. Throughout the 1920s and 1930s and into the 1940s, Chinatowns in urban communities grew and became tourist economies. As Chinese immigrants were not welcome to make homes elsewhere in America, they were forced to survive in Chinatowns. The majority were employed in the self-service industries: restaurants, laundries, and so on. American-born Chinese children were also forced to attend segregated schools.

Miss April Lou, teacher at PS 1 in Manhattan, poses with six Chinese children, recent arrivals from Hong Kong and Taiwan. The students hold placards giving his or her Chinese name (both in ideographs and in transliteration), and the name to be entered in the official school records, 1964. (Library of Congress)

Causes and Waves of Migration | 303

Conditions for Chinese Americans began to improve in the 1940s. The United States and China became allies during World War II, which brought about changes in restrictive immigration policies, changes in naturalization rights, and, eventually, the end of antimiscegenation laws prohibiting the marriage of a Chinese to a white person. In 1943, Chinese immigration to the United States was once again permitted with the passage of the Magnuson Act, which repealed 61 years of official racial discrimination against the Chinese. With the passage of the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which lifted national origin quotas, large-scale Chinese immigration to the United States resumed.

1965 to the Present Chinese exclusion was finally annulled with the passages of the 1965 Immigration and Nationality Reform Acts, which lifted the anti-Chinese feature of U.S. immigration policy. The repeal of Chinese exclusion impacted the Chinese American landscape significantly: The population increased from 106,334 in 1940 to more than over 2.4 million in 2000, most of whom are recent immigrants. As a result, the last four decades have witnessed profound transformations and restructuring among and within Chinese American religious communities and landscape (Hing 1993). The liberalization of immigration policy after 1965 paralleled the changing mainstream attitudes, perceptions, and conceptions of American culture. The initial American perception of Chinese immigrants was ambiguously affirmative: they were seen as industrious and hygienic, capable of becoming good citizens. But once economic competition in agriculture and gold mining increased, the attitude quickly shifted to one of discrimination, followed by total exclusion that was informed by fervent xenophobia. The first decade of the 20th century had ushered in the great image of the melting pot, a process of assimilation by which diverse peoples from around the world assembled on American soil and, over a period of time, acculturated themselves into mainstream American life. Chinese immigrants, however, did not straightforwardly melt into American mainstream society. In terms of their religious practices, the first generation of Chinese Americans displayed creativity in their attempts at „blending in.‰ This is well illustrated with the use of the term „church‰ instead of „temple‰ for their religious institutions. For example, the historic Taoist Temple located in Hanford, California, was formally represented as the „Taoist Church‰ up until the late 1970s. In spite of these attempts, Chinese immigrants found it difficult to assimilate. Mainstream American society assumed that due to their physical, cultural, and linguistic differences, the Chinese were purposefully resisting assimilation. Consequently, they were perceived as potentially dangerous and subversive to the American way of life. The end of the World War II ushered in the countercultural movements that began to question the normative perception and conception of American social

304 | Chinese Immigrants

life and brought with it a reevaluation of the expectation that immigrants should assimilate into mainstream society. The civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s did not merely express dissatisfaction with racial and prejudicial beliefs and public policies, but it also revealed a deep-seated quandary with the principle of assimilation. To the extent that the American way of life was normatively white and middle class, it was unfeasible for various segments of the population to ever become completely „American.‰ The imagined consensus promoted by those who favored assimilation could only be sustained by excluding people with dark skin, non-European ancestries, and limited incomes·including Asian immigrants. The civil rights movement not only insisted on sensible changes in public policies, it also demanded a transformation and reconstitution of American national selfidentity; it insisted that America recognize and reconstitute itself to be a pluralistic society and that there are manifold and legitimate alternative ways of being American. This produced the pluralistic attitude of American life, one that resembled a „salad bar,‰ in which Americans and American life is multifarious·culturally, religiously, linguistically, ethnically, politically, sexually, socially, economically, and nationally. Between 1882 and 1965, exclusionist ideologies gave way to the melting pot attitude, which then gave way, starting in the 1980s, to the ideology of cultural pluralism, which continues to dominate public discourse. Since 1965, there has been a rejuvenation of Chinatown communities across the United States, especially in large metropolitan areas such San Francisco, Los Angeles, Boston, New York, Chicago, and Houston. At the same time, these regions have also experienced the formation of „new‰ Chinatowns in rural areas. In all these areas, the development of new Chinatowns has taken place and continues to occur because of a continual flow of Chinese immigrants from Taiwan, Hong Kong, mainland China, and various Indo-Chinese subpopulations from Southeast Asia (e.g., Sino-Vietnamese, Sino-Malaysians, Sino-Khmers, and Sino-Thais). In these younger communities, temples and religious businesses have rapidly been established and are able to impact the future contours of the pluralistic American landscape. Contemporary Chinatown communities are multigenerational, multinational, multiethnic, and multilingual, reflecting the heterogeneous demographics of Chinese America. Chinese immigrants are creating and living in „culturally Chinese‰ communities outside of mainland China, Taiwan, Singapore, and Hong Kong. It is even possible for them to live without having to learn English and, by extension, to maintain continuity between the United States and their homeland. Since 1965, immigrants from China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore have contributed to the rejuvenation of Chinatowns in San Francisco, New York, Los Angeles, and Chicago. After World War II, these Chinatowns had begun to shrink and even disappear as the older immigrants died. The first signs of their

Demographic Profile | 305

revival appeared in the early 1960s with the admission of refugees from mainland China.

Demographic Profile Post-1965 Profile Of all the Asian ethnic groups in America, the Chinese Americans are the largest. Chinese Americans are also the oldest Asian ethnic group in the United States. They began to immigrate to the United States in significant numbers in the late 1840s. They experienced 61 years of legal exclusion (from 1882 to 1943). Since World War II, changes in immigration policies have renewed the Chinese American population: it ballooned from 237,292 in 1960 to roughly 2.9 million in 2000. This expansion of the Chinese American population is in large measure a reflection of the changes in immigration policies and the end to exclusionary legislation. Between 1961 and 1998, 1,465,117 Chinese immigrants from mainland China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan entered the United States as permanent residents. In 1990, there were more foreign-born Chinese than American-born Chinese. By 2000, there was a slight change in this composition, as the percentage of foreign-born Chinese Americans decreased to 47 percent. Even so, the Chinese American population is still dominated by immigrants. Japanese Americans immigrated to the United States after the Chinese but are now entering into the third and fourth generation. On the other hand, the Chinese American communities are dominated by the foreign-born first generation. There are 20 percent who are American-born with foreign-born parents. Third-generation American-born Chinese with American-born parents accounts for 33 percent of the population. The Chinese immigrantsÊ first wave was fairly homogenous in that they came from the Pearl River Delta region of Canton China and consisted of mostly men. Most were sojourners with peasant backgrounds and low levels of education. There was a small merchant class in the mix. The Hart-Cellar Act of 1965 transformed the homogenous Chinese American society into a heterogeneous one reflecting diversity in religious, social, economic, educational, linguistic, and ethnic backgrounds. The majority before 1965 spoke Taishan and Canton dialects. Today, there is an increase in Mandarin, Chaozhou, Fujianese, Hakka, and Shanghai dialects among the Chinese American populations whose countries of origins include: mainland China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore, and Malaysia. There is also a sizable sector of the population who are ethnic Chinese from Southeast Asia (mainly from Vietnam and Cambodia) who entered the United States as refugees after the Fall of Saigon in 1975. Chinese immigrants from Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore come from higher social-cultural backgrounds with higher educational levels. As such, they tend to enter into professional white collar jobs. In 1990, 40 percent of

306 | Chinese Immigrants

immigrants from mainland China did not have high school diplomas, compared to only 8 percent from Taiwan, 22 percent from Hong Kong, or 22 percent of the national average in America. Historically, a gender imbalance was evident in Chinese American communities. The passage of the Page Law in 1857 made the gender imbalance even more distinct. During and after World War II, more and more Chinese immigrants were admitted into the United States as war brides. After the Communist victory in China in 1949, hundreds of refugees and their families entered the United States as political refugees. The overall increase in Chinese women led to the increase in American-born Chinese between the 1940s and the 1960s. As such, in 1960, over 60 percent of the Chinese American population was American born. Further indications of growth are evident in the increase in population by 28.5 percent from 2000 to 2006.

Size and Composition of Community Recent Chinese immigrants continue to gather in metropolitan areas along the East and West coasts: New York City, San Francisco, and Los Angeles maintain Chinese American populations of over 100,000. Old Chinatown communities in these major metropolitan areas continue to receive recent immigrants. Chinese immigrants arriving with more human capital, wealth, and education are moving into new Chinatown communities in the suburbs of San Francisco and Los Angeles. Contemporary Chinese American life has been shaped by immigration policies that favor family reunification. Therefore, by the early 1970s, the sex ratio of Chinese America had changed. Once a society dominated by male bachelors, Chinese American society is now one rooted in families. One immediate impact of more Chinese American families is the shift in the sex ratio, whereby Chinese American women now outnumber Chinese American men. TodayÊs Chinese American families have distinctive characteristics, including low rates of divorce, low rates of juvenile delinquency, retention of Chinese values, the use of Mandarin or a Chinese dialect at home, and female subordination. This bustling community has played an important role in shaping AmericaÊs multicultural dynamics. According to the 2000 U.S. Census data, Chinese Americans form roughly 24 percent of the entire Asian American population with an estimated population size of 2,432,585. The Chinese immigrant population is 47 percent of the Chinese American population. California has the highest number of Chinese Americans: 1,122,187 (46.1% of the total); New York is second with 451,859; third is Hawaii with 170,803; fourth is Texas with 121,588; and fifth is New Jersey with 110,263. Overall, the largest concentrations of Chinese Americans reside on the West Coast (including Hawaii) and the East Coast; however, Illinois and Texas are exceptions

Demographic Profile | 307

to this trend. In 2009, California slipped to second place, with New York having the most Chinese legal permanent residents, with Texas, New Jersey, and Massachusetts having significant concentrations. Significant Chinatown communities can be found in Chicago; Houston; Las Vegas; Los Angeles; New York City; Philadelphia; Portland, Oregon; Oakland and San Francisco; and Washington, D.C. Within the Chinese American communities, 29.4 percent are American-born Chinese Americans. Of the American born Chinese Americans, 53.8 percent where born in California and New York. A large part of the Chinese American population are foreign-born, 47 percent. Of the foreign-born, 97 percent come from only 15 countries. Of these 15 countries, 85 percent come from China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.

Chinatowns In the past 20 years, many Chinese Americans have moved away from the ethnic enclave communities known as Chinatowns. At the same time, new Chinese immigrants will live nearby in ethnic enclave communities known as Chinatowns. Chinatowns in the United States are urban ethnic enclaves found in every major city and composed of Americans of Chinese ancestry and ethnic Chinese immigrants from mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Southeast Asia. These enclaves of residences, retail areas, places of worship, and often tourism, originated in the mid19th century with the arrival of Chinese laborers and some merchants. Sojourners, men who planned to return home after making their fortune, came to work in the gold mines, on transcontinental railroads, and farms. Early Chinatown communities were formed largely in response to racism and the Chinese need for a community with shared language and cultural traditions. Some of the oldest and largest Chinatowns are those in San Francisco, Los Angeles, and Oakland, California; Honolulu, Hawaii; New York City; Chicago; Boston; and Seattle.

Family Structure Based on the 2000 U.S. Census data, nationwide, the average household size for Chinese American families is 3.8 people per household compared to 3.2 for the U.S. national average. The percentage of Chinese American women is larger than Chinese American men: 52 percent female, 48 percent male. Among first-generation Chinese immigrant households, families tend to be extended, whereby several generations of kinfolk live in one household. For example, a typical household may include grandparents, parents, uncles, aunts, cousins, children, in addition to a newlywed couple and their family. However, this pattern changes for second and subsequent generations of Chinese Americans because they adopt the mainstream

308 | Chinese Immigrants

American nuclear family structure. Moreover, many move away for college and work, and start new families away from their parents and extended kinfolks.

Educational Attainment Several months after sociologist William Petersen published „Success Story: Japanese American Style‰ on January 9, 1966, in the New York Times Magazine, a staff reporter for the U.S. News and World Report made similar conclusions about the Chinese Americans: they both are successful minority groups in America. In light of racial discrimination, the Japanese and Chinese Americans endured hardship, but with strong family values, strict discipline, strong work ethics, and respect for education, they have been able to overcome their obstacles and achieve the American dream. This image, this stereotype of Chinese Americans as a model minority, has been popular ever since. The image is misleading if the data compare native-born Chinese Americans to immigrant Chinese Americans. According to the 1990 U.S. Bureau of the Census, 37.5 percent of the Chinese American population had a bachelorÊs degree, which is 25.4 percent higher than the white population. However, in terms of the rate of illiteracy, or those who possess zero to four years of education, the Chinese American population is four times greater than the whites: 10.3 percent Chinese Americans are illiterate, while only 2.6 percent of whites are illiterate. According to 2006 U.S. Census data, more than half of Chinese American adults have college degrees (51.7%), twice the proportion of the general population (27%). But one-fifth did not complete high school, one of the highest rates among Asian American groups. Chinese Americans differ with respect to educational achievement based on their country of origins: 68.9 percent of the Chinese Americans from Taiwan have college educations compared to 53.7 percent from Hong Kong. Only 44 percent of Chinese Americans from mainland China have college educations.

Employment According to 2006 U.S. Census data more than half the Chinese American population works in managerial and professional careers, but a considerable number have blue-collar jobs. The top three occupations for Chinese American men, for instance, are restaurants cooks, computer software developers, and managers/ administrators. As of 2008, 53.4 percent of the Chinese American populations were in managerial and professional occupations, compared to 34.2 percent of the total population. Many work in the computer industries as software developers or in the financial industries as accountants and auditors. Conversely, in the low skill, low-pay employment sectors, many are waiters, sweat-shop sewing women, and cooks. When

Demographic Profile | 309

examining employment based on country of origins, Chinese Americans from Taiwan have the highest ratio in professional and managerial occupations because they also have the highest level of educational attainment. This is followed by Chinese Americans from Hong Kong, then mainland China. Native-born Chinese Americans are concentrated in professional and managerial occupations as well and do not straddle from the high and low spectrum of employment, which foreign-born Chinese Americans do. The majority of Chinese Americans, foreign and native born, work in the private sector·80.4 percent·while only 13.2 percent are employed in the public sector. Only 6.1 percent of the Chinese American population is self-employed. Even less, 4.2 percent of the second-generation American-born Chinese Americans are self-employed.

Economic Attainment As of 2000, at the national level, Chinese Americans have higher median family income, per capital income, and mean wage and salary earnings than that of the general population. However, when compared to non-Hispanic whites, the Chinese Americans consistently make lower incomes, regardless of educational levels. The median family income of Chinese Americans was $62,705, compared with the national median of $48,451. On average, Chinese Americans in legal and medical fields earned as much as 44 percent less than their non-Hispanic white counterparts. The Chinese American home ownership rate is 65 percent, compared to 54 percent for the national average. Compared to 8.2 percent for non-Hispanic whites, 9.4 percent of the Chinese American population lives in poverty. The population most affected by poverty within the Chinese American population is the elderly: 50 percent of Chinese American elders live in poverty and 47 percent of them live alone.

Health Statistics and Issues Prior to 1985, studies concluded that the Chinese American population is at a lower risk for disease and death. In contrast, newer studies see a trend towards poorer health status within the Chinese American population in general, especially among those who live in poverty, lack insurance, and do not have access to health care. Two major health and medical issues among the Chinese American population are depression and suicide among Chinese American women 65 years old and over. They are three times more likely to commit suicide compared to white women. For Chinese American women over 75 years old, the rate is seven times that of white women. Chinese American women tend to hang themselves, while Chinese men tend to overdose on medication. A large majority of Chinese Americans who commit suicide are foreign born. Because Chinese American elders are less likely to communicate their intentions to commit suicide to family, friends, or medical

310 | Chinese Immigrants

professionals, intervention is often not possible. A major cause of suicide is related to the low rate of depression diagnosis and treatment among this particular segment of the Chinese American population. Taiwan has the worldÊs highest rate of hepatitis B infections. It is also a major public issue in China. Therefore, it is not surprising that hepatitis B infection is prevalent among the Chinese American population, which leads to high rates of liver cancer cases. In fact, Chinese Americans have the highest rate of liver cancer among all ethnic and racial groups in the United States. Other cancers are higher for Chinese Americans than Chinese in Asia. For example, the rate of breast cancer cases is higher among Chinese Americans than for Chinese living in China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore. Medical professionals predict that the ratio may be higher because Chinese American women are less likely to receive mammograms than white women. More Chinese Americans are diagnosed with prostate and colon cancer than Chinese in Asia. The lung cancer rate among Chinese Americans is lower than that of Chinese in Asia. This is most likely related to the overall decrease in smoking in the United States compared to Asia.

Adjustment and Adaptation The first group of Chinese immigrants viewed themselves not as immigrants, but as sojourners, who would make money and return to China in three to five years. Many of the early pioneers maintained strong Chinese identity, cultural practices, and life-ways because of the robust anti-Chinese sentiments that enveloped the local and national levels of American sociopolitics. World War II is a watershed period that inspired American patriotism within the Chinese American communities, because China and America were allies fighting Japanese imperialism. From 1942 to 1945, as many as 20,000 Chinese Americans joined the U.S. military. The early years of the Cold War pushed the Chinese American communities to assimilate into American society and culture even more for fear of being charged as un-American Communist sympathizers. Overall, second-, third-, and fourth-generation Chinese Americans have adapted to life in America as Americans of Chinese decent. However, the influx of Chinese immigrants from China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore, as well as Sino-Southeast Asian refugees, have changed the degree of cultural acculturation and assimilation because there are more foreign-born Chinese Americans than there are native born, which results in a stereotype of Chinese Americans, regardless of their time in America, as „perpetual foreigners.‰ The problem with adjustment and adaptation is made more complex because Chinese Americans are considered a „model minority‰ in American society. As a result, racial discrimination and prejudice targeting Chinese Americans are understudied, invisible, and muted in discussions of American racial conflicts.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 311

Two recent incidents of racial discrimination aimed at Chinese Americans are the 1982 Vincent Chin beating and murder, and the 1999 unsubstantiated charges of spying against renowned nuclear scientist Wen Ho Lee. One of the main challenges for the future of Chinese Americans is their ability to undo the label of being „perpetual foreigners.‰

Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals Births Life cycle rituals are more prevalent among recent Chinese American immigrants than Chinese immigrants who arrived earlier because of the differences in degrees of assimilation and acculturation. One example of this is the celebration of a babyÊs first month of life. Traditionally, when a newborn becomes one month old, the family invites family and friends over to celebrate her life. They share a meal of dishes that symbolizes good health and long life, which they wish on the newborn. Red envelopes stuffed with money are also gifted to the baby to ensure he is materially comfortable. This is the babyÊs coming-out party and her first step into joining the larger family and community. This rite of passage is typically not celebrated by second- and third-generation Chinese Americans, especially if there are not elders in their family to organize it.

Chinese American Weddings In the old days, arranged marriages were common practice. Here again, there will be a difference between recent immigrants versus American-born Chinese Americans. For recent immigrants, once a committed couple accepts proposals of marriage, they seek advice from their elders regarding the best date and time for the ceremony. The elders seek the consultation of a fortune teller to see if the union is a compatible one that will lead to success, grandchildren, and wealth. In a traditional Chinese wedding, the bride wears red, a color symbolizing blood, which means life, fertility, and good health. The wedding ceremony is usually performed at home where the bride and groom presents a cup of tea to all their elders, who bless their union and gift them gold and red envelopes stuffed with money to start their new life together. This is followed by a big banquet, usually at a Chinese restaurant. For entertainment, the banquet might include karaoke singing and popular American wedding games. Few will include dancing. Among Chinese Americans who are Christians, their wedding takes place at a church, followed by a banquet. There is a large-scale family dinner that unites not only the newlyweds but the two families. A popular trend among younger Chinese American brides is to wear a white Western-style wedding dress, followed by a

312 | Chinese Immigrants

traditional Chinese red wedding dress called „qipao‰ at the banquet. Compared to the general population, once they marry, Chinese Americans tend to stay married; the divorce rate is less than half that of the general population (4.4% vs. 10%).

Funerals and Death Rituals Death rituals and funerals are important life-cycle moments for all people in the world. Within the Chinese American population and communities, they may take various forms. For Chinese Americans who are Christian, a conventional Christian burial is performed followed by either cremation or burial at the cemetery. For Chinese Americans who are Buddhist, monks are called in to perform the death ritual and the body is cremated. The ash of the person is then placed at a Buddhist mausoleum or on the family altar. This act is important because it symbolizes that the deceased has now become an ancestor, who can, if properly taken care of, protect the living family from misfortune and disharmony. The majority of recent Chinese American immigrants will be informed by Confucian values and customs, and, therefore, will invite a Buddhist monk or Daoist priest to perform the death ritual, usually at a local temple or at home, followed by a burial. The name of the dead person is written on a tablet that will be placed on the familyÊs ancestral altar.

Chinese American funeral ritual, Los Angeles, California. Family and friends present food and paper models of houses and servants. (Courtesy of Jonathan H. X. Lee)

Adjustment and Adaptation | 313

Traditionally, the living survivors will wear white, which symbolizes death because blood is no longer flowing through the body. This is unlike the Western tradition of wearing black. Food is prepared; and paper money and paper models of material goods, such as houses, cars, clothes, TVs, and so on, are purchased and offered to the dead during the funeral ritual. The climax of the ritual is when all the paper goods are burned, which symbolizes that it is being transformed and delivered to the spirit world. The food offering is thus shared by the living and is considered to be blessed. The relationship between the living and the dead is based on a principle of reciprocity and exchange. Each year, during Chinese New Year, the anniversary of the personÊs death, Qingming, and other festival occasions, the living will prepare food, usually the personÊs favorite dishes while alive, and paper goods (such as money and clothes) to offer to the dead ancestor. Incense is burned and used to deliver the votive offerings, prayers, and wishes that the living descendent has made during the ritual to the ancestor. In return for taking care of the ancestors in the spirit world, the ancestors provide good fortune, harmony, and health for the family. However, if the family neglects their duties, the ancestors can cause the family to be chaotic, ill, and poor. Overall, funeral rituals and rituals to commemorate the dead reinforce family solidarity. It provides a way for the living to remember the dead and to bring all living members together to share stories and food. Among recent immigrant Chinese Americans, this practice causes them a lot of concern and anxiety. This is especially true for the elderly who fear their Americanized children and grandchildren will not remember them and therefore, will not honor them as ancestors. If they are not taken care of as ancestors, they become hungry ghosts. Hence, many are concerned about their otherworldly future in America.

