Hawaiʻi creole English: a typological analysis of the tense-mood-aspect system

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Hawai'i Creole English

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Hawai'i Creole English Viveka Velupillai

paigrave macn

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A Typological Analysis of the Tense-Mood-Aspect System

© Viveka Velupillai 2003

No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorised act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted her right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2003 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin's Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan® is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. Palgrave is a registered trademark in the European Union and other countries. ISBN 0-333-99340-3 This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Velupillai, Viveka, 1974Hawai'i Creole English : a typological analysis of the tense-moodaspect-system / Viveka Velupillai. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ISBN 0-333-99340-3 (cloth) 1. Creole dialects, English—Hawai'i—Verb. I. Title. PM7874.H3V45 2003 427'.9969—dc21 2003048291 10 12

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9 10

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All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission.

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For my grandmothers Indira and Christina and in memory of my grandfathers V. Kumaraswamy and Roy

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Contents

vii

List of Tables

ix

List of Figures

x

List of Abbreviations

xi

Acknowledgements

xiv

1 Introduction 1.1 Earlier studies on TMA in HCE 1.2 HCE and the study of creole languages 1.3 The present book Notes

1 4 6 8 11

2 Studying HCE 2.1 General background of HCE 2.2 Data Notes

12 12 15 30

3 The Framework of this Study 3.1 Tense 3.2 Aspect 3.3 Modality 3.4 General on notations Notes

32 32 36 40 42 44

4 Tense Categories in HCE The base form 4.1 The -5 form 4.2 The past tense 4.3 4.4 The future tense On the copula 4.5 Summary 4.6 Notes

45 45 49 52 55 64 67 69

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Contents

5 Aspectual Categories in HCE 5.1 The construction wen VERB 5.2 Intraterminals in HCE Habitual 5.3 5.4 The completive marker pan 5.5 The construction had VERB Intensification 5.6 Summary 5.7 Notes

70 70 81 94 97 99 102 103 106

6 Modality in HCE 6.1 Imperative versus try VERB 6.2 can VERB cannot versus no can 6.3 6.4 have to and gotta igaDa) better VERB 6.5 must and might 6.6 like (VERB) 6.7 Summary 6.8 Notes

109 110 112 116 119 125 127 132 132 134

7 The Basic TMA System in HCE 7.1 Summary of the HCE TMA system 7.2 HCE and creole studies Notes

136 137 152 162

Appendix; 1: Texts

163

Appendix; 2: Verbs Occurring with wen: Types & Tokens

191

Bibliogra]phy

193

General Index

200

Example Index

211

Informant Index

214

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viii Contents

1.1

Tsuzaki's (1971:333) four sentences

4

5.1 -ing forms in the written material corpus

87

7.1

The TMA features of HCE in a cross-linguistic perspective

138

7.2

Differences and similarities between HCE and SE aspect

153

7.3

Differences and similarities between HCE and SE tense

154

7.4

Differences and similarities between HCE and SE modality 155

A2.1 Verbs occurring with wen sorted by frequency

IX

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192

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List of Tables

2.1

Overview of the islands of Hawai'i

12

3.1

Absolute tense

32

3.2

Relative tense

33

5.1

ANTerior tense

70

5.2

+PAST(+AD)

5.3

INTRAterminal with Low Focality

83

5.4

INTRAterminal with High Focality

83

5.5

-ing form proportions in the written material corpus

87

5.6

VERB-ing by genre in the written material corpus

88

5.7

stay VERB-iAig by genre in the written material corpus

88

(adapted from Johanson 2000)

HF

74

5.8

lNTRAterminal

with a very narrow IMMediate now vision

5.9

POSTterminal where the orientation point coincides with Os

5.10 POSTterminal where the orientation point is prior to O

s

5.11 POSTterminal where the orientation point is posterior to Os

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94 100 100 101

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List of Figures

— ® . // [-] [+] [x] <x> A

1

L J ~ A,B,C AB ACT AD ADMON ANT ASS AUX CH COMPL COMPLEM COND CONT D8 DEDUCT DESID DG DISASS E

Interruption Crucial limit A single morphological component that needs two or more components in the interlinearization f in original Marks indifference towards feature Marks existence of feature Phoneme shared with next word Inserted word(s) Viewpoint Pause in speech Beginning of passage End of passage As opposed to Individual 1, 2, 3 in a group session ABility ACTion marker ADterminal ADMONitive ANTerior Associative Auxiliary Chinese COMPLetive Complementizer CONDitional CONTinuous Digital 8 Camcorder DEDUCTive DESlDerative Dennis Gustafsson DlSASSociative Event XI

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List of Abbreviations

EXCLAM EXIST FOC FUT GER H HAB Haw. HCE HF HPE HPS I IMM IMPER INAB INDEF INTENS INTERJ INTRA IPFV IRR Jap. JUD L LBH LF LOC LP MD MOM MOT MS NEG NF NP 0 0

OBLIG 0s

EXCLAMation EXiSTential Focality FUTure GERund High HABitual Hawaiian Hawai'i Creole English High Focality Hawai'i Pidgin English Hawai'i Pidgin Sign Language Informant IMMediate now iMPERative iNABility iNDEFinite INTENSive iNTERJection INTRAterminal Imperfective iRRealis Japanese JUDgement Low Language Bioprogram Hypothesis Low Focality Locative Localization point minidisk MOMentaneous MOTion Manuscript NEGation Nonfocality Noun phrase Orientation point or Deictic centre No opposing member of feature exists OBLiGation Primary deictic centre / primary orientation

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xii List of Abbreviations

PAST PERM PFCT

PFV PH PI PLPFCT

POL PORT POSS POST PROG PROHIB PRON

R REL REM

REQ RESULT orS

s

SE SER SPECUL TMA UHM

VB VP W

PAST PERMissive PerFeCT Perfective Pidgin Hawaiian Filipino PluPerFeCT POLite Portuguese possessive POSTterminal PROGressive PROHIBitive Pronoun Reference point RELative REMOte REQuest RESULTative Moment of speech Standard English SERialization SPECULative Tense-Modality-Aspect University of Hawai'i at Manoa Verb Verb phrase Viveka Velupillai

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xiii

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List ofAbbreviations

The research reported in this book was supported by a grant from the Max-Planck-Gesellschaft zur Forderung der Wissenschaften, Munich, Germany. However, even with that generous support, it would not have been possible for me to carry out this study if it had not been for the invaluable help and encouragement of all my friends and colleagues. It would not be feasible to name every single individual I am indebted to. I am especially thankful for the time and guidance of my supervisors, Pieter Muysken and Bernard Comrie. I am very grateful for the advice and material I received from Sarah Roberts, Neal Oribio, Jeff Siegel, Michael Forman and Eric Schiller during my initial stage of confusion. I am also vastly grateful for the endless generosity of Don Hirose, Leialoha Perkins, Warren Perry, Lucy Gay, Bill Souza and Boy Kanae - without any of you I simply wouldn't have got anywhere. I am also highly indebted to everybody of Da Pidgin Coup, especially Ermile Hargrove and Kent Sakoda, for their wonderful support in both theoretical and practical matters. I have benefited greatly from discussions with Salikoko Mufwene, Osten Dahl, Bo Utas, Eva Csato and Lars Johanson: thank you all for clearing the fog for me and putting me on track. I don't know how to express in words how much I value the support I received from everybody at Alu Like, Inc. Throughout the state of Hawai'i, the staff of Alu Like, Inc. took an active interest in my project and not only made life easier for me in general, but also helped me overcome countless obstacles. It is not an exaggeration to say that this project was in fact made possible by them. I have promised to keep all informants anonymous, which prevents me from thanking each of you individually. However, you all know that there would not have been a book for me without you. I am in no way able to repay you fully for your time, efforts and marvellous hospitality. The warm aloha shown by you is an everlasting gift. There are four personal friends I would like to mention in particular. Miriam Meyerhoff has been a constant source of support and encouragement. I would also like to emphasize how important Jeanette Sakel XIV

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Acknowledgements

and Charlotta Olofsson always are in my life: I would have gone quite batty without your friendship. A very special thanks to Dennis Gustafsson too - we both know it is a fair statement that I would not have pulled through without your patience and reassurance. Finally, I would like to thank my family for both mental and material support. Time and time again my father, mother and sisters have dealt with my various crises and have always served as a source for encouragement. Last, but by no means least, I thank my husband Magnus for standing by me in everything.