Families and Changing Gender Relations Because the first wave of Chinese immigrants were mostly males, there were almost no Chinese American families in the United States in the early days of immigration. For the Chinese males who were able to start families, it was most likely not with a Chinese woman because there were very few of them in America; nor was it with a white woman because of antimiscegenation laws, which prohibited Chinese men from marrying white women. In Hawaii, Chinese men married native Hawaiian or other Asian immigrant women, for example, Japanese, Korean, or Indian. On the West Coast and in the Southwest, they married Native American and Mexican women. During the period of exclusion, 1882 1943, though Chinese immigration nearly stopped, it was the period that witnessed the growth and development of the first generation of American-born Chinese Americans. This period was also the period of paper sons. The War Brides Act of 1945 significantly changed the demographics of Chinese America, because Chinese American soldiers who

314 | Chinese Immigrants

went to battle in China, against the Japanese, married Chinese women, whom they later sponsored to come to the United States through the family reunification clause. In Chinese culture, sex is considered a private matter and is rarely discussed between parent and child. Research indicates that Chinese Americans (and Asian Americans in general) are less likely to engage in premarital sex, have fewer sexual partners, and are often more conservative when it comes to sexual behaviors, attitudes, and practices. Same-sex relationships are often hidden from the family or rarely acknowledged, making it difficult for the adjustment of gay and lesbian children of Chinese American parents, especially if the parents are foreign-born Chinese Americans. Moreover, cases of sexual abuse and violence often remain a secret since acknowledgment would bring shame to the family.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity Chinese Americans, both recent immigrants and older generations, are able to maintain some sense of Chinese cultural practices and identity. Some of this might be an effect of vibrant Chinatown communities throughout all metropolitan cities. In some places, such as Chicago and San Francisco, public schools are offering Chinese-language classes, which provide many second- and third-generation

Children in New York’s Chinatown take part in a lion dance, performed to chase out evil spirits, during Lunar New Year, February 10, 2002. (AP Photo/Graham Morrison)

Adjustment and Adaptation | 315

Chinese American youth the opportunity to maintain a sense of Chinese cultural identity. Many Chinese Americans take an interest in Chinese American history in high school and college, and will identify as Chinese American and take an active interest in Chinese American social issues and politics. Some Chinese American youths are learning about Chinese legends and heroic figures through popular multimedia video games, like Dynasty Warriors. Moreover, because Chinese festivals and holidays are generally celebrated and observed in communities where there are sizable Chinese American populations, it is easier for Chinese American youths to maintain cultural awareness and identity.

Continued Links to Country of Origin There are many reasons for Chinese Americans to maintain ties to China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, or Singapore. Many of the recent Chinese immigrants are transnational immigrants who live and work in both Asia and America. They therefore have the human capital: educational, language, and technological skills to maintain strong transnational ties and connections. In the 1980s and 1990s, second- and third-generation Chinese Americans took an active interest in their Chinese heritage. The civil rights movements of the 1960s and 1970s had given gave birth to Asian American Studies at San Francisco State University in 1969. With a new consciousness and awareness of themselves as Chinese and American, many youth traveled back to China to research their ancestral villages and family histories. New immigrant Chinese American parents will send their children back to China, Hong Kong, or Taiwan to learn Chinese. For Taiwanese American youth, the Love Boat (otherwise formally known as the Overseas Compatriot Youth Formosa Study Tour to Taiwan) is an example of this. The Love Boat provides Taiwanese Americans an opportunity to learn Chinese language and culture. At the same time, it is now an infamous way for young Taiwanese Americans to meet other Taiwanese Americans. It is common for participants to meet on the Love Boat and later get married. Chinese American youths also employ the Internet and social networking sites to stay connected to family and friends in China, Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan. Because of ChinaÊs recent economic development and potential domination of the global economy, many Chinese American parents are encouraging their children to learn Chinese so as to have career opportunities in China in the future. Culturally, Chinese Americans have maintained strong connections to the old country. For instance, there is an elaborate belief and ritual tradition associated with ancestral veneration. During the Qingming Festival, many Chinese Americans will travel back to China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, or Singapore to visit the gravesites of their ancestors to sweep their grave and share a communal meal together. Thus,

316 | Chinese Immigrants

cultural responsibilities and practices are a strong force that keeps Chinese and Chinese American family members connected.

Social Organizations Based on National/Ethnic Background There are many family, district, and clan associations in Chinese America. Family associations or mutual aid associations are based on family lineage and dates back to the early period of Chinese immigration to America. Family associations assisted many new immigrants to adapt to life in America; this is especially important in the early days when anti-Chinese sentiments were red hot. Family associations were based on family names or surnames (e.g., Yee Family Association, Lee Family Association, Wong Family Association, and so on). Membership in the family association is not voluntary but assumed upon arrival. The next associational level is known as huiguan, an association is composed of groups of family associations who share the same surname. The principle of the huiguan is that people with the same surnames are somehow related and a link may be traced back to the same ancestor. So, even though members of the huiguan are not closely related, they are considered part of the same family. Like family associations, membership is not voluntary but assumed upon arrival. In the 1950s, family associations and huiguan came under fire because of largescale fraud and false claims of family relationships that resulted in so-called paper sons and paper families. In 1956, the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service issued a blanket subpoena for all the records of the family associations in New York and San Francisco. The Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Society challenged the subpoena and were able to maintain their private records. The San Yap and Sze Yap are two district associations that played important roles in early Chinese America. Both were founded in San Francisco, in 1851, for the purpose of defending themselves against white anti-Chinese sentiments and discrimination. The San Yap association is composed of immigrants from three districts: Nanhai, Panyu, and Shunde. While the Sze Yap is composed of immigrant members from four districts: Taishan, Xinhui, Kaiping, and Enping. Both are originally from the Pearl River Delta region of Guangdong. Lastly, there are tongs, secret societies founded by Chinese immigrants in the United States. The original tongs were based on triad societies in China that were founded in the 18th and 19th centuries, who were opposed to the Qing Dynasty and European colonialism. Like the family and district associations and huiguans, tongs provided mutual aid and support for the Chinese immigrants. Tongs provided social services and security for the immigrant Chinese populations. They protected Chinese immigrant communities from attacks. Shortly after their formation, tongs became associated with criminal activities. Eventually, the various tongs competed with one another and resulted in what was called the „tong wars.‰

Adjustment and Adaptation | 317

Since 1965, many family and district associations remain. The tongs became more focused on mutual aid, but the negative image of criminal activities remains. In 1996, the Hip Sing Tong headquarter in San Francisco changed its name to Hip Sing Association. Even so, it was raided by the police in a major drug bust. Besides family associations, huiguans, and tongs, there are also new religious institutions, mostly Buddhist, that provide the same kind of mutual and social services that earlier ethnic associations provided to early immigrants.

Chinese American Religions Among the influx of Asian immigrants entering the United States, the Chinese were the first to arrive. A vast majority of the first wave of Chinese immigrants who landed in California during the 19th century came from Guangdong Province. Many came with aspirations of finding gold and returning to China, but many ended up settling in farming communities in gold rush towns and around railroads, or along the western coastline, extending from Baja, California, to Vancouver, Canada. The Chinese pioneers were quartered off in so-called Chinatowns, where they established businesses, schools, and religious centers. Chinese American communities comprise a culturally distinct population outside the PeopleÊs Republic of China, the Republic of China of Taiwan, and the states and territories where ethnic Chinese are either a majority population or a significant cultural force (e.g., Singapore). Like migrants the world over, the Chinese brought their religious rituals and beliefs with them. The principal religions of China are Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism, jointly practiced in combination with popular folk traditions and rituals. The majority of the early Chinese would have practiced all of them at sometime. Privately, Chinese religion is practiced at home, around the family altar, with shrines dedicated to Tudi Gong (the Earth God), ancestors, and, depending on inclination, various other deities·both Buddhist and/or Daoist. In 19th- and early 20th-century China, it would have been unthinkable for a community not to have a Buddhist temple. However, for many years, the various exclusionary acts barred Buddhist monks from coming to America to establish temples and serve the immigrant Chinese population. In contrast, Daoist temples do not require the presence of a resident priest, such that a temple committee can oversee its daily functions. In the absence of Daoist priests, temple caretakers made sure that the temple was maintained in proper ritual condition. The heart of the Chinese temple is not the main shrine to the deity, but rather, the incense burner, or brazier·the indispensable furnishing of every temple·holding sticks of incense presented to the deity communicating the officiatesÊ prayers. If possible, ashes from a „mother‰ temple in China would have been placed in the new „daughter‰ incense burner to enliven the magical powers of the deity. Curling smoke flows upward to vanish into the other realm, carrying with it the prayers,

318 | Chinese Immigrants

hopes, and wishes of devotees. Hence, it is the lighting and placement of the incense in the urn that is significant. As wishes and prayers are answered, as people live another day, another month, another year, they return to express gratitude, to inquire about the future, to seek assistance. The ashes that accumulate gain magical potency and may be used to make talismans or are used in medicinal potions. To most Chinese and early Chinese Americans, religious life and ritual was not confined to a particular religious faith (unless they were Christian or they solely identified as Buddhists or Daoists). Still, Chinese religions and religious specialists provided services in the spiritual marketplace, whereby a client would seek the most efficacious ritual specialists. A community facing draughts or floods, a family facing hard times and illness might call upon a Daoist priest to exorcise demons and ghosts deemed to be the cause of suffering. A family in need of a funerary ritual, blessing, or purification might call upon a Buddhist monk. Together, Buddhism and Daoism provide the community with ritual specialists for various reasons and at various passages of life. Daoism in particular stresses change and transformation from one season to the next, from one form to another, from one way of life (Chinese) to another (American)·the transition facilitated by the gods and goddesses. The Daoist pantheon is vast and encompasses gods from all periods of Chinese history. Some were real historical figures, others deifications of natural phenomena (such as planets and stars), still others are the embodiment of fear and plagues. Daoism is a religion well structured to meet the new immigrantsÊ needs and, as conditions and needs change, there is always room on a Daoist altar for a new deity. Two of the most popular deities in early Chinese immigrant communities were Guangong (a.k.a. Guangdi), the martial emperor of literature, wealth, and social harmony; and Tianhou (a.k.a. Mazu), the goddess of the sea, the empress of heaven, who safely guided ships to America. Buddhism meets the needs of immigrants in similar fashion. It also offers a vast pantheon of deities in the form of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, beings of great merit who compassionately postponed their own enlightenment to save all beings from suffering. Although the Buddhas and bodhisattvas are all mythical figures, they too are adaptable and are worshipped jointly with their Daoist counterparts. The most popular bodhisattva is Guanyin, the bodhisattva of compassion who is enshrined in all Chinese temples in America and popularly venerated at many home altars. Buddhism also reinforces the importance placed on ancestral veneration, offering rituals that surviving family members can perform to benefit their ancestorsÊ souls, and possibly enhance their chances for a better rebirth·maintaining family solidarity through memory. The hardest religion to discern is Confucianism, commonly considered the „invisible‰ tradition, as it has neither deities nor priests. Confucian temples in China are called wenmiao (Temples of Culture) to underscore their function in honoring

Adjustment and Adaptation | 319

Confucius as a great teacher. Confucian ethics and values are expressed in family and social relationships, in day-to-day human interaction. According to Confucianism, the „authentic‰ person is one who fulfills all her social obligations. All people have multiple social ties to one another: we are simultaneously parents and children, teachers and students, older and younger within the fabric of our community, and we are spouses, partners, and friends. The goal then is to perfect oneself through learning, to carry out the duties that these multiple relationships entail·to be a truly devoted spouse, a loving child, a true friend, and so forth. It is a difficult project, but with help from family members, teachers, neighbors, and friends, it is a collective effort. The Confucian traditions provided for social familial harmony and ancestral veneration. From the beginning, Chinese pioneers in America have established family and clan associations, connected to a religious center, as was the case with the Auburn Joss House, founded by a group of brothers in Auburn, California. Others were established based on common place of origin such as HanfordÊs San Yup Association and Taoist Temple. Through the relationships cultivated by these religious-community associations, newcomers could find support and comfort as they built a new life. Although Christianity is not a traditional Chinese religion, it has had a huge impact on Chinese religious life in cultural China and America. Early Chinese Christian churches were established by missionaries of American dominations. One of the first Chinese Christian churches was founded in San FranciscoÊs Chinatown in the early 1850s. Many new churches established by Chinese Americans are nondenominational and tend to be conservative in religious and political ideology. By the mid-1990s, there were more than 800 churches founded by the immigrant Chinese themselves. Like Chinese temples, some churches preserve select Confucian values (e.g., respect for elders) and hold Chinese language classes.

Language Issues The majority of first-generation Chinese American youth will be bilingual, speaking English as well as some dialect of Chinese: Cantonese, Mandarin, or Taiwanese. Language barriers between first- and second-generation Chinese Americans are the primary cause of generational conflicts. Many Chinese American parents, especially recent immigrants, will demand that their children only speak Chinese at home. In addition, they are required to attend Chinese language schools on the weekends. Second- and third-generation Chinese Americans are more likely to not be able to speak, read, or write Chinese. For some, this may cause an identity crisis.

National/Regional-Language Press and Other Media The Golden Hill News, established in San Francisco in 1854, and the Oriental, established in 1856, are the two oldest Chinese-language newspapers in America.

320 | Chinese Immigrants

These two newspapers flourished until the turn of the 20th century. The Chinese Times and Chinese Pacific Weekly succeeded them. These two focused much of their reporting on immigration issues. By 1999, there were 40 Chinese language newspapers in the United States reaching nearly one million readers. In the 1990s, Ming Pao, a Chinese-language newspaper based in Hong Kong, established two overseas branches in the United States: Ming Pao New York and Ming Pao San Francisco. Both cover local news, collect local advertisements, and provide independent reporting and journalism. By 2009, both Ming Pao New York and Ming Pao San Francisco ceased operations. Chinese Americans can also receive newspapers from Taiwan, China, Singapore, and Hong Kong. For example, Renmi ri bao is the official newspaper of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China; Ming Pao reports daily news from Hong Kong; Lianhe zaobao is a daily newspaper from Singapore; and Taipei Times and the China Post are from Taiwan. Today, many Chinese Americans who are not bilingual in English can get local, national, and global news through various ethnic Chinese media outlets. Many of them are available through cable television in metropolitan areas where there are sizable Chinese American populations: for example, China Central Television (CCT) from China or Chung TÊien Television (CTi TV) based in Taiwan. ETTV America is a Chinese-language news broadcasting channel in the United States that is a subsidiary of Eastern Television of Taiwan. Chinese ethnic media in the United States allows many recent immigrants to obtain important news about their local communities, U.S. national news, and news about their home country that are important to their lives. Chinese ethnic media in America has also encouraged Chinese Americans to vote and participate in politics as a way to fight discrimination aimed at Chinese residents in America.

Celebration of National Holidays Chinese Americans, from recent immigrants to fourth-generation Americans, continue to maintain some traditional Chinese holidays and festivals; many also celebrate Western and American holidays as well, such as Thanksgiving and July 4 Independence Day. The most popular Chinese holiday celebrated within the United States is the Chinese Lunar New Year, or Spring Festival, which commences on the first day of the first lunar month (generally corresponding to the end of January or beginning of February in the Gregorian solar calendar). Traditional activities are informed by Chinese myths, folklore, and folk customs, which emphasize luck and prosperity of the New Year. For example, popular activities include: wearing red, which symbolizes blood and life; eating oranges, which symbolize nuggets of gold and wealth; and setting firecrackers to scare away evil spirits and bad luck, and to make room for fortune and good energy. Homes will be cleaned from top to bottom to start the New

Adjustment and Adaptation | 321

Year fresh and clean. Today, the largest Chinese New Year celebration takes place in San Francisco. This San Francisco Chinese New Year Parade is televised globally and is one of the biggest cultural civil celebrations of its kind in the city. One celebration that is not as public as the Chinese New Year celebration is the Lantern Festival, which marks the end of the New Year. The Lantern Festival is celebrated on a smaller scale, through families and locally in Chinatowns across America. Other Chinese festivals celebrated on a smaller scale within Chinese American communities across the United States include the Qingming Festival (Clear and Bright Festival), a day devoted to remembering and venerating ancestors. Many recent Chinese American immigrants will return to China, Taiwan, or Hong Kong to celebrate this holiday. The other popular celebration is the Mid-Autumn Festival, a day connected to celebration of the harvest moon, where family members gather to view the beauty and magnificence of the full moon. One main similarity between Chinese festivals and holidays and American and Western festivals and holidays is the emphasis on family gathering and solidarity. The continuation of Chinese cultural festivals and holidays are key ways to educate younger Chinese Americans about the customs and heritages of cultural China. It reinforces their identity and identification with the Chinese American communities and reinforces the importance of multicultural celebrations as a means of being people together.

Foodways There are roughly 41,000 Chinese restaurants in the United States, three times the number of McDonaldsÊ franchise units. Chinese food has long been available in a form that suits American tastes, which is more correctly called „Chinese American food‰ because it has been purposely adapted to meet the needs of non-Chinese customers. Due to changes in immigration policies that revived Chinatown communities and changed the demographic composition of Chinese America, both more authentic Chinese cuisine and American versions are available at restaurants in large cities like San Francisco, Los Angeles, New York, Boston, and Chicago. Some Chinese American dishes are created in America (e.g., chop suey, made of finely chopped meat (usually pork) and vegetables, mixed in a brown sauce). The other famous Chinese American invention is the fortune cookie. Common dishes available at a Chinese American restaurant, such as the popular Panda Express or P.F. ChangÊs China Bistro, are: wanton or egg drop soup, fried rice, egg foo young (a thick omelet served in a brown sauce), chow mein, moo goo gai pan (sautéed chicken with crispy vegetables in a white sauce), several sweet-and-sour dishes, among others. Most dishes are served with white rice. The biggest influence in

322 | Chinese Immigrants

Fortune Cookies Every Americanized Chinese restaurant in the United States serves its customers a complimentary fortune cookie. These cookies are folded into a curved shape, resembling an ancient Chinese gold nugget. They are light yellow, sweet, and crisp, made from white flour, vanilla, oil, and sugar. Each one contains a “fortune,” a strip of paper with a prediction, a Chinese proverb, and lottery numbers. Early fortune cookies featured biblical quotes, whereas their contemporary versions are much less serious. The fortunes are usually mystifying and funny, including sagely advice attributed to Confucius. Many Americans think the fortune cookie is a Chinese invention, an import from China from the early days. It is not. In fact, it is a Chinese American invention. The fortune cookie was not introduced to China until the 1990s, and even then, it was advertised as “Genuine American Fortune Cookies.” The fortune cookie was most likely invented in San Francisco’s Chinatown. The inventor of the cookie is still unknown. As far back as the 19th century, Japan had a similar cookie called omikuji. Many Japanese bakers claimed that they modified the cookie in America. David Jung, founder of the Hong Kong Noodle Company, claims he invented the cookie back in 1918. Fortune cookies were originally all handmade with chopsticks until the late 1960s. Founder of the Lotus Fortune Cookie Company Edward Louie invented the first fortune cookie folding machine in San Francisco, California. These days, some 3 billion fortune cookies are produced annually in the United States. Wonton Food, based in Brooklyn, New York, is the largest fortune cookie manufacture in the world and makes 4.5 million cookies a year. Fortune cookies have become an iconic symbol of Chinese American cuisine.

Chinese American food is Cantonese because early Chinese immigrants were from the Canton region of the Pearl River Delta. After 1965, food lovers wanting an authentic Chinese food experience could find it at Chinese restaurants in the rejuvenated Chinatowns or suburban Chinese communities. There are many Chinese farms in the United States selling Chinese vegetables, such as bok choy, Chinese broccoli, bitter melon, and bean sprouts. There are large supermarkets selling Chinese ingredients and condiments. There are even Chinese herbal stores that sell Chinese luxury spices and herbs, including shark fins. Besides Cantonese-style cuisine, Americans can find other authentic ethnic Chinese foods, such as Hunan-, Taiwan-, Sichuan-, Nanjing-, Shanghaistyle restaurants and foods. Sino-Southeast Asian restaurants offer another level

Adjustment and Adaptation | 323

of diversity and flavor profile for American food lovers. Dim sum has become a popular tradition among many in the United States. Dim sum literally translates to „little hearts‰ or „little eats‰ and is a popular brunch option for Chinese American families, regardless of their time in the United States. The small dishes are similar to Spanish tapas, served with tea, and eaten with family and friends. The Chinese wok, soy sauce, oyster sauce, and black bean sauce are now common items in many homes. Several cooking shows, the most famous of which is PBSÊs Martin Yang Can Cook, brought Chinese cooking techniques and dishes to many American homes.

Music, Arts, and Entertainment There are several institutions in Chinese America devoted to traditional forms of Chinese music. The most notable is the Chinese Music Society of North America and Chinese Performing Artists of America. The North American Guqin Association is directed by Wang Fei and celebrates the guqin instrument: a seven-stringed plucked zither that goes back 5,000 years. Most Chinese folk music is performed during holiday celebrations, such as Lunar New Year celebration, Autumn Festival, and weddings. The most famous Chinese American musician today is French-born and American-based cello master, Yo-Yo Ma. Yo-Yo MaÊs music reflects his classical training and interest in musical styles from America, Central Asia, and South America. He is a Grammy Award winner who has produced more than 70 albums and currently performs with the Silk Road Ensemble, a collective of musicians from dozens of countries. Some Chinese American rapper and hip-hop artists are creating a niche for themselves in the American popular music scene. The Mountain Brothers were a hip-hop act that was active from 1991 to 2003, based in Pennsylvania. Jin is a rapper from New York. The only other popular Chinese Filipino American hip-hop musician is FloridaÊs SouthStar, who had a top 40 hit, „Tell Me,‰ in 2002. Historically, and unfortunately, even today, Chinese Americans have been stereotypically represented in entertainment. Chinese American men are represented as being mousy, untrustworthy, weak, and effeminate. Chinese American women are represented as immoral, hypersexual, and seductive. Early on, Chinese American actors and actresses were not hired to play Chinese roles; instead, white actors were hired. They work „yellow-face‰ make-up, fake queues, and traditional Chinese clothes. The Flower Drum Song (1961) was made into a motion picture. Though the cast was not all Chinese, it was the first musical and motion picture to be about a Chinese American family in Chinatown. Bruce Lee became a big international kung fu superstar, and his fame within Chinese America remains. To combat the negative stereotypes and racialized images of Chinese Americans in

324 | Chinese Immigrants

entertainment, Chinese American filmmaker Wayne Wang, among others, made his own film, the best known being the adaptation of the best-selling novel by Chinese American author Amy Tan, The Joy Luck Club (1993). Recently, Justin Lin, a Taiwanese American filmmaker, independently funded and directed Better Luck Tomorrow (2002). Better Luck Tomorrow was very popular among Asian American youths because it portrayed Asian American overachievers who were involved in petty crime and material excess. Maya Ying Lin is a Chinese American architect and sculptor who is best known for designing the Vietnam Veterans Memorial on the Washington Mall. I. M. Pei is another world-famous Chinese American architect best known for his sleek modernist steel and glass skyscrapers. Vera Wang is a popular fashion designer based in New York. Vera Wang became popular with her luxurious high-end wedding dresses. In addition, there are a lot of great Chinese American literary figures: Jade Snow Wong (author of Fifth Chinese Daughter [1950]), Maxine Hong Kingston (author of Women Warrior: Memoirs of a Girlhood Among Ghosts [1976]), Amy Tan (author of The Joy Luck Club [1989]), and Shawn Wong (author of Homebase [1979]), just to name a few. They have all explored the meaning of being Chinese in America and the complex issues of cultural identity and generational conflicts.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Second and subsequent generations of Chinese Americans have less political interest in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Singapore because they identify themselves as American and consider the United States their homeland. Generally speaking Chinese Americans, especially recent immigrants from China, tend to favor American presidents who have actively promoted diplomatic relations with China. Taiwanese Americans favor presidents who are public about their support of TaiwanÊs autonomy, regardless of political affiliation. Chinese American integration into American society has been faced with many barriers. While some Chinese Americans have established themselves and achieved their own versions of the „American dream‰ of home ownership, a comfortable family life, and financial stability, discrimination has prevented many from achieving personal and career goals. Historically, Chinese immigrants were prevented from owning land and acquiring citizenship through naturalization because they were not „white.‰ While there are no such laws today, there are still unofficial barriers to success. A „bamboo ceiling‰ prevents many Chinese Americans from reaching upper levels of management, and they are underrepresented in certain industries. Portrayals of Chinese Americans in the media have also drawn upon racist and stereotypical caricatures, such as the evil Fu Manchu, the domineering dragon lady, and the submissive butterfly.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 325

Paths Toward Citizenship Citizenship and Naturalization Legally all ethnic Chinese born in the United States are American citizens as a result of the Fourteenth Amendment and the 1898 United States v. Wong Kim Ark Supreme Court decision. Wong Kim Ark was a Chinese American born in San Francisco. His parents moved back to China in 1890. In 1895, after coming back from visiting his parents in China, Wong was detained and denied entry, based on the fact that he was of Chinese decent, even though he was born in San Francisco. The U.S. Supreme Court recognized Wong as a U.S. citizen because of the Fourteenth Amendment, because he was born in America. It also declared the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act could not be retroactively used to deny American-born Chinese their rights to citizenship. Things did not change for Chinese immigrants until the passage of the 1943 Magnuson Act, which permitted naturalization of Asian immigrants, repealing the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. The Immigration Act of 1965 finally allowed all Asian immigrants, regardless of their country of origin, immigration and naturalization rights. Today, nearly three-quarters (70.2%) of the Chinese American population are U.S. citizens; 58.8 percent of them are naturalized citizens. Chinese Americans generally exhibit very high rates of naturalization; however, this is less true among the recent immigrants who have been slower to seek citizenship.