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xv Acknowledgements

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1

The aim of this book is to provide a thorough synchronic description of the Tense Modality and Aspect (TMA) system of contemporary Hawai'i Creole English (HCE). TMA marking has long been one of the grammatical areas of discussion about possible shared properties of creole languages and consequently also of creole genesis. The present description is intended to be on the language's own terms, in order to see what kind of a TMA system we will find if we do not have any prior expectations based on the fact that this language is a creole language. I also wish to place the TMA system of HCE in a cross-linguistic perspective, to treat the language as any other in the world. In doing that we will be able to see whether or not the TMA categories we find in HCE are common cross-linguistically; further studies will then be able to use the information given here to show whether they are part of a linguistic area, or whether they are shared only with specific languages. While I aim to be as theory independent as possible, describing a language necessarily involves certain theoretical considerations. In order to be as generally encompassing as possible I make use of terminology and descriptive tools found in the study of typology and language universals. Even though the study of language universals deals with the similarities between the languages of the world and the study of language typology focuses on the different types of languages we can distinguish, the two disciplines are mutually dependent on one another: In order to do language typology, it is necessary to establish certain parameters along which one is going to typologize the languages of the world. Now, the selection of any parameter as a valid parameter for cross-language typological comparison assumes that this parameter l

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Introduction

2

Hawai 'i Creole English

Put differently, if we check for the typology of, for example, word order, we have made the assumption that word order tends to occur in languages, and might even occur in different ways in different languages. Likewise, the study of language universals is dependent on the study of language typology, given that, especially if one adopts the cross-linguistic approach to the study of language universals, in order to establish the limits of variation, one also needs to establish which variations are in fact possible. For instance, typology shows that all languages have vowels, which enables us to establish that vowels are universal to languages (Croft 1990). As has already been indicated, I make use of a cross-linguistic approach to language universals. The principal aim of the study of language universals is to find out which features are common to all or most languages. There have been two main approaches as to how the linguist should proceed in establishing universals. The generativist approach pursues detailed in-depth studies of a small number of languages,1 whereas the cross-linguistic approach (with its beginning in Greenberg's work2) emphasizes the necessity of having data from a wide range of languages. The generative approach to the study of language universals stresses the abstract nature of syntactic structures. The cross-linguistic approach advocates surveys of values for parameters, in order to establish variation across languages. Contrary to the generative approach, the "Greenbergian" approach to language universals allows for empirical testing and its conclusions are thus potentially disconfirmable (Comrie 1989). Certain predictions about language universals, for example implicational universals,3 can not be made through an in-depth study of just one or a few languages. This brings us to the issue of creole languages. I have, as mentioned above, decided to temporarily ignore the fact that HCE is a creole language while analyzing the TMA system, in order to describe the system on its own terms. We may then use the results in the discussion of whether or not Creoles form a specific type of languages. The above makes it apparent that I consider the question unanswered if the various Creoles are not described on their own terms and in a global perspective. My reasoning is that if it were the case that Creoles merely

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is indeed valid in the analysis of a language. Thus carrying out any piece of language typology involves making certain as-sumptions about language universals. (Cornrie 1989:35)

3

show features that can be found in any other language, the discussion of a common origin, an innate grammar or similar substrate languages would be irrelevant. In order to establish whether Creoles indeed do make up a separate type of language, we first need to establish a set of parameters with which we can classify languages, or we will have no reasonable way of identifying the uniqueness of various languages, whether they are Creoles or not.4 This is true also if we claim that the uniqueness of creole languages lies in the clustering of certain otherwise common features. To give only one example, McWhorter (1998) claims that the uniqueness of Creoles is that they combine three features: little/no inflectional affixation, little/no use of grammatical/ lexical tone, semantically regular derivational affixation. Note that McWhorter's "cluster features" only very indirectly deal with TMA ([±inflection]) and will therefore not be discussed further in this book, since this is a purely descriptive study. Even if the motivation for studying Creoles were not that Creoles are more alike than other languages, but more simple or have more mixed grammars than other languages (see Muysken 1988 for a discussion of this tripartite distinction), the need for global means for determining the assumed unique-ness of creole languages is apparent. It seems to me, however, that we still do not have satisfactory evidence for treating creole languages as a structurally defined type of language (see, for instance, Mufwene 2001 and DeGraff 1999a where examples of non-creole languages having the assumed typical "creole like" features are cited). Evidence of that sort can not be obtained if we do not study creole languages in a typological context, something that has also been argued by Winford (1996). In other words, until we are able to identify a creole language on the basis of a given set of typologically defined parameters, the justification for singling out these languages relies on sociohistorical criteria. This does not mean that I necessarily reject the idea of Creoles being a special group of languages. I simply consider the question to be unanswered until we have placed Creoles in a typological perspective. And in any case, "there is nothing wrong with delineating a group of languages on sociohistorical grounds and making them the subject of one's research" (Mufwene 2001:387).

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Introduction

Hawai 7 Creole English

1.1

Earlier studies on TMA in HCE

There have been a number of studies on the HCE TMA system, and research is constantly being done in higher education both in and off the Hawaiian Islands. Tsuzaki (1971:332ff) was the first to look at it closely in his analysis of the language varieties of Hawai'i. In an effort to try to identify and delineate the different varieties of English spoken on the Hawaiian Islands, he lists four alternative ways of expressing 'I am eating' and T ate' respectively: SE

'I am eating9

'I ate'

(a)

Me/I kaukau/eat

Me/I kaukau/eat

(b)

I stay eat/kaukau

I been eat/kaukau

(c)

I stay eating or / eating

late

(d)

I am eating

late

1.1 Tsuzaki's (1971:333) four sentences

His conclusion is that the four alternatives represent (a) Hawai'i Pidgin English (HPE), (b) HCE, (c) Non-standard Hawaiian English (NSHE) and (d) Standard Hawaiian English (SHE) in that order. For Bickerton (1980[1974], 1981, etc.) the TMA system was the starting point for his Language Bioprogram Hypothesis (LBH), a hypothesis which has led to numerous studies, and as such provoked and enhanced the field of linguistics. He lists three preverbal markers, stay, bin (which according to him developed to wen), and go, denoting nonpunctual aspect, anterior tense (which subsequently came to mark simple past), and irrealis mood respectively. The three markers were claimed to be combinable in a fixed order only, T-M-A: 1. anterior, 2. irrealis, 3. nonpunctual. Also, he argues that the zero or base form denotes simple past for action verbs and nonpast for state verbs (1980[1974]:5). When comparing HCE with Guyanese, Haitian and Sranan, he arrives at the conclusion that the similarities between the languages lie in the fact that they all have emerged in situations of heavy linguistic contact and that this has led to a pidgin language of irregular structure. He proposes that children growing up in situations where they did not have ready access to full-fledged languages had to