Dual Citizenship Upon naturalization, Chinese immigrants are required to renounce their former citizenship. Mainland China, the PeopleÊs Republic of China (PRC), does not recognize dual citizenship and considers this oath a renunciation of PRC citizenship and rights. Conversely, Chinese American immigrants from Taiwan are allowed dual citizenship because Taiwan allows it.

Intergroup Relations Although there is a lot of diversity among the various Chinese American communities, these communities do come together smoothly because they share a common Chinese heritage and history. Though they may disagree about politics in their home countries, they experience similar challenges in America, which connects them. Although homeland politics, such as the politics between China and Taiwan, may cause tension among first-generation Chinese Americans, it does not appear to have as strong a force among second- and third-generation Chinese Americans.

326 | Chinese Immigrants

Forging a New American Political Identity Early Chinese American immigrants were banned from political participation because they were not allowed to become naturalized citizens. This did not change until 1943 when the Chinese Exclusion Act was repealed for military, political, and economic reasons. In the early 20th century, West Coast and East Coast Chinese Americans united to establish the Chinese American Citizens Alliance (CACA) to organize voter registrations among Chinese Americans. The CACA were instrumental in getting Congress to repeal the 1882 Chinese Exclusion Act that banned Chinese immigration until 1943. The civil rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s drew more Chinese Americans into American politics, at which time the Chinese for Affirmative Action and the Chinese Progressive Association were both founded in San Francisco. They fought for greater political enfranchisement and better working and living conditions. The violent killing of Vincent Chin in 1982, again, fueled many Chinese Americans to become politically active, especially with regards to civil rights struggles. Gradually, Chinese American political participation and identity is shifting from the local to the national, especially in cities where there are sizable Chinese American populations. On the national scene, Daniel K. Akaka, part Chinese and part native Hawaiian, was the first to be elected to the U.S. House of Representative in 1976. Akaka was also elected to the U.S. Senate in 1990. Chinese American Gary Faye Locke was elected the 21st governor of Washington state on November 5, 1996. Locke is the current United States Secretary of Commerce in President Barack ObamaÊs administration. Steven Chu is the 1997 Nobel Prize physicist who was named Secretary of Energy in President ObamaÊs administration.

Public Policies and Political Representation Chinese American political participation is complex when considering the type of political activity and political affiliation. Chinese Americans may seem to be less inclined to attend political rallies, but they are more inclined, compared to other ethnic groups, to donate money to candidates running for office. Chinese Americans also have a strong rate of party loyalty. In 1984, a San Francisco study showed that more Chinese Americans are registered Democrats (36.4%), as compared to Republicans (21.4%). In 1984, Chinese Americans voted for Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan over Democratic candidate Walter Mondale by 67 to 32 percent. In 1992, President William Clinton got 39 percent of the Chinese American vote, while George H. W. Bush received 33 percent. In 2000, 64 percent of Chinese Americans voted for Al Gore, while George W. Bush received 21 percent of their vote. Similarly, in 2004, Democratic presidential candidate John Kerry received the majority of Chinese American votes. Democrats continued to receive

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 327

the majority of Chinese American support in 2008, when they overwhelming voted for President Barack Obama. In the realm of public policy, Chinese American voters tend to be conservative on favoring the death penalty and not giving amnesty to undocumented aliens. However, they are progressive when it comes to bilingual education and universal health care. It appears that Chinese Americans do not vote based on party line, but rather on the merits of each individual issue.

Return Immigration There are intense transnational activities among Chinese American peoples. Most of it is economic in nature as many Chinese technocrats live and work between Asia and the United States. A large percentage of Chinese immigrants from China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Singapore who arrive in the United States are armed with well-developed cultural capital, technologically sophisticated skills, and material wealth; these economic advantages make them different from earlier Chinese immigrants. They have been described as high-tech transnationals of todayÊs booming Chinese American „ethnoburbs.‰ They are able to utilize their political, educational, and economic capital to circumvent bureaucratic red tape and benefit from different nation-state regimes by selecting multiple sites for investments, work, and family relocation. This has created transnational Chinese American families, who are „split‰ between China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, and the United States. Transnationalism among Chinese American families is also affecting the sphere of politics: In the 2004 and 2008 presidential elections in Taiwan, many Taiwanese Americans traveled back to the island to vote because absentee voting is not allowed, but Taiwanese Americans who hold a Taiwan passport may return to Taiwan to vote in elections. There were approximately 2,000 Taiwanese New Yorkers who returned to vote in 2004; and nearly 10,000 Taiwanese Americans from California returned to Taiwan in 2008 to vote. Scholars call this phenomenon „political transnationalism,‰ whereby Chinese Americans from China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan actively participate through donations and votes in the politics of their native countries, especially with regard to U.S. foreign policy. Recently, because China is developing and modernizing at tremendous levels, some Chinese American scientists and engineers are returning to China to take high-status and high-paying positions. For example, Dr. Shi Yigong resigned from Princeton University to work as dean of life sciences at Tsinghua University in Beijing. It is predicted that more and more Chinese American scientists will return to China to work because in China, their career will not be limited by the so-called bamboo ceiling.

328 | Chinese Immigrants

The Second and Later Generations Ethnic Identity Even though the majority of Chinese Americans are foreign-born first-generation immigrants, roughly 25 percent are American-born or American-raised children of immigrant parents. The preponderance of them have grown up in two-parent nuclear families, with only a small number raised in extended families, and even less in transnationally „split families.‰ Exposed to two different cultures, Chinese and American, Eastern and Western, these Chinese Americans must negotiate their two worlds. Chinese immigrant families play an important role in socializing and transmitting Chinese values, norms, and ideals to the younger generation. In these households, immigrant parents expect their children to behave in accordance with the Confucian virtues that emphasize filial piety, respect for elders, self-discipline, studiousness, sacrifice, and hard work. Many Chinese immigrants attach great significance to their childrenÊs educational achievements and expect them to move up socioeconomically through determined efforts, with the hope that their next generation will bring honor to the family and take care of them in old age. A childÊs failure to live up to cultural expectations is often attributed to the flaws of American and Western norms and values, in addition to a childÊs laziness or lack of self-discipline. Structural and institutional obstacles also exist in U.S. society that limit the ability of American-born-and-raised Chinese American youths from acculturating and assimilating fully into the mainstream American culture. The stereotypical representation of Chinese Americans and other Asian Americans as a racialized model minority artificially homogenizes all Asian American communities as being the same, and it is employed as a weapon to incite interethnic racial conflicts. The model minority stereotypes unfairly lays blame on blacks, Latinos, and Native American Indians for not succeeding educationally and socioeconomically because their cultural values do not focus on education, such as the Asian Americans. This line of thinking leads to racial divisions and heightens racial conflicts among ethnic minorities in the United States. With multiple institutional forces that operate simultaneously to pull in or push out second and subsequent generations of Chinese Americans, they find themselves in the ongoing process of defining who they are. Accordingly, they have developed a continuum of identities, ranging from a complete identification with mainstream Euro-America to an adherence to the pan-ethnic Asian American identity. This process of self-definition is full of conflicts and reconciliations. Navigating two different worlds, Chinese American children and youths have already noted that there is a cultural gap between themselves and their immigrant parents, and this gap can translate into intergenerational conflicts and arguments over some issues, such as consumption behavior, dating, marriage, education, career, and cultural expressions.

The Second and Later Generations | 329

Youth Profile A Chinese Cambodian Makes His Way in Chicago Johnny Ngo was born in Evanston, Illinois, in May 1994. Both his parents are Chinese Cambodians who were born in Cambodia. Johnny’s father lived in Cambodia and grew up there until his late twenties when he immigrated to the United States. His mother’s family escaped Cambodia as refugees following the Fall of Saigon in April 1975. Johnny’s mother lived in Cambodian until she was 11 or 12 years old. Both his parents immigrated to America as refugees in 1981. Upon arriving in the United States, Johnny’s mother’s family settled in California, first in San Francisco, but since the weather was too cold for his grandmother, (Courtesy of Johnny M. Ngo) who was used to the tropical heat and humidity of Southeast Asia, they relocated to Los Angeles. Johnny’s father resettled in Chicago, where he was able to find a job in a factory making hearing aids. Johnny has two siblings, a younger brother and a younger sister. Johnny is the oldest and therefore has a lot of responsibilities as he is expected to be a good role model for his siblings. Johnny attends Whitney M. Young Magnet High School in Chicago, and his interests are music, science, computers, and Chinese. He also participates in the Asian American Culture Club at his school. At home, Johnny’s parents usually speak to him in Cantonese and sometimes English. At school, Johnny is studying Mandarin Chinese. Johnny admits that Cantonese is his first language, and even though his parents speak to him in Cantonese, he is unable, for the most part, to speak to them, although is he able to understand most of what they say. Today, Johnny mainly considers himself to be Asian American because he is not just Chinese, but also part Vietnamese and Cambodian. Johnny’s heritage is mainly Chinese, but since he is not fully Chinese, he does not want to ignore his Cambodian and Vietnamese heritage, of which he is proud.

330 | Chinese Immigrants

In the future, Johnny hopes to be able to travel to Taiwan and China. He wants to go to college but does not know what he wants to study because he does not know what he wants to be in the future. He would like to move to California and live with his grandfather in Los Angeles. In his spare time, Johnny likes to explore the inside of his computer. He is also good at computer technology and knows how to get rid of viruses that appear on home computers. He is good at troubleshooting when there are problems on his home computers, which his mother is very happy about. Johnny has studied piano since he was 6 or 7 years old and has been playing the flute since he was 10 years old. He also likes to play Ping-Pong with his friends. In addition, he likes Japanese anime comics such as Yu-Gi-Oh! and Pokemon video games. Living in a metropolitan city like Chicago, Johnny finds it easy to be Chinese/ Asian American. He sometimes gets remarks about his darker skin tone, since other Chinese, especially if they are from the northern parts of mainland China, have lighter skin tone. Johnny is often times mistaken as Filipino and sometimes even Mexican. Most people he meets find his mixed-heritage of Chinese, Cambodian, and Vietnamese backgrounds unique and interesting.

An eight-year-old Chinese American girl reviews homework for her Chinese language and culture class with her immigrant grandfather in Schenectady, New York. (Ellen B. Senisi/The Image Works)

The Second and Later Generations | 331

Youth Profile Traveling Beckons Sailing Tang was born in Riverside, California, in July 1996. She currently attends Patriot High School. Sailing has four siblings: two sisters and two brothers. She is the middle child. Sailing’s favorite subject is algebra. She likes to go to school not only to learn, but to spend time with her friends. Sailing’s father immigrated to America from Hong Kong to get his education. Her mother, a Chinese Cambodian, immigrated to America to escape the Khmer Rouge’s Killing Fields. The Killing Fields is the name of a historical period of genocide in Cambodia. The Khmer Rouge regime, Democratic Kampuchea, lasted from April 1975 until January 1979. It would become one of the most radical and brutal periods in world history. There (Courtesy of Sailing Jane Tang) were four years of starvation and slavery. It is estimated that 1.5 to 2 million Cambodians died under the Khmer Rouge. Historians have called it the Cambodian Holocaust, a pogrom of ethnic cleansing and societal reform that still haunts many survivors and their descendants. Sailing does not speak Chinese, although she is able to understand some Cantonese because her mother and father speak to her in that language. She is also able to understand a little Chaozhou, another dialect of Chinese that her grandmother and grandfather use to speak to her. She sometimes speaks Cantonese with her grandfather, but mostly speaks English with her siblings, friends, and even with her parents, although they will reply to her in Cantonese. Sailing self-identifies as being Chinese American and sometimes Asian American. She wishes there were more Asian American actors and actresses on TV and in the movies, saying that it is hard for her to be Asian since there are no role models. She is aware that there are not a lot of famous Chinese Americans, especially where she lives in Riverside. She says that there are not a lot of Asian Americans where she lives, so it is difficult for her to relate to others.

332 | Chinese Immigrants

Sailing’s favorite hobbies are swimming and going to the beach. She likes any sport that has to do with water. She has been camping in Yosemite State Park and has been to Las Vegas, Nevada, several times. Sailing wants to travel to Hong Kong or China one day. She plans on going to college and wants to be able to travel the world and visit all the beaches.

Cultural Identification Living across borders, Chinese American transnationals break down the identification of nation and state. Geographic boundaries no longer solely define citizenship, nationality, and identity. Chinese and Chinese American identities are now increasingly defined more by culture and less by nation-state. Future generations of Chinese Americans might come to conclude that there is no such thing as authentic „Chinese-ness‰ because the notion of what it means to be Chinese or Chinese American is fluid and ever-changing.

Issues in Relations between the United States and China President Richard Nixon made a historic state visit to China in February 21, 1972, to meet with Chairman Mao Zedong. This visit and the Ping-Pong diplomacy of 1971 paved the way for normalization of Sino-American diplomatic relations in 1979. In recent years, China has demonstrated strong support in the United States led flight against global terrorism. ChinaÊs recent economic development requires that strong U.S.-China relations continue well into the future. President Barack ObamaÊs administration has expanded dialogue with China to actively engage the Chinese government in critical issues facing the world today, as well as the prosperity of both nations: politics, military, global trade, energy, climate change, human rights, and regional security, all of which are important for the peace and security of not only China and the United States, but for the world. There are other issues that depend on positive U.S.-China relations, such as American families adopting Chinese babies. During periods of economic downturn, U.S.-China foreign relations must remain strong and positive because Chinese Americans have historically been employed as scapegoats during these periods. U.S.-China policy must also keep in mind U.S.-Taiwan diplomatic relations, as China-Taiwan conflicts are ripe with potential pitfalls.

Forecasts for the 21st Century Chinese America is very diverse, linguistically, culturally, generationally, socioeconomically, politically, religiously, and ethnically. The demographic indicators show

Appendix I: Migration Statistics | 333

that in the 21st century, the Chinese American population will shift from being predominately foreign born to American born. Issues and concerns over immigration reform and policies will occupy a central place in American public discourse. As Chinese Americans move further into AmericaÊs heartland, interethnic and interracial challenges will arise, alongside community coalition building. Chinese Americans will continue to struggle against negative stereotypes of them as „perpetual foreigners‰ and therefore unassimilable and un-American, especially as China becomes a larger economic and political competitor to the United States in the global arena. Chinese Americans will need to continue to advance themselves in the political arenas domestically to ensure civil rights protection, social equality, educational opportunities, and economic equity in terms of pay. Registered Chinese American voters will also need to address the issue of undocumented Chinese residents when they vote on immigration reform. The Queer Chinese American movement will become more public and visible in the future. Future generations of Chinese Americans will negotiate the complex identities as both Chinese and American in an ever-changing social, political, economic, and global context. Therefore, Chinese American communities and peoples will remain, now and into the future, an interesting topic of research and scholarship.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics

Table 49 Chinese American population by leading U.S. states. Data based on 2000 U.S. Census State California

Population 1,122,187

New York

451,859

Hawaii

170,803

Texas

121,588

New Jersey

110,263

Massachusetts

92,380

Illinois

86,095

Washington

75,884

Florida

59,280

Pennsylvania

56,831

Source: U.S. Census (2000).

Table 50 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009. Region/country: China Characteristic

Total

Male

Female

Total

64,238

27,989

36,249

Leading states of residence Arizona

499

162

337

17,139

7,471

9,668

616

249

367

1,366

519

847

Georgia

859

343

516

Hawaii

605

293

312

Illinois

1,739

704

1,035

Maryland

1,195

492

703

Massachusetts

2,202

947

1,255

Michigan

711

259

452

Minnesota

524

195

329

Nevada

518

201

317

New Jersey

2,271

930

1,341

New York

California Connecticut Florida

19,921

9,906

10,015

North Carolina

709

245

464

Ohio

774

270

504

Pennsylvania

1,620

704

916

Texas

2,616

1,053

1,563

Virginia

1,126

420

706

Washington

1,474

522

952

Other

5754

2,104

3,650

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

334

Table 51 Chinese American population by leading U.S. cities City

Population

San Francisco, California

160,947

Queens Borough, New York

147,037

Brooklyn Borough, New York

125,358

Manhattan Borough, New York

91,588

Los Angeles, California

73,868

Honolulu, Hawaii

68,849

Source: U.S. Census (2000). Note: Table includes only cities with a total Chinese population of over 30,000.

335

Table 52 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by broad class of admission and region and country of birth: Fiscal year 2009 Region and country of birth

Total

Family-sponsored preferences

Employmentbased preferences

Immediate relatives of U.S. citizens

Diversity

Refugees and asylees

Other

Region Total

1,130,818

211,859

144,034

535,554

47,879

177,368

14,124

Africa

127,050

5,450

5,707

45,823

24,122

45,315

633

Asia

413,312

81,218

78,881

168,366

13,536

69,561

1,750

336

Europe

105,398

4,393

23,529

55,844

8,737

10,453

2,442

North America

375,236

106,602

19,839

196,817

437

42,700

8,841

5,578

404

1,075

3,357

582

139

21

102,878

13,665

14,856

64,611

414

8,926

406

1,366

127

147

736

51

274

31

64,238

11,013

11,295

23,244

28

18,486

172

2,651

1,101

657

842

37

7

7

Macau

158

93

22

40

Taiwan

8,038

1,884

2,519

3,372

Oceania South America Unknown Country China, People's Republic Hong Kong

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2009 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (Table 10).

D 251

D

— 5

7

Table 53 Chinese arrivals in the United States by region and country of nationality: 1999 to 2008

337

Country of nationality

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

Region Total

85,076

72,143

68,925

26,776

28,304

52,837

53,738

41,150

48,218

60,108

Africa

13,048

17,624

19,070

2,551

10,719

29,110

20,746

18,185

17,486

8,943

Asia

14,041

13,622

15,356

6,886

5,862

10,896

14,977

9,245

23,195

44,545

Europe

55,877

37,664

31,526

15,407

11,269

9,254

11,316

10,456

4,561

2,343

D

3,233

2,968

1,924

305

2,998

6,368

3,145

2,922

4,177

North America Oceania

0

South America

D

Country China, People’s Republic

D

D

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

0

5

8

149

579

331

119

54

100

12

9

9

3

13

21

27

50

Source: U.S. Department of State, Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration (PRM), Worldwide Refugee Admissions Processing System (WRAPS). Note: Excludes Amerasian Immigrants. D ⫽ data withheld to limit disclosure.

Table 54 Chinese orphans adopted by U.S. citizens by gender, age, and country of birth: Fiscal year 2008. Gender

Age

Region and country of birth

Total

Male

Female

Under 1 year

1 to 4 years

5 years and over

Region Total

17,229

7,221

10,008

5,830

8,218

3,181

Asia

6,735

2,291

4,444

2,517

3,448

770

Europe

3,074

1,569

1,505

282

1,856

936

North America

4,630

2,064

2,566

2,329

1,851

450

12

7

5

7

D

D

439

188

251

92

123

224

24

10

14

6

11

7

3,852

822

3,030

925

2,533

394

16

11

5

7

9

262

133

129

70

41

Oceania South America Unknown County China, People’s Republic Hong Kong Taiwan

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security, 2008 Yearbook. Note: D ⫽ data withheld to limit disclosure; – represents zero.

338

151

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics Table 55 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000–2009

339

Region and country of birth All Countries Total China (excluding Hong Kong) Taiwan

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

2008

2009

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

45,585

56,267

61,082

40,568

55,494

69,933

87,307

76,655

80,271

64,238

9,019

12,120

9,775

6,917

9,005

9,196

8,086

8,990

9,073

8,038

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Table 56 Chinese American general characteristics Total population

Chinese American population

Total general population

2,432,585

281,421,906

Male

1,176,913

138,053,563

Female

1,255,672

143,368,343

Median age (years) Under 5 years 18 years and over 65 years and over Household population

35

35

149,193

19,175,798

1,913,278

209,128,094

235,995

34,991,753

2,383,622

273,643,273

3

3

Average household size

3

3

Male, now married 15 years and over

Average family size

595,273

60,720,716

Female, now married 15 years and over

640,853

59,510,557

Occupied housing units

803,746

105,480,101

Owner-occupied housing units

469,583

69,815,753

Renter-occupied housing units

334,163

35,664,348

1,662,423

182,211,639

43,600

26,403,703

310,124

49,746,248

Foreign born

1,716,682

31,107,889

Speak a language other

1,943,644

46,951,595

1,280,259

146,496,014

798,828

44,642,605

1,231,698

138,820,935

31

26

51,444

50,046

Social characteristics Population 25 years and over Civilian veterans (18 years and over) Disability status (5 years and over)

than English at home Education High school graduate or higher Bachelor’s graduate or higher Economic Characteristics In labor force (population 16 years and over) Mean travel time to work in minutes (population 16 years and over) Median household income (1999 in dollars) (Continued )

340

Table 56 Chinese American general characteristics (Continued ) Total population Median family income

Chinese American population

Total general population

60,058

50,046

23,756

21,587

60,878

6,620,945

320,577

33,899,812

383,381

55,212,108

(1999 in dollars) Per capita income (1999 in dollars) Families below poverty level Individuals below poverty level Housing Characteristics Single-family owner-occupied homes Source: U.S. Census (2000).

341

Table 57 Chinese American economic statistics 2000 Census Subject

Number

Percent

EMPLOYMENT STATUS Population 16 years and over In labor force Civilian labor force Employed Unemployed Percent of civilian labor force

217,168,077

100.0

138,820,935

63.9

137,668,798

63.4

129,721,512

59.7

7,947,286

3.7

5.8

NA

Armed Forces

1,152,137

0.5

Not in labor force

78,347,142

36.1

112,185,795

100.0

64,547,732

57.5

64,383,493

57.4

60,630,069

54.0

21,833,613

100.0

12,787,501

58.6

128,279,228

100.0

Car, truck, or van -- drove alone

97,102,050

75.7

Car, truck, or van -- carpooled

Females 16 years and over In labor force Civilian labor force Employed Own children under 6 years All parents in family in labor force COMMUTING TO WORK Workers 16 years and over

15,634,051

12.2

Public transportation (including taxicab)

6,067,703

4.7

Walked

3,758,982

2.9

Other means

1,532,219

1.2

Worked at home

4,184,223

3.3

Mean travel time to work (minutes)

25.5

Employed civilian population 16 years and over

NA

129,721,512

100.0

Management, professional, and related occupations

43,646,731

33.6

Service occupations

19,276,947

14.9

Sales and office occupations

34,621,390

26.7

OCCUPATION

Farming, fishing, and forestry occupations Construction, extraction, and maintenance occupations

951,810

0.7

12,256,138

9.4 (Continued )

342

Table 57 Chinese American economic statistics 2000 Census (Continued ) Subject

Number

Percent

Production, transportation, and material moving occupations

18,968,496

14.6

Agriculture, forestry, fishing and hunting, and mining

2,426,053

1.9

Construction

8,801,507

6.8

Manufacturing

18,286,005

14.1

INDUSTRY

Wholesale trade

4,666,757

3.6

15,221,716

11.7

Transportation and warehousing, and utilities

6,740,102

5.2

Information

3,996,564

3.1

Finance, insurance, real estate, and rental and leasing

8,934,972

6.9

Professional, scientific, management, administrative, and waste management services

12,061,865

9.3

Educational, health and social services

25,843,029

19.9

Arts, entertainment, recreation, accommodation and food services

10,210,295

7.9

Other services (except public administration)

6,320,632

4.9

Public administration

6,212,015

4.8

101,794,361

78.5

18,923,353

14.6

8,603,761

6.6

400,037

0.3

Households

105,539,122

100.0

Less than $10,000

10,067,027

9.5

Retail trade

CLASS OF WORKER Private wage and salary workers Government workers Self-employed workers in own not incorporated business Unpaid family workers INCOME IN 1999

$10,000 to $14,999

6,657,228

6.3

$15,000 to $24,999

13,536,965

12.8

$25,000 to $34,999

13,519,242

12.8

$35,000 to $49,999

17,446,272

16.5

$50,000 to $74,999

20,540,604

19.5

$75,000 to $99,999

10,799,245

10.2

8,147,826

7.7

$100,000 to $149,999

(Continued )

343

Table 57 Chinese American economic statistics 2000 Census (Continued ) Subject

Number

Percent

$150,000 to $199,999

2,322,038

2.2

$200,000 or more

2,502,675

2.4

Median household income (dollars)

41,994

With earnings

84,962,743

Mean earnings (dollars)

56,604

With Social Security income

27,084,417

Mean Social Security income (dollars)

11,320

With Supplemental Security Income

4,615,885

Mean Supplemental Security Income (dollars)

6,320

With public assistance income

3,629,732

Mean public assistance income (dollars)

3,032

With retirement income

17,659,058

Mean retirement income (dollars)

17,376

Families

NA 80.5 NA 25.7 NA 4.4 NA 3.4 NA 16.7 NA

72,261,780

100.0

Less than $10,000

4,155,386

5.8

$10,000 to $14,999

3,115,586

4.3

$15,000 to $24,999

7,757,397

10.7

$25,000 to $34,999

8,684,429

12.0

$35,000 to $49,999

12,377,108

17.1

$50,000 to $74,999

16,130,100

22.3

$75,000 to $99,999

9,009,327

12.5

$100,000 to $149,999

6,936,210

9.6

$150,000 to $199,999

1,983,673

2.7

$200,000 or more

2,112,564

2.9

Median family income (dollars)

50,046

NA

Per capita income (dollars)

21,587

NA

Median earnings (dollars): Male full-time, year-round workers

37,057

NA

Female full-time, year-round workers

27,194

NA

6,620,945

NA

POVERTY STATUS IN 1999 (below poverty level) Families Percent below poverty level

NA

With related children under 18 years

5,155,866

9.2 NA (Continued )

344

Table 57 Chinese American economic statistics 2000 Census (Continued ) Subject

Number

Percent below poverty level

NA

With related children under 5 years

2,562,263

Percent below poverty level

NA

Families with female householder, no husband present Percent below poverty level

3,315,916 NA

With related children under 18 years

2,940,459

Percent below poverty level

NA

With related children under 5 years

1,401,493

Percent below poverty level

NA

Individuals

33,899,812

Percent below poverty level

NA

18 years and over

22,152,954

Percent below poverty level

NA

65 years and over

3,287,774

Percent below poverty level

NA

Related children under 18 years

11,386,031

Percent below poverty level

NA

Related children 5 to 17 years

7,974,006

Percent below poverty level

NA

Unrelated individuals 15 years and over

10,721,935

Percent below poverty level

NA

Source: U.S. Census (2000). Note: NA ⫽ not applicable.

345

Percent 13.6 NA 17.0 NA 26.5 NA 34.3 NA 46.4 NA 12.4 NA 10.9 NA 9.9 NA 16.1 NA 15.4 NA 22.7

Table 58 Chinese American educational attainment Subject

Number

Percent

76,632,927

100.0

Nursery school, preschool

4,957,582

6.5

Kindergarten

4,157,491

5.4

Elementary school (grades 1-8)

33,653,641

43.9

High school (grades 9-12)

16,380,951

21.4

College or graduate school

17,483,262

22.8

182,211,639

100.0

School enrollment Total population 3 years and over enrolled in school

Educational attainment Total population 25 years and over Less than 9th grade

13,755,477

7.5

9th to 12th grade, no diploma

21,960,148

12.1

High school graduate (includes equivalency)

52,168,981

28.6

Some college, no degree

38,351,595

21.0

Associate degree

11,512,833

6.3

Bachelor's degree

28,317,792

15.5

Graduate or professional degree

16,144,813

8.9

Percent high school graduate or higher

80.4

NA

Percent bachelor's degree or higher

24.4

NA

Source: U.S. Census (2000). Note: NA ⫽ not applicable.

Table 59 Chinese American marital status (population 15 years and older)

Total Never married

Number

Percent

221,148,671

100.0

59,913,370

27.1

120,231,273

54.4

Separated

4,769,220

2.2

Widowed

14,674,500

6.6

Female

11,975,325

5.4

Divorced

21,560,308

9.7

Female

12,305,294

5.6

Now married, except separated

Source: U.S. Census (2000).

346

Table 60 Nativity and place of birth Number

Percent

Total population

281,421,906

100.0

Native

250,314,017

88.9

Born in United States

246,786,466

87.7

State of residence

168,729,388

60.0

78,057,078

27.7

3,527,551

1.3

Different state Born outside United States Foreign born

31,107,889

11.1

13,178,276

4.7

Naturalized citizen

12,542,626

4.5

Not a citizen

18,565,263

6.6

Entered 1990 to March 2000

Source: U.S. Census (2000).

Table 61 Language spoken at home (five years and older) Number

Percent

Total

262,375,152

100.0

English only

215,423,557

82.1

46,951,595

17.9

21,320,407

8.1

28,101,052

10.7

13,751,256

5.2

10,017,989

3.8

3,390,301

1.3

6,960,065

2.7

3,590,024

1.4

Language other than English Speaks English less than “very well” Spanish Speaks English less than “very well” Other Indo-European languages Speaks English less than “very well” Asian and Pacific Island languages Speaks English less than “very well” Source: U.S. Census (2000).

347

348 | Chinese Immigrants

Appendix III: Notable Chinese Americans Sucheng Chan (b. 1941 ). Chan is a professor of Chinese and Asian American history. She is a prolific author who has written or edited over 17 books. Some of her most notable works are Asian Americans: An Interpretive History (1991), Entry Denied (1994), Remapping Asian American History (2003), Hmong Means Free: Life in Laos and America (1994), and Survivors: Cambodian Refugees in the United States (2004). In addition, she has authored hundreds of articles and essays. ChanÊs contribution to the field of Chinese and Asian American studies is beyond measure and will continue to inspire and guide students for decades to come. Michael Te-Pei Chang (b. 1972 ). Chang, author of Holding Serve: Persevering On and Off the Court (2002) is the youngest American to win a Grand Slam singles title in tennis. In 1989, when Chang was only 17 years old, he won the French Open. In 2003, Chang retired from tennis but had already earned 34 top-level professional singles titles and earned close to $20 million in prize money. Iris Shun-Ru Chang (1968 2004). Before her untimely death, Chang was considered one of AmericaÊs leading young historians and journalists. She authored The Rape of Nanking (1997) and made international headlines. She also provided a meticulous account of Chinese immigration and experience in America with The Chinese in America: A Narrative History (2003). Andrew J. C. Cherng (b. 1948 ). Cherng is a restaurant entrepreneur and inspiring corporate leader. He is the founder of the Chinese fast-food franchise Panda Express. He opened his first restaurant in 1983, serving a blend of Mandarin- and Szechwan-style Chinese food that most Americans will be familiar with, since it is located in shopping malls throughout the United States. Today, there are more than one thousand Panda Express restaurants in the United States and Puerto Rico. Vincent “Randy” Chin (1937 2003). Chin was a musician and international music producer. In 1959, he opened a record shop called Randy Records in Kingston, Jamaica. Years later, he opened a small recording studio and produced Afro-Caribbean music. In 1962, he produced Lord Creator’s, which celebrated JamaicaÊs independence from the United Kingdom. Island Records, the largest independent record label in the world, released ChinÊs work as their first album. ChinÊs success made it possible for him to open a bigger recording studio called RandyÊs Studio 17 in 1968. Bob Marley and the Wailers recorded their earliest hits with Chin. Chin and his family moved to Queens, New York, in 1977 due to political and social unrest in Jamaica. In 1979, they opened VP Records. Shortly afterward, VP Records became

Glossary | 349

the worldÊs leading distributor of music from Jamaica and other Caribbean islands. Michelle Kwan (b. 1980 ). Kwan is best known as one of AmericaÊs greatest figure skater. She has won five World Championship titles (1996, 1998, 2000, 2001, and 2003). In addition, she won nine U.S. Figure Skating Championships (1996, 1998 2005) and is a three-time World Champion (1998, 2000, 2003). Kwan has a silver medal from the 1998 Nagano Winter Olympics and a bronze medal from the 2002 Salt Lake City Winter Olympics. Him Mark Lai (1925 2009). Before his passing, Lai was named Dean of Chinese American Studies. He had a background in mechanical engineering but became a community activist and historian. In 1969, Lai and architect Philip Choy co-taught Chinese Americans for the first time at San Francisco State UniversityÊs newly created Asian American Studies Department. LaiÊs contribution to the field of Chinese American studies and history is immeasurable and will inspire generations of future scholars and students. Anna May Wong (1905 1961). Wong was an actress and considered to be the first Chinese American movie star. She was also the first Chinese American television star, starring in The Gallery of Madame Liu-Tsong. She starred in The Toll of the Sea (1923), and The Thief of Baghdad (1924). Laurence Michael Yep (b. 1948 ). Yep is an author of childrenÊs books. Yep writes about Asian American history, and many of her books are about children who struggle with being Asian and American. Yep has authored over 60 books, including: Dragonwings (1977), Dragon’s Gate (1995), The Traitor: Gold Mountain Chronicles: 1885 (2004), Tiger’s Blood (2004), Ribbons (1997), and the autobiographical The Lost Garden (1996).

Glossary bachelor society: Describes the early demographics of Chinese communities, which mainly consisted of unmarried men. Baihua: Means „vernacular Chinese.‰ Bodhisattvas: Enlightened Buddhist figures of great merit who compassionately postponed their own final enlightenment to save all beings from suffering. Buddha: Enlightened being, the Enlightened One. Gam San: Cantonese for „Gold Mountain.‰ Gam san haak: Cantonese for „travelers to Gold Mountain.‰ Guoyu: Refers to Mandarin, the national language in China.

350 | Chinese Immigrants

Hanren: Literal translation is „people of Han.‰ Most Chinese today consider themselves Han Chinese. Huangdi: The Yellow Emperor.

Huiguan: Chinese/Chinese American association composed of groups of family associations who share the same surname. Jinshan: Mandarin for „Gold Mountain.‰ Qipao: Traditional Chinese dress for women. Shiji: Ancient Chinese historical records. Sojourners: Migrants who do not plan on resettling permanently in host country, instead, will return to home country after several years. Tian: Heaven. Tianzi: Literal translation is the „son of heaven.‰ Tongs: Chinese/Chinese American secret societies. Wenmiao: Confucian temples, literally translated as „Temples of Culture.‰ Zhonguo: Literally translated as „middle kingdom‰ in Mandarin Chinese.

References Chan, Sucheng. 1991. Asian Americans: An Interpretive History. New York: Twayne Publishers. „Chinese Immigration: A Ragged Tale of Riches.‰ 2003. The Economist. June 19. [Online article or information; retrieved 05/19/11.] http://www.economist.com/node/1858 795?Story_ID=1858795. Hing, Bill O.1993. Making and Remaking Asian American Through Immigration Policy 1850–1990. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. Pfaelzer, Jean. 2009. Driven Out: The Forgotten War Against Chinese Americans. Berkeley: University of California Press. Tong, Benson. 2000. The New Americans: The Chinese Americans. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press.

Further Reading Chinese Americans in the Columbia River Basin. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/30/10.] http://www.vancouver.wsu.edu/crbeha/ca/ca.htm#earl. The Columbia River Basin Ethnic History Archive (CRBEHA) is a project of Washington State University Vancouver, the Idaho State Historical Society, Oregon Historical Society, Washington State Historical Society, and Washington State University Pullman. Funded by a grant from the Institute for Museum and Library Services, the collaborative project sought to create a database with thematic coherence that would engage

Further Reading | 351 online researchers in thinking more deeply about the significance of the rich primary resources available in museums, libraries, and historical societies. Chinese-American Museum of Chicago. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/30/10.] http://www.ccamuseum.org/. The mission of the museum is to preserve the history of Chinese Americans in Chicago. This Web page contains resources on Chinese American history, and the midwestern United States, with a particular focus on Chicago. The museum holds and sponsors exhibitions, educational events, and research related to Chinese American culture and history in the midwestern United States. Chung, Sue Fawn, and Priscilla Wegars, eds. 2005. Chinese American Death Rituals: Respecting the Ancestors. New York: AltaMira Press. An edited anthology with interdisciplinary chapters on Chinese American death and dying. Friends of the Yee Fow Museum. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/30/10.] http:// www.yeefowmuseum.org/. The Friends of the Yee Fow Museum provides detailed information on the Chinese community of Sacramento, California. Jochim, Christian. 1986. Chinese Religions: A Cultural Perspective. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall. Introductory level book on Chinese religions and religious development in China from ancient times to modern times. Kingston, Maxine Hong. 1980. China Men. New York: Vintage Books. A seminal work of historical fiction about the Chinese American experience. Kwong, Peter. 1979. Chinatown, New York: Labor and Politics, 1930–1950. New York: Monthly Review Press. Provides an analysis of Chinatown in New York. Kwong, Peter. 1996. The New Chinatown. New York: Hill and Wang. A follow-up to his 1979 book on New YorkÊs Chinatown, with discussions about newer Chinatown communities in New York and California. Lee, Jonathan H. X. 2006. „Contemporary Chinese-American Religious Life.‰ In Chinese Religions in Contemporary Societies, edited by James Miller, 235 56. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO. Discusses the history and contemporary practice of Chinese religion in America from a community-based perspective. Oroville Chinese Temple. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/30/10.] http:// bancroft.berkeley.edu/collections/oroville/. The Oroville Chinese Temple Web site provides digital images of all artifacts in the temple. It also documents the history of the Chinese in Oroville, California. Pan, Erica Y. Z. 1995. The Impact of the 1906 Earthquake on San Francisco’s Chinatown. San Francisco: Peter Lang.

352 | Chinese Immigrants Provides a detailed discussion of the effects on San FranciscoÊs Chinatown after the historic earthquake and fire of 1906 that gave birth to the „paper son‰ phenomena. Parrenas, Rhacel, and Lok C. D. Siu, eds. 2007. Asian Diasporas: New Formations, New Conceptions. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press. An anthology with essays by scholars on global Chinese diasporas. Pfaelzer, Jean. 2009. Driven Out: The Forgotten War Against Chinese Americans. Berkeley: University of California Press. Provides a historical analysis on anti-Chinese violence in California in the 19th and early 20th centuries through primary sources such as local newspapers. Southwest Airlines San Francisco Chinese New Year Festival and Parade. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/30/10.] http://www.chineseparade.com/. Contains information about the history of the parade. Takaki, Ronald. 1998. A History of Asian Americans: Strangers From A Different Shore. Updated and revised. Boston: Back Bay Books. A standard textbook on Asian American history that employs oral history, literature, and other archival material to narrate the Asian American historical experience. Weaverville Joss House. [Online article or information; retrieved 03/30/10.] http://users. snowcrest.net/wb6fzh/tcjoss4.html. Provides detailed information on the Chinese community in Weaverville, California. Has digital images of the temple. Wong, K. Scott. 2005, reprinted 2008. Americans First: Chinese Americans and the Second World War. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Provides a discussion of Chinese American cultural and political identities, during and after World War II. Yang, Fenggang. 1999. Chinese Christians in America: Conversion, Assimilation, and Adhesive Identities. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press. Discusses the history and unique characteristics of Chinese American Christians and Christian communities. Yeh, Chiou-ling. 2008. Making an American Festival: Chinese New Year in San Francisco’s Chinatown. Berkeley: University of California Press. Provides a critical analysis of the making of the Chinese New Year Festival and Parade in San Francisco, California. This book explores issues of national, cultural, and sexuality identities and politics during and World War II and the Cold War. Zhou, Min. 2009. Contemporary Chinese America: Immigration, Identity, and Community Transformation. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Provides an updated study of the demographics and communities of various Chinese American communities in New York and California, deconstructing the monolithic image of „Chinese‰ as one homogenous group.

Colombian Immigrants by Enrique S. Pumar

Introduction Colombian migration to the United States is a relatively recent phenomenon in American migration history. Colombians began to migrate to the United States in significant numbers during the early 1980s. ColombiaÊs rapidly deteriorating political situation, the resulting rise of personal insecurity, and the economic troubles Latin America experienced during the 1980s and early 1990s contributed to this increase in migration. Once in the United States, like other ethnic groups, Colombians tended to concentrate in ethnic enclaves in major metropolitan regions such as south Florida, northern New Jersey, and New York City. In comparison to other Hispanic groups, Colombians represent a much smaller percentage of the overall immigrants residing, whether legally or illegally, in the United States. Moreover, compared to other Hispanics, Colombians tend to enjoy higher incomes, be less likely to live in poverty, achieve higher educational attainment and professional status, become naturalized citizens at a much higher rate, and assimilate at a much faster rate. All of these demographic characteristics indicate that Colombians experience more opportunities for upward mobility and higher socioeconomic status than almost every other Hispanic group residing in the United States. Since 2002, Colombia itself has enjoyed the benefits of a special relationship with the United States.

Chronology 1538

Spanish conquistadores reach the city of Bogota.

1819

Colombia gains independence from colonial Spain as part of the Greater Colombia territory.

1830

Greater Colombia dissolves, and Colombia becomes a sovereign nation.

1899

A civil war starts with the fueling of the two major political parties.

1902

The United States seizes a western part of the national territory to build the Panama Canal. After a revolt, Panama gains independence a year later. 353

Chronology | 355

1948

Another civil war erupts, ushered in by hostilities between the Liberal and Conservative parties. This period known as „La Violencia‰ leaves around 300,000 dead and gives way to the military coup headed by General Gustavo Rojas Pinilla.

1958

Rojas Pinilla steps down after political negotiations that led to the formation of the National Front agreement between Liberals and Conservatives.

1962

The Ejercito de Liberacion Nacional (National Liberation Army; ELN), a guerrilla group inspired by the Cuban Revolution, begins to operate in the countryÊs interior.

1966

Manuel Marulanda Velez organizes the oldest and more established of the Communist guerrilla groups in Colombia, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Another insurgent group, the M-19, takes up arms in 1973.

1974

Democratic elections are held ending the National Front.

1980s

Drug trafficking, guerrilla activity, and violence flourish throughout the country causing a jump in the levels of migration to the United States.

1982

Belisario Betancur assumes the presidency and begins peace negotiations with all guerrilla groups eventually reaching a cease-fire agreement.

1989

President Virgilio Barco declares war against the drug cartels after a prolonged period of violence that included the kidnapping and extortion of political figures in the capital city of Bogota.

1990

The M-19 insurgency takes advantage of a government-sponsored amnesty and demobilization program and agrees to participate in the electoral system.

1991

A constitutional reform gives way to the current constitution.

1993

Security forces kill Pablo Escobar, perhaps the most famous Colombian drug kingpin, effectively harming the Medellin cartel.

1995

Colombian security forces dismantle the Cali cartel.

1998

President Andres Pastrana begins negotiations with the FARC. As part of the peace negotiations, Pastrana cedes a demilitarized zone to guerrilla commanders consisting of about 16,000

356 | Colombian Immigrants

square miles in five municipalities in the central region of the country. 1999

Plan Colombia is unveiled. The U.S.-sponsored plan aims to support political order in Colombia by curbing drug smuggling and building the capacity of the armed forces to fight the guerrillas.

2001

The FARC and the government agree to renew peace talks. The ELN agrees to a cease-fire and signs the Declaration of Havana.

2002

The FARC hijacks a domestic airliner and kidnaps Colombian Senator Jorge Gechem Turbay. Senator and presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt is kidnapped while campaigning in the former demilitarized zone. President Pastrana ends negotiations and cease-fire with the FARC.

2002

President Alvaro Uribe Velez assumes the presidency of the country.

2006

President Uribe is overwhelmingly re-elected.

2009

President George W. Bush awards the Presidential Medal of Freedom to President Alvaro Uribe.

Background Geography Colombia is located in the northwest corner of South America, bordering the Caribbean Sea to the north, Venezuela and Brazil to the east, Peru and Ecuador to the south, and Panama to the west. Its national territory comprises some 440,839 square miles, and in 2009, Colombia had a total estimated population of 45,644,023 or 104 inhabitants per square mile. The majority of the population is concentrated along the coast, especially in the northwest coastal region, and throughout the central highlands. Bogota, the capital city, is the administrative and economic nerve of the country and with a population of close to 7 million is the most populous city. Other important cities are Medellin, Cartagena, Barranquilla, and Cali. The ethnic composition of the country consists of 58 percent mestizo, 20 percent white, 14 percent mulatto, 4 percent black, 3 percent mixed black-Amerindian, and 1 percent Amerindian. With a 74 percent urban population, Colombia is one of the most urban nations in the world. The majority of Colombians (65.4%) are between the ages of 15 and 64 years old.

Background | 357

History of Colombia The path of national development in Colombia could not be more arduous. Like Peru, Colombia has experienced a mixture of structural factors and triggering mechanisms to give rise to the longest operating Marxist terrorist organization in the Western Hemisphere, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia or FARC. Also like their neighbors in Peru, Colombian insurgent groups have employed indiscriminative and widespread uses of terror, including kidnappings, bombings, and extortion against civilians, in a sustained campaign to destabilize the government. Colombian terrorist insurgencies have financed their operations by profiting from alliances with narco-traffickers. President Alvaro Uribe of Colombia, like many of his counterparts in the region before him (especially in Peru), allied himself with the United States in an effort to control the flow of drugs and defeat the guerrillas. ColombiaÊs political history is as unstable and violent as some of its South American neighbors. After achieving independence, political forces quickly organized around two rival political parties, the Conservative and the Liberal parties. These inter-party contentions have marked the political life of Colombia ever since. As in other developing societies, these traditional parties represent the middle class and elite while the disenfranchised are left disconnected from and frustrated by the constant political clashes. Conservatives in Colombia tend to identify themselves with the rich and small landholders. They foster alliances with traditional elites and organizations in the country and generally advocate for a strong central government. Liberals, on the other hand, work hard to support a decentralized federation of government and political freedoms, two of the core interests espoused by the urban middle class, small businesses, and professionals. Following a prolonged civil war at the turn of the century, which among other things brought about the independence of Panama, both political parties were able to maintain a tenuous truce until 1930. Between 1930 and 1946, the country experienced a number of reforms inspired by FDRÊs New Deal and the Aprista movement in Peru. However, the jockeying for power soon became violent again in 1948 when the populist politico Jorge Gaitan, a charismatic Liberal Party leader, was assassinated, crushing the hopes of many urbanites for further political reforms. The resulting period of political mobilization and violence lasted for a decade and brought about the only recent military junta to have ruled Colombia. In addition, this period, known as „La Violencia,‰ resulted in about 300,000 civilian deaths and became the most unprecedented violent episode in contemporary Colombian political history. More importantly, the Bogotazo, as the 1948 political disturbance is also known, triggered much discontent among the youth followers of Gaitan. These followers saw their aspirations frustrated not just by the death of their leader but by the

358 | Colombian Immigrants

View from the Granada Hotel looking down Avenida Jimenez da Quesada in downtown Bogota, Colombia. Looters and rioters set fire and overturn street cars on April 9, 1948, during a period known as “La Violencia.” (AP/Wide World Photos)

political arrangement both parties crafted to overcome this crisis and the political repression that ensued. In 1958, towards the end of the ruling junta of General Rojas Pinilla, representatives from both parties met in Spain to draft a bipartisan agreement to share power and end the period of distrust and violence that had characterized Colombian politics until then. Lasting until 1974, the National Front, as this agreement is known, brought much needed civility to the nationÊs political affairs at the expense of popular mobilization. Since the mid-1970s, Colombia has been ruled by a series of uninterrupted democratically elected governments. While the National Front succeeded in bringing about a much-needed political order between Conservatives and Liberals and facilitated the transition to democracy in the mid 1970s, this pact also incurred a hefty political cost for the country. The bourgeoning urban middle-class explosion, alleged rampant political corruption, and the inability of the government to manage the economy equitably resulted in increasing calls for political change. The opening of the political system allowed reform-minded parties and individuals to compete in open and fair elections. Parallel to this mobilization, a band of Communists headed by Manuel Marulanda Velez and inspired by other upheavals throughout Latin America after the Cuban revolution, organized the FARC in 1966. For the next two years, the

Background | 359

guerrillas followed a strict Marxist-Leninist orientation. However, an effective counterinsurgency, guided in part by the United StatesÊ low intensity conflict doctrines of peripheral containment and in part by the re-establishment of relations between Colombia and the Soviet Union, substantially weakened the operations of the group. During the 1960s, the FARC was one of three distinct revolutionary guerrilla groups operating in Colombia. In addition to the FARC, who received aid from the Soviets, Castro backed the National Liberation Army (ELN) and the Chinese supported the Popular Liberation Army (ELP). The uprising of these three guerrilla movements was mainly concentrated in the countryside and away from principal cities until the middle of the 1980s. The FARC operated zones in the less populated southern and eastern provinces of the country, where the effects of the conditions of economic deprivation, social isolation, and political alienation were more evident. While Colombia has shown noticeable improvements in many social development indicators, the benefits of these indicators are not evenly distributed throughout the country as areas in the interior showed much lower improvement than any major urban center. According to estimates, in the late 1980s, about 90 percent of the children residing in urban centers between the ages of 7 and 11 attended primary school, while 70 percent from rural areas and below 50 percent in more isolated communities in the southeastern regions of the country received an education. The resurgence of FARC activities after the mid-1970s presented a new challenge for the Colombian political establishment and the international community. It is estimated that the FARC grew from 350 fighters during the early 1960s to as many as 15,000 to 20,000 in 2000. During its second phase in the mid-1970s, the group was not confined to just resisting the governmentÊs counterinsurgency policies, and it spread through the Colombia territory with the opening of several new fronts that eventually amounted to about 70 fronts in 2000. No doubt this new strategy was designed not just to undermine the democratic process but also to assure the survival of the organization in light of the persistent activities of the other two revolutionary rivals, the ELN and ELP. Attempts to mediate and coordinate activities among the three groups failed consistently because of the deep ideological rift that existed between them. Moreover, the FARC came back more organized and had a different military strategy. In 1974, the group established a general staff and a secretariat to direct political activities. Shortly thereafter, the FARC embarked on its campaign of terror using indiscriminate violence against civilians, kidnappings, and sabotages to show the weaknesses of the civilian governments and underscore the ineffectiveness of national security forces. The human cost of the internal civil war is unprecedented. ColombiaÊs chief prosecutor estimates that there are still about 10,000 people buried in unmarked graves throughout the national territory. A group calling themselves Justice for Colombia reports that since the insertion of the terrorist campaign in the mid-1970s,

360 | Colombian Immigrants

some 15,600 cases of forced disappearances have not yet been resolved. Since President Uribe came to office in 2002, there have been an estimated 30,000 still missing. The Colombian Commission of Jurists and the Association of Families of the Disappeared (ASFADDES) has found that between 2007 and 2008 alone, around 7,763 people disappeared. Although the total count of the disappeared is the subject of much scrutiny, it is certain that the fighting between the Marxist terrorist groups and the right-wing paramilitaries made Colombia one of the most dangerous societies in the world. The total number of internally displaced Colombians since the internal civil war started has been estimated to be around 3.5 million. The figure increased dramatically between 1996 and 2002, when it peaked at 412,553. Several factors fueled the FARCÊs terrorist campaign. First, a strategic alliance was forged between the FARC and drug traffickers during the mid-1980s. Until 1981, the guerrillas viewed any association with traffickers and coca producers as counterrevolutionary. Fearing the loss of support from this group to the growing paramilitary forces, the FARC began to actively provide security and protection to drug contrabandists in exchange for taxes and a share of the profits. In addition to the revenues from drug trafficking, the FARC also derived substantial income from extortion and kidnappings. In 2000, an estimated 1,559 people were kidnapped by the FARC. Another factor that aided the guerrillas was the decision by President Belisario Betancur to enter into a cease-fire agreement between 1984 and 1987. The cease-fire allowed the FARC to regroup and increased their operations in coca crop growing regions east of the Andes. This action also amounted to a tacit recognition of the movement. In addition, several attempts by the government to negotiate with the FARC emboldened the organization. Despite the embarrassingly high levels of personal crime that remain in the country since 2000, the Colombian government has gradually gained the upper hand in its fight against terrorism. In 2000, the United States unveiled Plan Colombia, a program that would allocate $2.5 billion in a counterdrug initiative. Taken together with the military aid Colombia received from the United States, the level of American aid to Colombia increased to some $4.5 billion between 2000 and 2005. According to United Nations estimates, coca plantings fell by 18 percent between 2007 and 2008. The American aid signaled not just the unconditional support for Colombia but new levels of cooperation with the countryÊs armed forces in its fight against Marxist terrorist groups. In 2005, paramilitary groups agreed to demobilize. Since 1994, the ELP remains inconsequential and localized in the western region of Colombia, and the ELN has been in and out of negotiations with the government. Thus, the only terrorist group stubbornly holding on is the FARC. The government recently stepped up its campaign against the group, with the announcement of Plan Patriota, a campaign aimed at recapturing the territory controlled by the group and demobilizing its forces. The Colombian government estimated that by 2005, it was able

Causes and Waves of Migration | 361

to reduce the FARC ranks by 6,000. More recently, the group is fighting for its survival after its enigmatic head and founder passed away from an apparent heart attack in the jungle and other senior leaders have been captured. Since 1998 the government of Colombia has attempted to negotiate a peace process with the various guerrilla groups in the county. President Pastrana jump-started negotiations with the FARC in 1998 and conceded five municipalities to the guerrillas as part of a demilitarized zone in the center of the country. Four years later, Pastrana broke all contacts with the FARC after the guerrillas began a new wave of violence with multiple kidnappings including the abduction of two prominent politicos, Senator Jorge Gechem Turbay and the presidential candidate Ingrid Betancourt, who was also running in the election that would bring President Alvaro Uribe to power. Toward the end of his mandate, Pastrana negotiated a peace accord with the ELN called the Declaration of Havana, an accord that included an international verification regime. Since 1990, the government of Colombia has a workable amnesty program that offers any insurgency that demobilizes its troops the opportunity to participate in civil society and compete for office in elections. Thus far, only one group has taken advantage of this program, the M-19 insurgency. Despite the tumultuous path to democracy in Colombia and the grim challenges the growing insurgency represents, the democratic regime in Colombia has functioned remarkably well since the end of the National Front. Elections have been held as scheduled uninterrupted since the mid-1970s; there have been rotation of political leaders in office, until the election of Uribe, when the two traditional parties continued to dominate the presidency; political participation remains steady; former guerrillas who chose to demobilize are now elected to office as part of a popular demobilization plan; and even when Uribe amended the constitution to allow for his reelection, this process was accomplished following the rules set by the constitution. The core issues that remain in Colombian politics are the constant allegations of official corruption and human rights violations.

Causes and Waves of Migration Colombian migration to the United States experienced a big jump after the 1980s. Several factors account for this trend. The most obvious is the rise of violence throughout the country, especially the major cities. The increase in urban crime in Colombia was the direct result of a concerted effort by the guerillas to destabilize the fragile Colombian democracy in one of two ways. One, by terrorizing the base of support for national government among the urban upper and middle classes, the guerrillas hoped to create a favorable political climate and a state of siege that would increase their leverage in any foreseeable attempts to negotiate with the regime. Another reason for the indiscriminate use of terror was to discredit the government by

362 | Colombian Immigrants

challenging its claim to govern. The guerillas hoped to encourage people to question the capacity of the government to safeguard the security and livability of cities, particularly the capital. Before this campaign, fighting with guerrillas mostly took place in the interior of the country and was not an everyday concern for the majority of the people living in or around major metropolitan regions. Violence in Colombia was widespread, and the guerrillas were only one of the parties to this conflict as the growth of right-wing paramilitary groups contributed to the increase in violence. Personal insecurity also resulted as a byproduct of the transformation of drug production in Colombia. In the 1980s, ColombiaÊs drug exports increasingly became associated with cocaine. The business of cocaine trade adversely impacted levels of violence because it had larger profit margins. Cocaine also required a more sophisticated production network and export mechanisms that required large labor and entrepreneurial forces. As a result, a continuous cycle of violence between cartels, particularly the Medellin and Cali cartels, developed. Revenues from drug trafficking also spilled over into the political arena thus compromising the effectiveness of security forces that were supposed to protect citizens. The high levels of political corruption associated with drug money further aggravated this sense of despair. Despite concerted efforts by the government of Colombia to combat corruption, as was evident with the enactment of a new constitution in 1991 that set the regulatory norms behind the National Integrity System, the country was ranked 70th in the world in 2008 by Transparency International with a corruption perception index of 3.8 out of 10. In addition to the national compulsions experienced by the nation, the effects of the debilitating economic depression that hit the region during the 1980s also adversely affected Colombians. The vulnerability of Colombians to the effects of economic deprivation caused by exogenous spillovers from the external crisis was evident in the jump of the national poverty rate. According to United States Agency for International Development (USAID) data, the countryÊs poverty rate increased by almost 14 percent during the 1980s from 42.3 percent in 1980 to 56.1 percent in 1991. During the mid-1990s, the high toll of the internal war affected the economy causing a sharp drop in the gross domestic product (GDP) and elevated the unemployment rate to double digits.

Demographic Profile In the United States, the majority of Colombian immigrants (67%) reside in New York, New Jersey, and Florida. As of 2009, very few Colombians tended to migrate to southwestern states or states on the West Coast, with the exception of Texas and California, and practically none migrate to the northern plains or the Pacific Northwest (see Table 64). In the Midwest, the largest concentrations live in or around

Demographic Profile | 363

Chicago. This residential distribution is consistent with other migrants from the Caribbean basin and historical and social network ties sustain it. In the 19th century, when Latin Americans were fighting for independence against Spain, large communities of political exiles formed in New York City, Florida, and Philadelphia. These enclaves played a significant role fostering financial support for independence struggle and galvanizing political support for the insurgents abroad. The Colombian community residing in the United States shares many demographic characteristics with other Latino residents. According to the 2000 Census, Colombians are about four years older than the average Latino, are slightly less likely to speak some English at home, have similar gender breakdowns, tend to live in married households, and are as stationary as other Latinos. However, when one takes into consideration socioeconomic status, the evidence of the effects of the civil war begins to become evident. Colombians are more likely to have completed college and earn professional degrees, are 15 percent more likely to hold whitecollar jobs, are about 10 times more likely to be in the middle and upper classes, and are about six times less likely to live in poverty despite having similar levels

Marta Ballesteros holds a stack of freshly made tortillas as she poses with her husband Alberto Piedrahita, at their tortilla business in southwest Miami-Dade County in Florida, January 31, 2006. The couple emigrated from Colombia and opened the business out of their garage in the mid-1990s. By 2006 they were selling about 31 million tortillas a year to supermarkets and restaurants throughout southern Florida. (AP Photo/Lynne Sladky)

364 | Colombian Immigrants

The majority of Colombians who landed in the United States arrived before 1990 (44.3%). The percentage of Colombians residing in the states has declined steadily from 32.6 percent between 1990 and 1999 to 23.1 percent after 2000. Colombians enjoy one of the highest levels of educational attainment among Latinos with 29.4 percent of them graduating from college. After Cuban Americans, Colombians show the highest percentage of home ownership; almost half own their own home.

of labor force participation as other Latinos. Recent Homeland Security statistics show that the number of Colombians obtaining legal permanent resident status in the United States has almost doubled between 2000 and 2009. The reason for this contradictory profile is that Colombians are usually political migrants who leave their homes in search of peace and stability. This population is more diverse and tends to have higher levels of human capital than economic migrants who migrate primarily in search of jobs. Given the economic structure of Latin America today, many of the economic migrants come from the lower end of the labor force, those who could not find jobs in the competitive and increasingly more depleted pools of jobs in the manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The significance of the transferability of human capital among migrant communities should not be underestimated. When one compares Colombians to others Latin migrants, it is evident that the former tend to occupy jobs that demand higher levels of education and human capital accumulation. Hence, the number of Colombians employed in professional, scientific, management, administrative, finance, education, and health surpasses other Latinos. In addition, all the economic indicators also point to one startling fact, Colombians score better than other LatinAmerican migrants in any of the measurements related to poverty whether it is household composition or a specific demographic population group. These statistics indicate that Colombians tend to economically outperform their counterparts.

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals Colombian cultural rituals are among the most colorful in Latin America. This rich diversity of culture relates to how different geographical regions of the country immerse themselves in the Spanish colonial heritage. This cultural diversity manifests itself in the culinary templates, festivals, and even the music of the country. Colombians residing in the United States, proud of their regional identity, have attempted

Adjustment and Adaptation | 365

to replicate cultural artifacts from their own region making their communities diverse and culturally rich. Colombians from different regions of the country share a common history, language, and religion while retaining their local rituals with pride. The city of Medellin is known for its typical dish named bandeja paisa, consisting of a mixture of meat, eggs, arepa, and chicharron mixed with other spices and vegetables. The region around Cali is popular for its chicken, plantain, corn, and yuca soup. In the capital and the central Andean region, the ajiaco is the traditional dish. Along the northern coast, spicy cooking and fish are common. The plains are known for their selection of meats. In the Amazonas, the cuisine is influenced by Amerindian Brazilian and Peruvian traditions and reflects the mix of cultures as well as the ecology in the region. Colombians showcase their culture through different parades that are supposed to represent many of the local festive carnivals through the country. Because the demographic composition of Colombian communities tends to be a collage of different regions, festive parades represent the cultural identity of all community groups and organizations. Usually, Colombians celebrate national holidays such as the traditional Day of the Three Kinds or Colombian Independence Day on July 20, and they join in major Latino celebrations in their respective communities, for example, the El Desfile de la Hispanidad in New York City or the Orange Bowl Parade in south Florida. Among the typical types of Colombian music celebrated in the United States, the Vallenato and the Cumbia are the most popular. The Vallenato is a traditional rhythm that originated on the northern coastal region that mixes traditional and Caribbean beats. This genre is built around three instruments, the accordion, the guiro, and the caja. More contemporary performers, like Carlos Vives, mixes the traditional Vallenato with pop. This genre was considered for many years a lower-class popular music performed in carnivals and parties but today its popularity has penetrated all social strata and groups. The other musical and folk dance is the Cumbia, a very popular genre in the central and southern regions of the country. Cumbia rhythms reflect the interactions of three distinct cultural traditions, African, Amerindian, and European. This music originated around the city of Cartagena as a courtship ritual before it made its way to the center of the country.

Family and Changing Gender Relations The notion of family for Colombians, like for most Latinos, comprises the immediate and extended family. Despite the importance of the extended family in Colombian culture, very few extended families have managed to migrate together and live near each other in the United States. It is fairly common to see traditional notions of the family split between the United States and Colombia and to see second-generation

366 | Colombian Immigrants

immigrants break away from family ties and living in states and cities away from their parents. In 2004, Colombians enjoyed one of the highest percentages of married couples (50%). The percentage of female households without husbands was 16.3 and the percentage of male households without wives was 6.6. These percentages are among the lowest of any Latino group except Cuban Americans. Finally, the average household size was comparable to that of other Latino groups. Perhaps one of the reasons for keeping the family unit together despite the intricacies associated with the migration exodus is the influence of the Catholic Church. Colombia has one of the most conservative church establishments anywhere in Latin America with one of the highest percentages of loyal churchgoers despite espousing its share of activist priests, including some who advocated liberation theology. Among first-generation families, gender roles seem to follow similar characteristics as in other Latin-American migrant households. The division of labor in these households tends to be organized along traditional lines with women participating both in the formal economy and carrying out most of the unremunerated activities as well. Among these families, however, women participate in civic activities in large numbers. This follows a long-standing effort by Colombian authorities to promote the participation of women in community programs. In Colombia, womenÊs rights groups count the support of many women. The longer these families reside in the United States, the more traditional conceptions of gender roles tend to dissipate. This has a lot to do with the changing value systems these families encounter once they settle in or around major cities and the physical, temporal, and cultural distance they experience from their hometowns. Although Colombians generally seem to be very urbane, traditional gender roles among first-generation families show in a variety of ways. In education, women focus on fields with traditionally large concentrations of women professionals such as health, education, social work, and other vocational training, whereas men are disproportionately represented in the hard sciences such as medicine. Colombian women generally earn less than men, and the majority of women tend to concentrate on occupations requiring lower entry barriers. Part of the reason for this pattern is a legacy of the gender disparities in education and labor force participation. Between 1995 and 1998, levels of enrollment between men and women 18 years of age or older were fairly similar in Colombia. The big discrepancy was between enrollment dispersion between men and women in urban and rural areas. Despite this trend, gender accounted for the different career and vocational paths of graduates.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity There are many indications that Colombians residing in the United States maintain a strong sense of cultural identity built by transnational ties with their homeland. One indication of the close cultural identity in the Colombian community is that

Adjustment and Adaptation | 367

despite their high socioeconomic status, Colombians residing in the United States still retain their native language. Evidence suggests that although the majority of Colombians speak at least some English at home, the language of choice continues to be Spanish. In addition, they maintain close ties with their homeland because of the frequent availability of travels and communication. Many of these contacts are facilitated by programs sponsored or created by Colombian government agencies in recognition of the growing significance of the Colombian community in the United States. The Colombian Foreign Minister created the Colombia nos Une (Colombia Unites Us) program to reach out to Colombian migrants. As part of this program, a Web platform named Redes Colombia was created for the purpose of „offering possibilities for contacts, cooperation and participation to foster social contacts among Colombians via the internet‰ (Redes Colombia). The Web site also promotes a service of free telephone calls for migrants who want to call relatives back home. In addition, the ministry opened an office in the capital city to welcome migrants that decide to return and settle back in the country.

New York governor George Pataki (center right) stands with officials from New York’s Colombian community after presenting a proclamation declaring July 27 as Colombian Day in New York State, July 25, 2003. Valentina Upegui, Queen of the Colombian Day Parade, and Rafael Castelar, president of the Colombian Cultural Center, presented Pataki with a model of a typical Colombian house. (AP Photo/Bebeto Matthews)

368 | Colombian Immigrants

More evidence in support of these ongoing transnational links is the amount of remittances sent home by Colombians residing abroad. According to a study by the Latin American Economic System (2005), from1998 to 2005, the value of remittances sent home had steadily increased. In 2003, the country received a total of $3 billion in remittances, surpassing the revenues from all major exports. Other mechanisms that strengthen the sense of national culture and identity among Colombians are their participation in national elections. All Colombians, whether they reside in the country or abroad, retain the right to vote in national elections as long as they are registered with one of the consulates. Citizens living throughout the United States are always encouraged to participate in Colombian elections as part of their civic duty. Through voting, Colombian migrants keep in touch with national events and the political alternatives proposed for the future. Social networks among Colombians are also extensive. Professional associations, soccer leagues, social clubs, and community associations solidify informal social ties among different Colombian groups and reinforce their sense of regional identity. These groups also advocate for the interests of the Colombian community especially at state and local political forums. For example, in the summer of 2009 when the popular singer Juanes organized a free concert in Cuba and was loudly condemned by some Cuban Americans in Miami, the community group Colombianos Rompiendo Barreras from New Jersey came to the performerÊs support with a public advocacy campaign primarily mounted on the Web.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture Colombians demonstrate a very high index of civic activism. This is explained in part by their relatively high level of socioeconomic status. Populations with high levels of human capital tend to be engaged in civic organizations because they possess the skills and social capital necessary to run and manage community groups. For instance, the Colombian Embassy in Washington, D.C., lists 393 registered civil organizations throughout the United States with the majority operating in the three states with the largest concentration of Colombians. A case in point is the association of Colombian Professionals and Students Abroad (PECX) founded in 1991 by Angel Catellanos, a physics doctorate student residing in New York City. This association provides a number of cultural- and immigration-related services to Colombians residing throughout the New YorkNew Jersey metropolitan area. Like other Latin American migrants, Colombians have often experienced ethnic tensions with other Hispanic and minority groups. These strains are fueled by the general competition for jobs, economic empowerment, and political power among migrants, and the distinct circumstances of their migration. Because Colombians

The Second and Later Generations | 369

came primarily to escape the intensification of the countryÊs civil war and the economic deprivation brought about by this conflict, the Colombian community possesses higher human capital and income than other Latinos. Therefore, Colombians also defend different interests and tend to have a different general outlook of American society. Whereas many Latin Americans are very skeptical of the United StatesÊ role in Latin America, Colombians tend to support U.S. policy in the region, especially when it comes to fostering peace and stopping the violence brought about by insurgent groups such as those they experienced in their own territory. Colombians also have a long literary tradition. For example, the Colombian Gabriel Garcia-Marquez is the last Latin American to have won a Nobel Prize in literature. Colombians have made major contributions to journalism, both print and electronic, in their communities. Most, if not all, of the major newspapers, such as El Diario La Prensa in New York City and El Nuevo Herald in Miami, and news television programs from both national Spanish-language networks have Colombian correspondents.

The Second and Later Generations There is evidence to suggest that second-generation Colombians tend to follow a pattern of segmented assimilation into American society. As shown earlier, Colombian families in the United States have already attained a fairly high degree of human capital, diverse socioeconomic backgrounds, and social capital that they pass on to the next generation. However, their children are also raised in an environment with loose mechanisms of social control from decentralized family structures.

Youth Profile Outstanding Colombian Athlete at the University of Maryland– Eastern Shore Martha Perez personifies the educational and personal accomplishments of the Colombia community and the intricate transnational links that persists between this community and their homeland. Martha was born in Bogota, Colombia, in 1987. She is now in college, majoring in sociology at the University of Maryland– Eastern Shore. Martha is also an accomplished student-athlete, who is a member of both the Colombian National Bowling Team and one of the leaders of the university bowling team. She has earned Academic All American Honors and Mid-Eastern Conference (MEAC) Outstanding Athlete while capturing Colombia’s National Youth Championship in 2009.

370 | Colombian Immigrants

Colombian immigrant Martha Hernandez of Boston and her twin daughters, Genesis (left) and Paloma, applaud a speaker at an ceremony commemorating Immigrants’ Day at the State House in Boston, April 7, 2004. (AP Photo/Robert Spencer)

Alejandro Portes and Ruben RumbautÊs (2001) longitudinal study of secondgeneration immigrants supports this pattern of segmented assimilation. According to the study, Colombians surveyed from south Florida have a fairly high education attainment status (only 17% have high school or less); the majority are bilingual; they earn slightly above the Florida medium income; and they have one of the lowest unemployment rates; however, the men have a higher rate of incarceration than the general male population in Florida.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Colombia Colombia is an indubitable ally of the Unites States today. However, warm relations between the two countries have not been the norm throughout their history. For many Colombian nationalists, the United StatesÊ involvement in promoting the secession and eventual independence of Panama from Colombia in 1903 is

Issues in Relations between the United States and Colombia

| 371

still a point of much contention. In addition, for much of the 20th century, perhaps with the exception of 1948 1949, Colombia did not figure prominently in U.S. Latin-American policy as the ColombiaÊs internal political jockeying was not much different than many of its neighbors and did not interfere with the political and commercial interests of the United States in the region. Finally, more pressing political developments elsewhere throughout Latin America took attention away from Colombia in the eyes of U.S. State Department officials in charge of the region. More recently, closer ties between the two nations were fostered by a number of factors. First is the common threat that drug trafficking poses to both countries. Starting in the 1970s, Colombia became a major exporter of marijuana to the United States. But it was in the next decade that Colombia was transformed into a major grower and exporter of cocaine destined for the U.S. market. During the 1980s, as the civil war in Colombia reached disproportionate levels of violence, profits derived from cocaine trafficking bankrolled guerrillas and paramilitary militia operations as many growers contracted one or the other for protection. Statistics published by the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) bear the extent of the threat. According to the DEA, the number of drug-related arrests in the United States jumped from 19,884 in 1986 to 26,485 in 2008. In addition, cocaine seizure by the DEA during the same period ballooned from 29,389 to 49,823 kilograms. United StatesÊ government sources estimate that Colombia alone accounts for 90 percent of all the cocaine and a significant source of the heroin entering the United States and 60 percent of all the cocaine in the world market. Another factor that contributed to the warming of bilateral relations between Colombia and the United States was the election of President Alvaro Uribe. It is important to point out that before Uribe assumed office, relations between the two countries were improving briskly; however, the United States found President Uribe to be an unyielding supporter in the war against traffickers and guerrillas. President Uribe did not hesitated to widen relations with the United States, seeking more assistance and collaboration in his effort to restore peace in the country and even extraditing drug kingpins to the United States despite internal opposition. More significant has been President UribeÊs shared vision with the United States about the transnational threat drugs and terrorism pose on the Western Hemisphere. Adam Isacson, a Colombian expert with the Center for International Policy in Washington, D.C., said that until recently „Colombia and maybe El Salvador were the only significant friends we had left·the only two who would work with us on everything unconditionally‰ (Washington Post June 29, 2009, A6). One of the most palpable results of this close relation has been the continuation of Plan Colombia. An initiative approved by Congress on July 13, 2000, Plan Colombia is one of the largest and most comprehensive efforts by the United States to assist any ally in Latin America dealing with the ramifications of a civil strife fueled by drug money.

372 | Colombian Immigrants

Since the U.S. Congress enacted the Plan Colombia legislation, the Colombian government was transformed from being regarded as a weak and corrupt state to a strong democracy with an improving economy and reduced levels of violence. Since 2000, the U.S. Government has assisted Colombia with a comprehensive strategy that encompasses eradication, interdiction, and organizational attacks with the goal of solidifying the rule of law and the established democratic institutions, thus effectively expanding the stateÊs capacity to handle the menacing threats from criminal narco-terrorist guerrillas and the paramilitary. Since 2002, several violent indicators have been reduced to their lowest levels in decades. According to U.S. government reports, homicides in Colombia have decreased by 40 percent, kidnappings by 83 percent, national terrorist attacks by 76 percent, and sabotages against the countryÊs infrastructure by 60 percent. The future of U.S.-Colombian relations looks bright. Many political leaders, particularly President Uribe, have come to the realization that the United States is an indispensable partner to assure the national security of Colombia as the country faces multiple internal and external threats. Among the internal threats, Colombia continues to struggle to pacify the country and to get rid of drug production and trafficking. Externally, ColombiaÊs recurrent feuds with its neighbors, principally Venezuela and Ecuador, could potentially destabilize its frontiers. In addition, President Uribe at times has been isolated diplomatically and ideologically in regional and international forums from leftist populist leaders elected throughout the region. An example of the security challenges faced by Colombia is the recent agreement signed in 2009 between Colombia and the United States that allows the U.S. armed forces to utilize the military bases of Malango, Palanquero, and Apiay. This could potentially include two additional bases inside Colombia territory even though the government of Ecuador denied the United States access to the military base in Manta. The agreement assures Colombia of its continuous command over the operation of the bases and solidifies a much closer cooperation with the United States in its fight against guerrillas and drug trafficking. Yet ColombiaÊs neighbors indicted the move as more evidence of American colonialism in the region. President Hugo Chavez of Venezuela went as far to mobilize his armed forces in the event of a war with his neighbor.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics Table 62 2003 residential dispersion Estimated number of Colombian citizens residing abroad

4,243,208

Places of residents

48% United Statesand Canada 40% Latin American and the Caribbean 11% Europe

American states with largest concentration of Colombian aliens

Florida 30% New York 23% New Jersey 14% Texas, Massachusetts, Illinois, and Connecticut 20%

European countries with largest concentration of Colombians

Spain 51% United Kingdom 19% Italy 13% Holland 6%

Latin American countries with largest concentration of Colombians

Venezuela 84% Ecuador 12% Brazil 1%

Other countries

Australia 39% Japan 31% Israel 25%

Source: Colombian Foreign Ministry.

Appendix II: Demographics/Census Statistics Table 63 2000 demographic profile of Colombians residing in the United States in comparison with other Latin Americans Key indicators Citizenship Naturalized U.S. citizens Not a U.S. citizen Median age

Number

Percent

Percent of Latin Americans

206,300 303,575

40.5 59.5

30.2 69.8

38.6 a

34.2

Speak some English at home

339,250

67.5

74.7

Live in married household

259,900

55.4

57.7

Reside in same residence in 1995

181,535

36.1

39.7

Gender Males Females

230,075 279,795

45.1 54.9

52.2 47.8

28,230 50,270

25.1 44.8

31.0 29.4

190,335 76,075

71.4 28.5

56.6 43.4

Educational attainment High school graduates Graduate or professional degree Occupationb White-collar Blue-collar

(Continued )

Table 63 2000 demographic profile of Colombians residing in the United States in comparison with other Latin Americans (Continued ) Key indicators Income $100,000 or higher Between $50,000 and $99,999 Less than $50,000 Labor force participation 16 years and older Families living in poverty

Percent

Percent of Latin Americans

14,315 40,350 90,335

9.9 27.9 62.1

6.4 23.3 70.4

290,865

62.7

61.2

21,190

14.6

20.7

Number

Source: U.S. Census 2000. Table FBP-1. a This is a composite measure of two categories from the language spoken at home “English only” and “Speak English less than well.” b White-collar occupations include management, professional, and related occupations; service occupations; and sales and office occupations. Blue-collar occupations include farming, fishing, forestry, construction, extraction, maintenance, production, transportation, and material moving occupations.

Table 64 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status during fiscal year 2009: Colombia Characteristic

Total

Male

Female

Total

27,849

11,297

16,552

Leading states of residence 192

70

122

California

Arizona

1,386

518

868

Colorado

119

32

87

548

230

318

Florida

Connecticut

11,139

4,519

6,620

Georgia

1,009

455

554

456

176

280

Illinois Maryland

374

153

221

Massachusetts

788

330

458

Minnesota

118

48

70

Nevada

161

49

112

New Jersey

2,867

1,232

1,635

New York

3,422

1,428

1,994

North Carolina

575

224

351

Ohio

133

52

81

Pennsylvania

384

136

248

1,513

609

904

Virginia

Texas

403

134

269

Washington

150

58

92

2,112

844

1,268

Other

Source: Adapted from U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Profiles on Legal Permanent Residents: 2009.

Appendix III: Notable Colombian Americans | 375 Table 65 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2000–2005 Region and country of birth Total Colombia

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

841,002

1,058,902

1,059,356

703,542

957,883

1,122,257

14,427

16,627

18,758

14,720

18,846

25,566

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Table 66 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and country of birth: Fiscal years 2006–2009 Region and country of birth Total Colombia

2006

2007

2008

2009

1,266,129

1,052,415

1,107,126

1,130,818

43,144

33,187

30,213

27,849

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2010. Adapted from Table 3.

Appendix III: Notable Colombian Americans The recent wave of Colombian migration to the United States and their relatively small numbers in comparison with other Latin-American migrants and the general American population make the number of notable Colombian Americans quite small. However, this number is likely to increase in the near future given the relative ease of this group to assimilate into American society. The following individuals represent a few notable Colombian Americans who have already made a noteworthy contribution. Moises Arias is an actor born in New York City of Colombian parents. Arias has appeared in multiple shows with the Disney Channel, movies, and several music videos. In the summer of 2009, he was a sideline reporter in the Little League World Series. Juanes Esteban Aristizabal Vasquez is an internationally known Latin pop musician that goes by the name of Juanes. Juanes has won three Latin Grammy Awards and is one of the best-selling musicians from Colombia. He also started his own foundation, the Mi Sangre Foundation, to help victims of land mines. Orlando Cabrera is a Major League Baseball shortstop who has played with multiple teams including the 2004 World Champions, the Boston Red Sox. He made his major league debut in 1997 with the Montréal Expos.

376 | Colombian Immigrants

Scott Gomez is a professional hockey player of mixed Colombian and Mexican descent. Since turning pro in 1999, he has played with the New Jersey Devils, New York Rangers, and most recently the Montreal Canadians. In his rookie season, he was awarded the Calder Trophy as the National Hockey League top rookie and went on to play in the All Star Game that season Soray Raquel Lamilla Cuevas was a singer, songwriter, performer, and producer. She produced the 2005 Latin Grammy Awards Ceremony and was nominated for one of her albums. Soraya died of breast cancer at the early age of 37 years of old John Leguizamo is a popular actor who has performed in a number of venues and genres including one-man comedy shows on Broadway and several motion pictures. Shakira Isabel Mebarak Ripoll, born in Barranquilla, is a composer, singer producer, and performer of international fame. Shakira has won many awards including two Grammys and seven Latin Grammys, in addition of selling millions of albums worldwide. Juan Pablo Montoya is a successful NASCAR race car driver who finished in the top five in six of his races in 2009. In addition, he and his wife created the sports education foundation Formula Smiles to improve the quality of life of Colombian children living in vulnerable conditions. Edgar Renteria is considered one of the finest professional baseball player in his position, and he has played in the Major Leagues since his debut with the Florida Marlins in the mid-1990s. He has played shortstop for a number of teams in the National League and currently plays for the San Francisco Giants. George David Zamka is a NASA astronaut of Colombian and Polish descent. In October 2007, he piloted the Space Shuttle Discovery mission to the International Space Station. He is a U.S. Marine Corps pilot and a graduate of the U.S. Naval Academy and the Florida Institute of Technology. He has received several commendations including a NASA Superior Accomplishment Award.

Glossary arepa: Arepas are simple corn breads made from precooked corn flour, water, and salt and cooked on a griddle. Cali Cartel: The Cali Cartel is a drug cartel based in the Southern Colombian city of Cali. The cartel was founded by the Rodríguez Orejuela family and their associates. For most of the 1980s, this group was responsible for most of the cocaine exported to Latin America and the United States.

References | 377

chicarrón: Chicharrón, or fried pork belly, is a typical dish from ColombiaÊs Andean region and is one of the main components of the famous Colombian „Bandeja Paisa‰ cuisine. counterrevolutionary: The Colombian guerrillas designated this term to those citizens and groups who actively opposed the Colombian insurgency. It usually connotes an attempt to stop revolutionary progress. cumbia: This dance emerged during colonial times in the Atlantic coast region of Colombia as a form of courtship. Today it is one of the most popular dance styles among Colombians. Cumbia is a fusion of African and Indigenous rhythms. Day of the Three Kings: The Epiphany is a Christian holiday celebrated on January 6 to mark the revelation of Jesus Christ. In Colombia and other Hispanic societies, this day is a national holiday on which gifts are exchanged. FARC: The Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia is the oldest guerrilla group still operating on the continent. Despite recent setbacks, the group continues to operate in Colombian territory, occasionally conducting attacks that disrupt the daily life in many cities around the country. M-19 Insurgency: The 19th of April Movement was a second guerrilla organization in Colombia that operated independently of the FARC. After its demobilization during the late 1980s, it became a political party and today still participates in the civic life of the country. Medellín Cartel: This drug cartel operated out of the city of Medellín. Organized by the drug king Pablo Escobar, the network operated one of the largest and most profitable drug trafficking operations in the Americas. By 1993, the government of Colombia managed to dismantle the cartel with the assistance of the United States. National Front: The National Front was a power-sharing political regime negotiated by ColombiaÊs two principal political parties to end the rule of dictator General Rojas Pinilla. For some, this accord laid the foundations for ColombiaÊs competitive democracy today. vallenato: Today it is one of the most popular folk music rhythms from Colombia. This musical genre is native to ColombiaÊs Caribbean provinces.

References Center of International Policy. Colombian Program. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http:// www.ciponline.org/colombia/index.htm. CIA Factbook. Colombia. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] https://www.cia.gov/library/ publications/the-world-factbook/geos/co.html. Diaz-Alejandro, Carlos F. 1976. Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: Colombia. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research.

378 | Colombian Immigrants Dugas, John C. 2006. „Colombia.‰ In Politics of Latin America: The Power Game, 2nd ed., edited by Harry E. Vanden and Gary Prevost, 497 525. New York: Oxford University Press. Latin American Economic System. 2005. Migrations and remittances in Latin America and the Caribbean: Intra-regional Flows and Macroeconomics Determinants. Caracas, Venezuela. Report # SP/CL/XXXI.O/Di No 9-05 / Rev. 1 Library of Congress Country Report. Colombia. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http:// lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/cotoc.html. Migration Information Source. Colombia. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://migration information.org/resources/colombia.cfm. Office of National Drug Control Policy. Country Source: Cocaine Smuggling 2007. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://www.ncjrs.gov/ondcppubs/publications/pdf/cocaine_ smuggling07.pdf. Portes, Alejandro, and Ruben Rumbaut. 2001. Legacies. The Story of the Immigrant Second Generation. Berkeley: University of California Press. Rabasa, Angel, and Peter Chalk. 2001. Colombia Labyrinth. The Synergy of Drugs and Insurgency and its Implications of Regional Stability. Santa Monica: The Rand Corporation. Redes Colombia. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://www.redescolombia.org. Transparency International. 2008. Corruption Perception Index. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://www.transparency.org/policy_research/surveys_indices/cpi/2008.

Further Reading Bushnell, Herbert. 2003. The Making of Modern Colombia. A Nation in Spike of Itself. Berkeley: University of California Press. A history of Colombian national development from independence to the present emphasizing the struggle for democracy in the midst of such challenges as cocaine wars, guerrilla terror, and past political instability. Diaz-Alejandro, Carlos F. 1976. Foreign Trade Regimes and Economic Development: Colombia. New York: National Bureau of Economic Research. Perhaps one of the more penetrating political economic analyses of ColombiaÊs economic development, it documents how recurrent economic failures undermined the political arrangement of the National Front. Dix, Robert. 1987. The Politics of Colombia. New York: Praeger. A succinct study of political contestation in Colombia through the 1986 election. The book also discusses the economic and social pressures on political development. Dudley, Steven. 2004. Walking Ghost: Murder and Guerrilla Politics in Colombia. New York: Routledge. A chronicle of the political violence in recent years and its deadly dimensions, which were often exacerbated by the inner fighting among drug kingpins and efforts by the guerrilla to disrupt civil society.

Further Reading | 379 Fals Borda, Orlando. 1969. Subversion and Social Change in Colombia. New York: Columbia University Press. A classic study of the underpinnings of power and the efforts to promote social change in Colombia. Hartlyn, Jonathan. 1988. The Politics of Coalition Rule in Colombia. New York: Cambridge University Press. The book analyzes the shifting interests and coalition politics from 1958 through 1986 with emphasis on the formation and evolution of the National Front regime. Hartlyn, Jonathan, and John Dugas. 1999. „Colombia: The Politics of Violence and Democratic Transformation.‰ In Democracy in Developing Countries: Latin America, 2nd ed., edited by Larry Diamond, Jonathan Hartlyn, Juan Linz, and Seymour M. Lipset, 249 308. Boulder, CO: Lynne Riener. This chapter is part of a multivolume study of the tensions, crises, and challenges facing democratic regimes in developing nations. Kline, Harvey. 1999. State Building and Conflict Resolution in Colombia. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press. Kline analyzes the different strategies and failed efforts undertaken by elected democratic governments to contain the guerrilla war between 1986 and 1994. Martz, John. 1997. The Politics of Clientalism. Democracy and the State in Colombia. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. This studies the exchange of political favors among the elite in Colombia and how political leaders affirmed their loyalty to their respective parties from 1958 through 1997. An underlying assumption of this study is that clientalism sustained the political maneuvers in Colombia since the 1950s. Maulin, Richard. 1971. Soldiers, Guerrillas and Politics in Colombia. Santa Monica, CA: The Rand Corporation. R-630-ARPA. This report by Maulin was one of the first and most influential studies of the eruption of guerrilla activity and of how the guerrilla movements operate in Colombia. Mcllwaine, Cathy, and Caroline Moser. 2003. „Poverty, Violence and Livelihood Security in Urban Colombia and Guatemala.‰ Progress in Development Studies 3: 113 30. This comparative study of violence documents how the rising levels of insecurity in Latin American nations undermine poverty relief efforts. Rabasa, Angel, and Peter Chalk. 2001. Colombia Labyrinth. The Synergy of Drugs and Insurgency and its Implications of Regional Stability. Santa Monica, CA: The Rand Corporation. Perhaps one of the most authoritative studies of the insurgency movement and the governmentÊs battle to eradicate it. The book emphasizes the conditions that gave rise to the insurgency in the 1960s and the tensions between the three main guerrilla groups leading up to the election of President Uribe. Randall, Stephen. 1992. Colombia and the United States. Hegemony and Interdependence. Athens: University of Georgia Press.

380 | Colombian Immigrants A history of the perceptions and misperceptions that ruled Colombian American relations since independence to the late 1980s. Shifter, Michael. 1999. „Colombia at War.‰ Current History 99/634: 116 21. Colombia at war is a study of the political violence that dominates the country with special attention given to the rising violence during the period of democratic politics. Transparency International. 2001. National Integrity System Country Report. Colombia. [Online article retrieved 00/00.] http://www.transparency.org. This report documents the levels of corruption and political integrity in Colombia and its deteriorating effects on the political legitimacy of democratically elected regimes. Wickham-Crowley, Timothy P. 1992. Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. This is the defining study of comparative guerrilla movements in Latin America during the 1960s and up to the Nicaraguan conflict.

Costa Rican Immigrants by Thea S. Alvarado

Introduction Costa Rica, or the Rich Coast, is a small country in Central America. Formally known as the Republic of Costa Rica, its land mass is slightly smaller than the state of West Virginia. Costa Rican migrants form one of the smaller Central American immigrant communities in the United States. As such, they are often grouped together with other Central American migrants in population data and statistics. However, Costa Ricans have a distinct culture and background. Costa Rica covers a small area, but its people are well-known for their politeness and generosity. Very traditional in speech and customs, Costa Ricans also have a flair for fun and entertainment. Costa Ricans, or Ticos, feel a sense of cohesiveness unparalleled by most other nations. Although the leadership of Costa Rica has suffered many changes in its past, the country enjoys a level of economic stability. Well-grounded social welfare programs have also ensured that Costa Ricans have the benefit of a relatively high standard of living compared to most other Central American countries. Costa Ricans also enjoy a fairly egalitarian society. A tax-funded public education system ensures that Costa Ricans are literate and well-educated. Historically dominated by indigenous tribes, Costa Rica was first colonized by the Spanish is the early 16th century. Although much of its indigenous influence can no longer be seen, the location of Costa Rica affords it a unique Caribbean flair, which is commonly displayed in the art, music, food, and customs of people along the coast. Costa Rica is a popular destination for tourism, and many travelers make the trip to absorb the rich biodiversity. Its unique climate also makes Costa Rica a popular place to retire. Costa Rica and the United States have a long history of trade relations, with Costa Rica supplying a sizeable percentage of U.S. agricultural imports. The United States, in turn, supplies Costa Rica with scholars and a burgeoning tourist market. Quick to help one another in need, the amiable relations between the United States and Costa Rica ensure that a considerable number of Costa Ricans now call the United States their home.

381

Chronology | 383

Chronology pre-1500

Costa Rica is inhabited by indigenous tribes.

1502

Christopher Columbus lands on the shores of Costa Rica, in modernday Limón.

1510

Diego de Nicuesa explores the Caribbean coast.

1523

Spanish set up first permanent colonies along Pacific coast.

1541

Diego de Gutiérrez serves as appointed head of state.

1563

The city of Cartago is established.

1572

The city of Cartago is moved.

1574

The city of Cartago is moved again.

1633

English occupy Providence Island. Pirate raids begin.

1723

Volcán Irazú erupts.

1736

The city of Villanueva, now San José, is established.

1820

First recorded export of coffee, to Panama.

1821

Central America declares its independence from Spain.

1823

Residents of Cartago fight residents of San José in the Battle of Ochomongo. San José is named the new capital of Costa Rica.

1824

Slavery is abolished in Costa Rica.

1825

Juan Mora Fernández is elected first head of state. Costa Rica annexes Guanacaste.

1836

Costa Rica is established as an independent country.

1838

Costa Rica formally withdraws from the Central American Federation.

1841

Cartago is destroyed in an earthquake but is later rebuilt.

1847

José María Castro Madriz is elected the first president.

1848

The first Protestant church is established in Costa Rica. Costa Rica officially becomes a republic. Costa RicaÊs first „reformed‰ constitution is adopted.

1855

Costa Ricans fight the invasion of William Walker, an American entrepreneur.

1863

Costa Rica establishes its first bank, Banco Anglo-Costaricense.

384 | Costa Rican Immigrants

1869

Public education is established for elementary through high school.

1870

Tomás Guardia establishes himself as dictator.

1881

Bananas are first exported to New York.

1899

United Fruit Company established.

1910

Cartago is destroyed by an earthquake but is later rebuilt.

1918

War on Germany is declared.

1934

The Great Atlantic Banana Plantation strike.

1937

Interamerican Highway construction begins.

1940

University of Costa Rica is established.

1948

The military is dissolved, in favor of a national police force.

1949

The newest revision to the constitution is adopted. WomenÊs suffrage is granted.

1963

Volcán Irazú erupts.

1971

National Parks are created.

1987

President Arias is awarded Nobel Peace Prize for his peace plan.

1988

Hurricane Joan kills 28 people in Costa Rica.

1997

Hurricane Cesar strikes, killing 29 people.

2006

Oscar Arias Sanchez elected president.

2007

Costa Rica approves Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA).

2009

Cinchona earthquake kills 34 in Costa Rica.

Background Geography Costa Rica has a varied geography of beaches, central plains, and rugged mountains. Measuring just 19,652 square miles, Costa Rica is boarded by Nicaragua to the north and Panama to the south. The climate of Costa Rica is mainly tropic and subtropical. There are three mountain ranges than run the length of the country: the Guanacaste Mountain Range, the Central Mountain Range, and the Talamanca Mountain Range. The countryÊs highest mountain is Chirripó Hill, which rises to an elevation of 12,529 feet above sea level. The majority of the population lives in the Central Valley, yet a significant number of people also live on the Caribbean coast,

Background | 385

which stretches 130 miles on the Atlantic side. Costa Rica experiences a rainy season between May and November, where areas on the coast and along rivers can be subject to flooding. Limón, the countryÊs main Caribbean port, is especially prone to seasonal flooding. The national average rainfall is 100 inches per year. Officially, Costa Rica has one of the highest areas of protected land in the world. As such, it is host to some of the greatest biodiversity in the world. Many species of birds, plants, and other wildlife flourish in this climate, including several endangered species. In fact, although small, Costa Rica has more butterflies than the entire United States. The largest natural attractions are Manuel Antonio National Park, Braulio Carillo National Park, Irazú Volcano National Park, Poás Volcano National Park, and Tortuguero National Park. Tortuguero National Park is an area of rainforests, swamps, and beaches that is home to macaws, jaguars, monkeys, lizards, sloths, crocodiles, caimans, manatees, and green sea turtles, among many other animals. Although it can only be reached by boat or plane, this park has 50,000 visitors each year. Many researchers and conservationists make their living by studying Costa RicaÊs diversity and sharing it with the world. However, everincreasing tourism draws concerns about sustainability and humansÊ impact on the natural resources. Due to its geography, Costa Rica is susceptible to earthquakes, volcanoes, and hurricanes. Located close to several tectonic plates, the country of Costa Rica is prone to earthquakes. Although most tremors are too weak to be felt, destructive earthquakes strike this country every few years. A large earthquake struck in 1991, measuring 7.4 on the Richter scale. In 1999, a 6.7 magnitude earthquake again

Earthquakes in Costa Rica Costa Rica experienced its most recent large earthquake on January 8, 2009. The earthquake cut off power to most of the residents of San José and destroyed buildings and houses, and residents continued to feel aftershocks for many days afterward. Massive landslides also trapped people living in mountainous regions. At a resort in Vara Blanca, close to 200 Costa Ricans and foreign tourists were trapped at the La Paz Waterfall Gardens Hotel. The Cinchona earthquake registered 6.1 on the Richter scale. This massive natural disaster ultimately caused the death of 34 people and affected thousands of others. Over 200 houses, nine bridges, and 20 aqueducts were destroyed, and the region known as Cinchona, where the earthquake originated, is considered inhabitable. The government of Costa Rica declared a state of emergency, and the United States was the first country to offer aid, giving $50,000 for helicopters and fuel to help the relief effort.

386 | Costa Rican Immigrants

shook the area. The most recent earthquake struck Costa Rica in January of 2009. In addition to earthquakes, several active volcanoes are also located along the plains. Volcán Irazú erupted in 1723. Again it erupted in 1963 and continued to damage crops and homes by spewing ash for two years. Hurricanes also contribute to the areaÊs dangerous weather conditions. Hurricane Cesar struck Costa Rica in 1997, causing widespread damage and destruction.

History of Costa Rica Christopher Columbus landed on the shores of Costa Rica in 1502, on his fourth voyage to the Americas. The current currency, the colón, is named after him. It wasnÊt until 1523 that the Spanish set up their first permanent colonies along the Pacific coast. There is evidence that that area of Costa Rica was inhabited for several thousands of years before Spanish colonization. Many art forms have been found in the area, dating back as far as 10,000 years. One of the most well-known pre-Columbian works of art discovered in the area is the bolas, or large stone balls, that are still on display today. There were several Indian tribes living in Costa Rica when the colonizers arrived, yet many of them died off shortly due to enslavement and diseases such as smallpox that were brought along with the colonizers. As indigenous populations dwindled, Spaniards brought in Africans to serve as slaves. Their descendants still inhabit the area, yet generations of intermarriage have resulted in many people of mixed race. Costa Rica developed separately from the countries around it. Rough terrain, undeveloped land, and the rainy season made travel difficult between settlements. Settlements were limited to small isolated subsistence farms. With few natural resources to make use of, SpainÊs interests were diverted to other countries. Costa Rica did not obtain its first permanent Spanish settlement until 1523. The city of Cartago followed soon after in 1563, yet it had to be reestablished at a different location many years later. San José, Costa RicaÊs most populous city, wasnÊt established until 1736. Central America declared its independence from Spain in 1821. In 1823, however, residents of Cartago, who wanted to remain joined with Mexico, and residents of San José, who wished to be autonomous, fought in the Battle of Ochomongo. As San José emerged victorious from Costa RicaÊs first civil war, it was named the new capital. The Republic of Costa Rica has had several forms of governance in its history. It was originally colonized by Spain from 1506 to 1821. From 1823 until 1838, Costa Rica belonged to the Central American Federation. It has been an independent country since 1836 and was proclaimed a republic in 1848. The first elected head of state in Costa Rica was Juan Mora Fernández, who served from 1825 until 1833, but political leadership remained somewhat unstable for several decades afterward. During this period, dictators and corrupt politicians would seize power, only to be

Background | 387

overthrown by the next rebel group. Between 1855 and 1856, Costa Ricans fought the North American entrepreneur William Walker, who wanted to establish himself as president. Around this time, many Costa Ricans died of cholera, a bacterial infection commonly transmitted through infected water sources. In 1870, General Tomás Guardia seized control of the government, establishing himself as dictator. José María Castro Madriz was the first president to serve in the Republic of Costa Rica, after the adoption of the constitution. He served two nonconsecutive terms in office, in 1847 1849 and again in 1866 1868. The democratic government of Costa Rica has three distinct branches: the executive, the legislative, and the judicial. There have been several changes to the constitution. The constitution currently in use was adopted in 1949. The elected president serves a term of four years, with the aid of two vice presidents. From 2006 to 2010, the president of Costa Rica was Oscar Arias Sanchez. Laura Chinchilla Miranda was elected in 2010. Costa Rica currently permits its president to serve in office for four years. There is a high level of political activism in the country, as all Costa Ricans over the age of 18 are required to vote in national elections. Although Costa Ricans employ a national police force, there has been no military in the country

Depiction of the Battle of Rivas in 1856. American Confederate William Walker had seized control of Nicaragua in 1855 and then entered Costa Rica. Costa Rican president Juan Rafael Mora gathered a Central American coalition army and defeated Walker at the Battle of Rivas, pushing him back into Nicaraguan territory. (Library of Congress)

388 | Costa Rican Immigrants

since 1949. The present constitution abolished the army so that spending could be diverted to social programs, such as health care and education. Most Costa Ricans are employed on small farms. Coffee, known as the grano oro or „golden bean,‰ was one of the first and only cash crops established in Costa Rica and is still one of the largest exports today. In the 1830s, dictator Braulio Carrillo gave the coffee plants away for free, hoping to establish a large crop for export to Europe. Many early workers built the railroad system that now runs on the Caribbean coast. Textiles, coffee, and bananas are the countryÊs main exports today; 41 percent of exports from Costa Rica are traded to the United States. Mexico, Venezuela, Japan, and China are also large importers of Costa Rican products. Tourism, especially ecotourism, is becoming increasingly profitable. The United Fruit Company was established in Costa Rica in 1899. It helped to propel bananas as one of Costa RicaÊs chief exports. In 1934, Costa Ricans participated in the Great Atlantic Banana Plantation strike. This strike was one of the largest in Latin America against a North American owned company. Close to 10,000 workers walked out, at a time when the population of Costa Rica was only half a million people total. The strike continued for four weeks. Although the workers were close to an agreement, accusations of foul play on both sides led to another two weeks of violence, with the United Fruit Company eventually backing down. Although the organizers of the strike were punished for their participation, the workers made a powerful statement in protest of unfair wages and abysmal working conditions. The strike today is seen as a pivotal moment in the nationÊs history, driven by the labor movement and communist ideals. Along with tourism and agriculture, Costa RicaÊs economy also relies on the export of electronics, which can be made more cheaply than in industrialized countries. Despite a booming trade economy, however, one in five Costa Ricans are in poverty. They cannot afford a comfortable standard of living. Although the government has, in the past, implemented many welfare programs, funds for social services have been cut in recent years. Free-trade zones have also attracted foreign investors. In 2003, the United States strongly pursued a trade agreement known as the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA). By 2007, several countries, including El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic had signed on. Initially, Costa Ricans voiced opposition against the agreement, and public sentiment against the DR-CAFTA is still strong. In the 2006 presidential elections, DR-CAFTA was widely debated. Costa Rica joined DR-CAFTA on January 1, 2009. Costa Ricans refer to themselves as Ticos and have culture distinct from other Central Americans. Although most Costa Ricans consider themselves to be racially white, many identify ethnically as Costa Rican. The Costa Rican population would actually be considered racially mestizo by social scientists today, since most are a mix of Spanish and indigenous ancestry. Within the home country,

Causes and Waves of Migration | 389

many mestizo Costa Ricans look down on anyone of obvious indigenous heritage. There are eight main indigenous groups in Costa Rica: the Bribris, Borucas or Bruncas, Cabecares, Chorotegas, Guayamis or Ngöbe Buglé, Huetares, Malokus or Malekus, and Teribes. Less than 1 out of 100 of Costa Ricans identify with one of these eight tribes of indigenous people. Dark-skinned Costa Ricans are also a stigmatized population. Although Costa Rica had a large slave population, today most dark-skinned inhabitants who live in the Caribbean coastal areas are not descendants of slave populations. There is a sizeable population of Chinese in Costa Rica, many of whom established residence early on, after obtaining work in fields or on the railroad. Most of them today own small shops and are considered ethnically distinct. Many immigrants, both legal and illegal, enter Costa Rica from Nicaragua and El Salvador. Most of these immigrants came to the country as a result of civil unrest or for employment reasons. Nicaraguans typically have darker skin. They, like the Salvadorans, are a stigmatized population. Costa Ricans, even in the United States, might have a prejudice against darker-skinned peoples because of their experience with these populations within their home countries. Costa Rica also has a large population of Columbian refugees. Strife in Columbia and a dangerous drug trade has led many people to flee to surrounding countries seeking asylum. Over four million people call Costa Rica home. This is roughly the size of the population of Los Angeles, or half the population of New York City. The population of Costa Rica is expected to rise to five million by 2025.

Causes and Waves of Migration Unlike immigration from Mexico and most of Central America, Costa Rican immigration to the United States is remarkable in that it has occurred more as a constant trickle than several distinct waves. An exit visa is required to leave Costa Rica. This law was enacted in order to deter child abduction and applies to dual citizens as well as U.S. citizens living in Costa Rica. Most Costa Ricans who enter the United States do so for family reunification or employment reasons. Costa Ricans may seek entry after marrying a U.S. citizen, or because they have relatives residing in the United States. Many younger Costa Ricans will come to the United States in order to obtain a university education and will remain after graduation in order to pursue a graduate education, research opportunities, or employment in high-skill job sectors. Costa Ricans who are employed abroad by American companies may find it easier to enter the United States seeking work. The Costa Rican community in the United States is small relative to other Hispanic groups. Costa Ricans who do settle in the United States tend to live in large urban centers rather than

390 | Costa Rican Immigrants

rural areas. According to data from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security, the largest immigrant receiving states during 2009 were Florida, New Jersey, and California. Large Costa Rican ethnic enclaves are also located in North Carolina, New York, and Texas.

Demographic Profile Size and Composition of Community According to the 2000 U.S. Census, there are 68,588 Costa Ricans living in the United States. Approximately half of the population is male, yet there are slightly more female Costa Ricans in the United States. The Costa Rican population in the United States is younger, on average, than the mainstream population. The median age of Costa Ricans residing in the United States is 31. This is several years younger than the median age of the total population of U.S. residents, which is 35. The largest age group of Costa Ricans is 18 and over. Approximately 52,886 members of the community fit into this category. In the United States, there are 4,218 children under the age of 5 that were identified as Costa Rican. Additionally, there is a sizeable population of elderly Costa Ricans, age 65 and older. In 2000, they numbered 3,242. Approximately 30,000 Costa Rican-Americans aged 15 and over are married. The average household size for Costa Ricans is three, and the average family size is four. This indicates that family members may not all share the same household. The life expectancy for males is 75 years; females are expected to live 80 years.

Age and Family Structure, Educational Attainment, and Economic Attainment The 2000 Census reports that 45,376 Costa Rican Americans are 25 years of age or older. Approximately 33,000 have earned at least a high school diploma, and, of these, more than 9,500 have bachelorÊs degrees or higher. In 1999, they had a slightly lower median family income than the total population (a difference of $1,953). The most recent American Community Survey (2005 2007) estimates that there are approximately 110,000 Costa Ricans living in the United States. Costa Rica has one of the highest literacy rates in the developing world. Approximately 95 percent of the country is able to read. Although schools are well-funded, most Costa Ricans do not continue to attend classes past primary school. In the United States, Costa Ricans obtain higher levels of education. Many students travel from Costa Rica on exchange programs in order to attend universities in the United States.

Adjustment and Adaptation | 391

Health Statistics and Issues The leading cause of death for adult Costa Ricans is diseases of the circulatory system, followed by neoplasm and external causes. Infant mortality is close to 10 per 1,000 births. Malaria, although a serious disease of the past, is no longer a major concern, as swift medical attention and education has minimalized its impact. Tuberculosis is still a concern, and the risk of HIV/AIDS, influenza, obesity, and breast and lung cancer is growing. Costa Rica is the only country in Central America that allows universal treatment for HIV/AIDS infection. Typhoid, hepatitis A, hepatitis B, and yellow fever are also concerns for people traveling between Costa Rica and the United States. Water access and sanitation services are good, and Costa Rica consistently ranks high on the United NationsÊ Human Development Index (HDI) and the Gender-related Development Index (GDI). The HDI takes into account life expectancy, health, education, and standard of living measures. In 2008, the United States ranked 15th on this list, and Costa Rica was not far behind at number 50 (United Nations 2008). The birth rate for Costa Ricans is slowly declining, due to public health campaigns and increasing access to birth control and education. Although Costa Ricans have a high standard of living compared to other Central America countries, they are still susceptible to common contagious diseases, especially if they are arriving to the United States from rural areas in Costa Rica. Costa Ricans do not have any higher rates of particular genetic diseases, however, and are subject to environmental diseases similar to any other group of Americans once arriving to the United States.

Adjustment and Adaptation Family, Culture, and Life-Cycle Rituals Costa Ricans value peace; they generally avoid confrontation with one another. They also highly value the family. In fact, Costa Ricans will agree to most anything just to keep the peace, even if they donÊt intend to fulfill that agreement. This act is done with community interests in heart, not with any intentional act of deception. Rather than disagree, Costa Ricans will go along with the status quo and deal with the consequences at a later date. This makes everyone happy in the present, and hopefully, the thinking goes, whatever the issue is, it can be resolved at a later date. This need to quedar bien (stay well) drives social interaction in Costa Rican communities. Birth and baptism rituals in the United States follow strict Catholic guidelines. New mothers are quick to introduce their children to friends and family, who help out with cooking, housework, and provision of gifts. Shortly after birth, a child is

392 | Costa Rican Immigrants

taken to the church to be blessed by a priest. This first baptism ensures that the child will enter heaven, rather than purgatory, should he or she die at an early age. At the baptism, children are usually appointed a set of godparents. Traditionally, godparents served as spiritual guides who would take a child in should tragedy befall their parents. Childhood is an important time in the life of a Costa Rican. During this period, children are socialized by their family members to take on the roles of adulthood. This is typically also the time when Costa Rican Americans may teach their children about the culture of their home country. Adolescence is a period in later childhood that has recently gained acceptance by older Costa Ricans. Although females have a coming of age ceremony, men do not. On their 15th birthdays, Costa Rican women are welcomed to adulthood with an elaborate ceremony known as a quinceñera. By no means unique to Costa Ricans, this practice is a part of Latin American culture as well. A quinceñera is similar to a wedding in its planning and execution. The young lady will typically purchase an intricately decorated dress to wear during the festivities. She will also pick several young men and women to act as her attendants. Her family helps to make arrangements for invitations, the location for the party, food, and music. Quinceñeras usually start with a religious ceremony. The girl, her family, and guests attend mass before heading to the celebration. Live entertainment is usually provided in the form of a mariachi band or more recently a DJ, and dancing can go on well into the night. Family rituals such as birthdays, baptisms, confirmations, wedding showers, weddings, and holiday gatherings require a considerable amount of energy and resources. These events allow Costa Ricans to reinforce ties with their family members and friends. The rituals reaffirm the solidarity of the family unit and require a considerable amount of time and planning. Many of these events also include a religious foundation. Holidays are a regular occasion for family gatherings, and many secondary events may be interspersed throughout the year. The smaller family units may also have their own informal gatherings for less important events such as anniversaries and birthdays. Weddings and funerals have similar religious roots, both requiring a homily to be said by the priest. Before seeking marriage, Costa Rican men and women must consult a priest to ask for approval of the union. Typically, they are required to attend a workshop or weekend retreat hosted by the Catholic Church to teach them about their new responsibilities. Weddings are usually elaborate events, where extended family and friends gather for an all-day celebration. Several traditional rituals are carried out over the course of the ceremony. The bride and groom may be walked down the aisle by both parents, or the bride may walk with just her father. A groom may present his bride with coins, to symbolize that he will provide for her. The priest will wrap the couple in a lasso to symbolize their bonding together. They may also present a bouquet of flowers to the Virgin Mary as an offering to

Adjustment and Adaptation | 393

bless their marriage. In the United States, Costa Ricans may light a unity candle as well, to symbolize the bonding of their two families. Traditionally, the mothers of the bride and groom each light a candle. The bride and groom use those flames to simultaneously light a candle of their own, signifying their unity. The tradition of tossing a bouquet was recently accepted in Costa Rica, although its practice was likely imported from the United States. Funerals are also an occasion for family gatherings, with similar religious undertones. Wakes had previously been common practice, taking place in the home of family members. Today, if they are carried out, they take place in a funeral home. The bodies of loved ones are rarely embalmed, unless they must be preserved to allow for the arrival of out-of-town mourners. A casket is typical and can range from a cheap wooden box to an intricately carved wooden or metal casing. Bodies are typically buried in the ground, although the more prosperous may opt for an above-ground vault. After the funeral, the family typically brings the casket to its final resting place by procession, and a hearse with flowers may accompany them. Funerals are simple, and many Costa Ricans choose not to plan their own funeral arrangements before their death. After death, however, the family will engage in several smaller ceremonies to mourn the passing of a loved one and to honor their memory. Friends and acquaintances will put out obituaries in the local newspapers. Catholics will continue to say the rosary for the departed, and a monthly mass will mark the date of death for a year, and then annually thereafter. Older Costa Ricans adhere more strictly to the rules of conduct following a death, sometimes donning a black wardrobe, but younger Costa Ricans demonstrate more informal ways of grieving.

Families and Changing Gender Relations Costa Ricans maintain very conservative nuclear families, where the male is the head of the household. The elderly are respected, and it is not uncommon to have several generations living under one roof; however, the patriarchal family structure is changing, especially within the United States. Increasingly, Costa Ricans have single-parent households, and grandparents are moved to senior residences. There are strict gender roles for both men and women, who treat one another cordially. In Costa Rica, it is not considered impolite for men to heckle women in the streets, and this machismo follows Costa Rican immigrants to the United States, although to a somewhat lesser degree.

Retaining a Sense of National Culture and Identity The small numbers of Costa Rican immigrants to the United States allows migrants to acculturate at a much faster rate than those who reside in large ethnic enclaves.

394 | Costa Rican Immigrants

The Costa Rican Flag The Costa Rican flag can be seen flying on government buildings. It has two official versions. The one that depicts the coat of arms is most commonly used for public display. Private citizens fly the same flag, although theirs may omit the coat of arms. The flag is red, white, and blue. It contains five unequal horizontal stripes. The two outermost stripes are blue, and the innermost and largest stripe is red. Costa Rica first adopted its official flag when it became independent from Mexico in 1823. At the time, its national flag was based on the flag of Argentina, which is also white and blue. In the early 1840s, the flag had just three stripes of white and blue. The large red stripe was added in 1848 to symbolize true independence and civilization. Its colors were inspired by the French flag, which symbolizes freedom, equality, and brotherhood. The coat of arms has undergone several revisions, most recently in 1964. Currently, it portrays three mountains on a green island, in between two blue seas. On each body of water is a ship, and a yellow sun can be seen setting in the background. Seven stars represent the seven provinces of the republic: Alajuela, Cartago, Guanacaste, Heredia, Limón, Puntarenas, and San José. A white banner at the top of the scene reads: “Republic of Costa Rica.” A blue banner above the coat of arms states “Central America” in homage to the interconnectedness of several nations in the geographic area.

Costa Rican immigrants are quick to adapt and acculturate to life in the United States. This may be because Costa Ricans feel little stigma attached to their ethnic identity. Most Costa Ricans identify themselves as white, rather than Hispanic, so they are more easily absorbed into mainstream American society. Since there are so few Costa Ricans living in the United States, however, recent immigrants may also be absorbed into the larger Hispanic culture. Within a short period of time, though, they usually acculturate into mainstream American society. Costa Rican parents typically choose to teach their children English, rather than Spanish, to aid in their acculturation, although a large number of Costa Rican migrants are also bilingual.

Continued Links to Costa Rica Due to the proximity of Costa Rica to the United States, transnational migrants are common. Convenient airfare, inexpensive forms of communication, and safe travel arrangements make international travel between the two countries especially widespread. Almost half of the tourists that enter Costa Rica each year are from the United States. Likewise, Costa Ricans sometimes enter the United States to attend Disney World on their honeymoon, an increasing practice among newly married

Adjustment and Adaptation | 395

couples. Many Costa Ricans residing in the United States maintain ties with their home countries. They are engaged in politics and occasionally make the trip back to Costa Rica for important family events, such as births, deaths, and marriages. Immigrants with jobs in the United States may also send money, known as remittances, back to their families abroad.

Social Organizations Based on National/Ethnic Background Although no large national organizations exist in the United States solely for Costa Ricans, there are several large national organizations that exist to provide Hispanic youth with special opportunities in the United States. The National Council of La Raza (NCLR) is a civil rights and advocacy organization for Hispanic youth. NCLR partners with many smaller organizations designed to offer Hispanic youth opportunities throughout the United States. One of these organizations is the Central American Resources Center (CARECEN), founded in 1981. Although originally designed to aid Central Americans fleeing civil strife in their home countries, this organization exists today to help facilitate the transition of immigrant youth to a life in the United States. They provide information, skills, and training to assist youth in strengthening their community. A similar organization operating in New England called Centro Presente focuses on community education and development, leadership, and legal services for Central American youth.

Religion Catholicism is the official religion of Costa Rica: 80 90 percent of Costa Ricans follow the Roman Catholic religion, although they may not attend religious services regularly. There is an indirect relationship between church and state in Costa Rica, although several national holidays are based around religious events. Protestantism, including Baptist, Methodist, Mormon, and Seventh-Day Adventist denominations, is followed to a lesser degree. There is also a distinct body of Costa Rican Jews. Other religions, including Buddhism, Hinduism, and Islam, are gaining popularity among Costa Ricans. As is true for many areas around the world, older Costa Ricans are often more pious and religious than the youth. It is often the elderly that continue on many of the religious traditions in Costa Rica, in the hopes that younger generations will continue the rituals.

Language Issues Spanish is the official language of Costa Rica, yet a small population along the Caribbean coast also speaks a Caribbean dialect of English. Residents in larger urban cities will be familiar with English, but few will speak it in the rural areas. Many

396 | Costa Rican Immigrants

educated Costa Ricans are familiar with the English language before coming to the United States. A small number of indigenous rural Costa Ricans speak antiquated native dialects, but these dialects are dying out. Costa Ricans speak Spanish slower and more clearly than other Central American residents. Costa Rican Spanish is often much more polite and formal than typical dialects. There are also several words present in the language that are unique to Costa Rica. For example, the ending „tico‰ or „titico‰ may be added to any word for emphasis. Terms of endearment are also common, as are nicknames based on appearance or nationality. Language schools proliferate in Costa Rica, and many Americans have found work teaching English to Costa Rican residents seeking a competitive edge in business negotiations. Likewise, Americans can easily find schools designed to provide short, intensive courses in the Costa Rican dialect.

National/Regional-Language Press and Other Media One of the main newspapers in Costa Rica, the Tico Times, is written solely in English for a mainly foreign population. There are several other large national papers, but several have been criticized as being under the control of the national government. Costa RicaÊs principal national newspaper is La Nación. It contains news on Costa Rica and other parts of the world, and is distributed in Spanish and in English translation in several countries. The Costa Rica News is another English weekly newspaper. It, and several other newspapers aimed at foreign residents and nationals, is available online. A variety of radio and television channels are available for news, education, culture, and entertainment. TELETICA is one such television channel that broadcasts Spanish- and English-language content. It was the first station available in Costa Rica. Another popular channel is UCR, the channel broadcast by the University of Costa Rica. Conexion TV broadcasts sports, and occasionally music, from Costa Rica and abroad. Pop, oldies, and modern rock dominate a multiplicity of highquality radio stations. Radio Reloj and Radio Monumental are two well-known choices. Many Costa Rican radio stations are available worldwide, as they are also broadcast on the Internet.

Celebration of National Holidays Many of the national holidays in Costa Rica are based on religious holidays. National holidays are seen as a period of rest and fun, and are typically centered on the family. Buses, banks, offices, and businesses typically close down for national holidays. Semana Santa, or the Holy Week, is celebrated the week before Easter. Many Costa Ricans take this time for vacationing, and head to the beach for relaxation. Christmas through New Years is often a period for vacationing as well,

Adjustment and Adaptation | 397

although most employers do not formally give the entire period off. Other notable holidays include March 19, St. JosephÊs Day, and April 11, Juan Santamaria Day. St. Joseph is considered the Catholic patron saint of San José, Costa RicanÊs largest city. Juan Santamaria is a national hero, remembered for his victory in 1856 at the battle of Rivas against William Walker, the American who wanted to establish himself as president of Costa Rica. Costa Ricans celebrate Labor Day on May 1, which is known as the Dia de los Trabajadores, or the Day of the Workers. In July, Guanacaste Day is celebrated to mark the annexation of Guanacaste from Nicaragua. In August, Virgin of Los Angeles Day is celebrated to pay homage to the patron saint of Costa Rica, La Negrita. On this day, special masses take place and a procession runs from San José to the Basilica of Cartago. Religious pilgrims migrate to celebrate this mass at Cartago. Later in the month, Costa Ricans celebrate MotherÊs Day and the Feast of the Assumption. Independence Day is the next large national holiday, during which time large parades celebrate Costa RicaÊs independence from Spain. In 2021, Costa Rica will celebrate its 200th year of independence. In October, the Dia de la Raza, also known as Columbus Day, is celebrated in Limón. It follows a week of carnival on the Caribbean coast. Dia de los Muertos, or All SoulÊs Day, is a commonly celebrated holiday in many Central and Latin American nations. Catholic masses are a common occurrence on this day. Many Costa Ricans make the trip to visit the gravesites of loved ones, and alters are set up in remembrance of family and friends that have passed. The celebration of national holidays allows Costa Ricans to retain a sense of national culture and identity, wherever they may be living.

Independence Day The biggest celebrations in Costa Rica are held each year on September 15. This national holiday commemorates the day when Costa Ricans won independence from Spain in 1821, although Costa Rica did not become fully independent until 1838. On September 13, a traditional torch-lighting ceremony takes place, where it is passed from the border to the nation’s capital, San José. Costa Ricans also carry decorative lanterns for a march down the main streets. Celebrations may start on the previous evening with large parades. It is not uncommon to hear the national anthem sung as people proudly wave the Costa Rican flag. Children in the community commonly participate in the festivities by marching and baton twirling. Girls may take on a more traditional garb, with colorful, full-length skirts made for dancing. Salsa, meringue, and calypso are popular dances for the celebration. Other activities may also be scheduled, and businesses, government offices, and schools close for the festivities. It is in San José where the largest parades can be seen, although the entire country joins in on the merriment and celebration.

398 | Costa Rican Immigrants

Following is a list of Costa Rican holidays. The dates for Holy Week/Semana Santa, Holy Thursday, and Easter change each year between March and April. January 1 March 19 April 11 May 1 June (date varies) June 29 July 25 August 2 August 15 September 15 October 12 November 2 December 24 December 25

New YearÊs Day St. JosephÊs Day Juan Santamaria Day Labor Day Corpus Christi St. Peter and St. PaulÊs Day Guanacaste Day Lady of the AngelsÊ Day MotherÊs Day/Assumption Independence Day Dia de la Raza/Columbus Day All SoulÊs Day Christmas Eve Christmas Day

Foodways The most common food staples in Costa Rican cuisine are rice and black beans. Known as gallo pinto, this is most typically eaten for breakfast but can be consumed with meals throughout the day. Tamales are also popular for special occasions, such as family gatherings and holidays. Beef, fish, and chicken are the most popular meat entrees. Most meals are simple and reasonably priced, with a home-cooked flair. Areas with a Caribbean influence may also add coconut dishes to their menu. Fruit is the most popular dessert, although pastries, flan, and ice cream may also be served. Common drinks in Costa Rica include horchata, made of corn meal or rice flavored with cinnamon, and fruit-flavored fresco de frutas. Chan, made of seeds and mixed with water and syrup, is another common beverage. Guaro is an alcoholic drink that is nearly tasteless but very potent. Originally, guaro was made from sugar cane, but this term can also be used in Costa Rica to describe any alcoholic beverage. Although most of the best coffee is exported, it is still a popular drink for Costa Ricans. It is typically served very strong with hot milk. Local wines are typically made from fruit, not grapes, and beer is also very popular.

Music, Arts, and Entertainment Literature from Costa Rica has never reached the acclaim of more well-known Mexican writers, yet several contemporary literary works show promise for revitalization. Dancing, however, is very popular among all Costa Ricans. Dance moves, whether for entertainment or traditional ceremonies, show African, indigenous, and

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture | 399

Caribbean flavor. Folkloric dancing is also widely performed. Many Costa Ricans are absorbed into mainstream American entertainment culture. Within Costa Rica and the United States, youth listen to popular American rap and pop artists. Hard rock and reggae are also well-liked tunes for Costa Ricans. The National Symphony Orchestra has received acclaim in recent years as well. Several museums showcase Costa Rican artistry. Although most of the pre-Columbian art was focused on crafts, photography, painting, and sculpture have come to the forefront in recent years. Most Costa Rican art features landscape scenes or abstract portrayals of everyday life. Craftwork has recently bolstered a cultural revolution for Costa Ricans. Pottery, ceramics, baskets, and engravings are common wares seen in tourist areas. Leather purses and jewelry are also popular trinkets. Contoured bowls, serving dishes, and oxcarts are among the most detailed forms of local art, and some craftsmen will grant access to their shops as they practice their craft. Sadly, indigenous art is often difficult to find in the present day. In 1992, the International Art Festival began to showcase art from around the world. The art festival takes place in the nationÊs capital, San José. During the festival, drama, dance, and music take center stage. The Costa Rica Art Festival, or Festival Internacional de las Artes, showcases more than 5,000 artists and is growing each year. Many countries take place in the festivities, which include parades, music, dance, theater, opera, film, and other activities. The Costa Rican government invests over a million dollars annually in this week-long event. Most of the events take place in the open air, but other exhibits may be featured in smaller nearby venues. In 2008, China was the guest of honor. The event attracts close to a million people, looking for a low-cost yet exhilarating cultural experience. Also located in San José, the National Theatre hosts shows several times per week. First constructed in 1897 during the booming coffee economy, the theater is now a national monument due to its exquisite furnishings and ceiling murals. Costa Rican rodeos and bullfights are also popular, as are the large parades. Some of the largest parades occur at the end of the year, in November and December. The Oxcart Parade features colorful and intricately decorated carts. Many of them are hand painted and can be seen as they are hauled through the streets. The oxcart is a popular symbol of Costa Rican culture, as they were previously used to haul coffee beans from location to location. Another large festival is the Festival of the Light. This event takes place in San José annually and tends to draw large crowds of people.

Integration and Impact on U.S. Society and Culture According to the U.S. Census (2000), from 1996 to 2005, 14,514 immigrants born in Costa Rica became naturalized citizens of the United States. Although Costa

400 | Costa Rican Immigrants

Ricans predominantly enter the United States legally, naturalization rates are quite low when compared to other countries, as many Costa Ricans prefer to return to their country of origin after a period of residence in the United States. Costa Rican citizens enter the United States under travel visas at large rates. The census also reports that from 1996 to 2005, between 119,053 and 171,867 Costa Ricans entered the United States using non-immigrant I-94 visas. In 2005, 160,270 Costa Rican citizens obtained entry. Of these, 148,682 entered as tourists and business travelers and 11,588 Costa Rican citizens entered under different categories of admission, as students, temporary workers, diplomats, or other classes. Although strong political organizations exist in Costa Rica as well as the United States, there are no well-known political organizations established solely for Costa Ricans residing in the United States. Rather, Costa Ricans are more apt to enter mainstream American political organizations or to join organizations directed toward Hispanic or Latino youth in the United States. Costa Ricans can acquire citizenship through naturalization, through birth, through marriage, or through family status, if one of their parents is a U.S. citizen. Since June 27, 1995, the governments of Costa Rica and the United States have permitted dual citizenship agreements between the two countries. Costa Ricans are permitted to retain their Costa Rican citizenship upon naturalization in the United

Costa Rican immigrant family, parents Marvin and Marina Gonzalez and their daughter Marie, pose in Washington, D.C., on June 28, 2005. The U.S. Department of Homeland Security ordered the immediate deportation of the two parents on July 5, 2005, but gave Marie a one-year reprieve. Marie Gonzalez, 19, who was voted Latina of the Year in 2004, has lived illegally in the United States with her family since she was five. (Nicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty Images)

The Second and Later Generations | 401

States, thus taking on the rights and responsibilities of both countries. Dual citizenship allows Costa Ricans to retain their nationality, while also expressing their loyalty to the ideals of the United States. Dual citizenship has legal as well as personal ramifications: dual citizens are permitted to travel freely between the two countries but are subject to the laws of both.

The Second and Later Generations Ethnic Identity Of the Costa Ricans living in the United States in the year 2000, 50,920 are foreign born and 17,668 of the Costa Ricans born in the United States still self-identify as ethnically Costa Rican, even though they are considered U.S. citizens by birth. Of the total population, close to 56,000 speak a language other than English at home, most likely Spanish (U.S. Census Bureau 2005 2007). The small numbers of Costa Ricans and people of Costa Rican descent in the United States make it difficult for second and later generations to retain a distinctly Costa Rican ethnic identity. Although Costa Ricans, on average, obtain high levels of educational attainment while in the United States, their cultural identification remains ambiguous. Most Costa Ricans are absorbed into the mainstream American culture. A small, but significant, number of them may also identify with other Hispanic Americans.

Educational Attainment Costa Ricans are one of the smaller immigrant groups from Central America, yet immigrants from Costa Rica and Panama have some of the highest high school and college graduation rates of the Central American immigrant groups. Among the foreign born from Costa Rica in the United States, 68.9 percent have an earned high school diploma, and 18 percent have completed a bachelorÊs degree. This is well above the average for Central American immigrants, as only 19.5 percent of Central Americans living in the United States have a high school diploma, and only 5.3 percent have a bachelorÊs degree. For comparison, immigrants from El Salvador have a high school graduation rate of 34.8 percent, and 4.9 percent have completed a bachelorÊs degree. Immigrants from Panama have the highest completion rates of Central American immigrants: 82.7 percent have a high school diploma, and close to 30 percent have received a bachelorÊs degree (U.S. Census Bureau 2000).

Cultural Identification Unlike the Mexican American population, Costa Ricans do not have many organizations and institutions devoted to keeping their cultural identity alive in the United

402 | Costa Rican Immigrants

Youth Profile A Young Tico from Tennessee Stuart Vinson is a second generation Costa Rican living in the United States. His father was born in the United States, and his mother is from Ciudad Quesada, Costa Rica. Stuart was born in Chattanooga, Tennessee. He recently graduated from Stetson University in DeLand, Florida, with a major in international business. Stuart’s family got its start in Costa Rica, where his parents first met. When his mother was in her late teens, she volunteered as a translator. The group that she was helping was an American group of optometrists. These doctors were giving free clinics in rural areas in Costa Rica. Stuart’s Stuart Vinson (far right) with his brother, Mark, father was one of the doctors, and and mother, Rosa. (Courtesy of Stuart Vinson) eventually his parents got to know one another. Stuart tells the story of how his parents first met: “My father was only there for two weeks so when he left, he asked for her address and began writing to her from the United States. They wrote to each other every week for a whole year, until he was able to save up enough money to buy her a plane ticket to come visit the United States. After she traveled to meet the family, he decided to go back with her and ask for her hand in marriage. It is customary to ask the bride-to-be’s father before asking her to marry him. Soon after, they were married—first in Costa Rica, then in the United States a month later. She didn’t speak any English, so she learned by watching soap operas on TV.” Two years after their move to the United States, Stuart was born. As a Costa Rican American, Stuart frequently takes trips to his mother’s home country to visit relatives and friends as a Tico. (Telephone interview, February 2009)

States. As a result, Costa Rican youth may be adopted into the lifestyle of other notable Latin and Central American groups. However, the proximity of the United States to Costa Rica and affable relations between the two countries makes it easier for Costa Ricans born in the United States to travel back and forth between the two countries. This permits American-born children the ability to get to know their

Issues in Relations between the United States and Costa Rica

| 403

close relatives and extended family living abroad. After extensive visits, these children are likely to adopt some of the cultural patterns of their home countries and bring those experiences back with them to the United States. Parents in the United States, likewise, try to share some of their cultural heritage with their children by celebrating Costa Rican national holidays, preparing ethnic foods, and keeping in touch with relatives abroad. One way for Costa Rican Americans to stay connected with their home country is through sports. Soccer is a beloved sport for native Costa Ricans, as well as many Americans. Soccer first came to Costa Rica at the end of the 1800s, as wealthy students brought it home after returning from their studies abroad. The National Soccer League was established in 1921. In 2006, when Costa Rica played Germany in the World Cup, many schools and government offices closed their doors so that Costa Ricans could return home to watch the game. Soccer remains an avenue for Costa Ricans to express their connectedness. It is a temporary distraction from the negative issues dominating society. For many youth, it is an arena for selfexpression and social cohesiveness.

Issues in Relations between the United States and Costa Rica Forecasts for the 21st Century There are several Costa Rican consulates in the United States that exist to help travelers between the two countries. Consulate offices are located in large urban areas, including Atlanta, Denver, Chicago, Houston, Los Angeles, Miami, New York, San Juan (Puerto Rico), Washington, D.C., and San Francisco. There are also honorary consulates in Dallas, Minnesota, and Tucson. Consulate offices exist to act as intermediaries between two countries·in this case, Costa Rica and the United States. Costa Rican nationals can go to a consulate office if they need assistance or protection. These official representatives also facilitate trade and good relations between the two countries. Consulates can be useful for bureaucratic assistance for traveling, living, and trade. Costa Rica has a unique pro-American stance. The two countries have a longstanding bond, and foreign policies between the two nations are mutually beneficial. The United States played a large role in keeping communist groups from establishing themselves within Costa Rica. They have also been one of the biggest senders of foreign aid to the country, for use on everything from social services to disaster relief. This amiable relationship can be seen as the United States continues to assist Costa Rica in establishing new infrastructure. For example, the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services marked the opening of the new Food and Drug Administration (FDA) Regional Office for Latin America with a

404 | Costa Rican Immigrants

ribbon-cutting ceremony at the U.S. Embassy in San José. This relationship is not always helpful, however. The Costa Rican government is criticized for allowing too much foreign investment. Indeed, much of the production in Costa Rica is owned by foreign companies. Additionally, foreign investors, especially from the United States, own much of the real estate property on the coastal areas. Real estate agents target wealthy Americans, and advertisements are put out in English. Most Costa Ricans cannot afford to live in these developed areas, as great demand for prime real estate has driven up prices in the areas, and tourism continues to flourish. While a global economic recession damages the standard of living in many countries, one can only imagine that the dependence of Costa Rica on foreign aid and loans will only deepen. Costa Rica has established itself as a debtor nation. Originally relying on foreign trade to provide sustenance for its population, the emergence of new producers on the global market puts pressure on Costa Rica to outdo fierce competition.

Appendix I: Migration Statistics

Migration Statistics 190,000

180,000

170,000

160,000

150,000

140,000 1998

1999

2000

2001

2002

2003

2004

2005

2006

2007

Figure 3 Costa Rican short-term and temporary visa admissions to United States, 1998–2007 Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

Table 67 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and selected country of last residence: Fiscal years 1930–1999

Central America

1930 to 1939

1940 to 1949

1950 to 1959

1960 to 1969

1970 to 1979

1980 to 1989

1990 to 1999

6,840

20,135

40,201

98,560

120,374

339,376

610,189

Belize

193

433

1,133

4,185

6,747

14,964

12,600

Costa Rica

431

1,965

4,044

17,975

12,405

25,017

17,054

El Salvador

597

4,885

5,094

14,405

29,428

137,418

273,017

Guatemala

423

1,303

4,197

14,357

23,837

58,847

126,043

Honduras

679

1,874

5,320

15,078

15,651

39,071

72,880

Nicaragua

405

4,393

7,812

10,383

10,911

31,102

80,446

Panama

1,452

5,282

12,601

22,177

21,395

32,957

28,149

Other Central America

2,660

—

—

—

—

—

—

Source: U.S. Department of Homeland Security. Office of Immigration Statistics. 2009 Yearbook of Immigration Statistics (adapted from Table 2).

Table 68 Persons obtaining legal permanent resident status by region and selected country of last residence: Fiscal years 2000–2009 2000

2001

2002

2003