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4

5

resort to their biological instincts and build up a 'new' language which will satisfactorily meet their requirements of what a language should be able to produce. Labov (1990[1970]) used the HCE tense system as an example of how young languages proceed to expand their structures in order to serve as adequate languages. He suggests that, while HPE is tenseless - though there is the option of expressing time relations by adverbial phrases (1990[1970]:16) - HCE has 'rebuilt' a tense system (ibid:23). He shows that past can be marked either by inflecting the form or by using wen VB and concludes that the choice is based on whether the verb is strong (in which case wen is optional) or weak (in which case wen is obligatory). In his study he indicates that the tenselessness of HPE is grammatically inadequate and does not allow the language to specify a particular set of information without elaboration. In other words: If we want to emphasize the temporal location of an action, we should be able to do so, but if we want to let this slide into the background, we must have means of packing away our grammatical tools so they will not interfere with some other focus. (Labov 1990[1970]:45) Labov concludes that the regularity and stability of the HCE tense system adequately fills such needs. Day (1973, 1974) discusses the Hawaiian post-Creole Continuum in the light of the HCE tense system. He observes that the unmarked or base form of the verb is often used to denote past time reference once the temporal location has been indicated either through tense on the first verb or through a time adverbial (Day 1973). He attributes this to 'tense neutralization' and concludes that it is evidence in support of Kiparsky's (1968, cited in Day 1973) claim that "tense and time adverbials belonged to the same grammatical category and were in complementary distribution" (Day 1973:309f). Roberts (for instance 1997, 1998a, and 1999) has provided thorough descriptions of the diachronic development of HCE, largely by analyzing TMA markers. In Roberts 1998a she discusses the development of the TMA markers bin/wen (past/anterior), go/gon (irrealis/future), stei (nonpunctual/progressive) and pau (completive), as well as forcomplementation. She shows that stei and pau are unique to Hawai'i, which disproves or at least poses difficulties for the claim made by

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Introduction

6

Hawai 7 Creole English

1.2

HCE and the study of creole languages

HCE has been discussed from several perspectives. Merely to define a language as a creole raises a number of issues. To base the definition on structural criteria assumes the existence of features, or a cluster of features, typically present in creole languages as opposed to non-creole languages. Alternatively, we may suggest that Creoles are unique in the sense that they "came into existence at some point in time" (Muysken & Smith 1994, cf. also Thomason & Kaufman 1988) as opposed to languages that have developed gradually. This brings us to the discussion of whether Creoles make up their own type of language, structurally different from other (non-creole) languages. In observing a number of similarities between different Creole languages, linguists have been forced to ask themselves whether these similarities have arisen through shared origin, or similar social contexts of genesis, or whether these parallels form the unmarked case of universal grammar or if the explanation lies somewhere in between.5 The substrate hypothesis is one of the central theories in the debate over creole genesis, the others being various versions of the universalist hypothesis. Neither of these hypotheses excludes influence from the other domain, but they differ in emphasis. The former emphasizes the role of the ancestor languages of the originators, and attributes various similarities among creole languages in the Caribbean to a range of West African languages that were spoken by the slaves brought to the New World. In sum, the substrate hypothesis views Creoles as consisting of "superstrate lexicon superimposed upon native languages' grammar" (McWhorter 1997:5). The question of possible substrate influence of HCE and its ancestor languages will be briefly discussed in 2.1 below. The universalist hypothesis, on the other hand, assumes that Creoles reflect an innate universal grammar; in the specific sociohistorical conditions of Creoles, where a multitude of languages collide and no one specific language will serve as a model for innate structures to build on, a structure of the kind found in Creoles will emerge. This has been a central point of Bickerton's (e.g. 1980[1974], 1987) Language

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Holm (1986, 1988), among others, that the HCE TMA system originated in the diffusion of Atlantic Creoles. She also argues that the development of the above listed TMA markers indicates that HCE emerged from HPE in the early 20th century.

Introduction

7

(1)

I.

MOVEMENT RULES: focused constituents are moved to sentence-initial position

II.

ARTICLES: (a) definite article for presupposed specific NP; (b) indefinite article for asserted-specific NP; (c) zero for non-specific NP

III.

TMA SYSTEMS: three preverbal free morphemes express tense, modality, and aspect respectively in that order

IV.

REALIZED AND UNREALIZED COMPLEMENTS

V.

RELATIVIZATION AND SUBJECT-COPYING

VI.

NEGATION: nondefinite subjects, nondefinite VP constituents, and the verb must all be negated in negative sentences

VII.

EXISTENTIAL AND POSSESSIVE: the same lexical item is used to express both existentials and possessives

VIII. COPULA: special locative; zero copulas with adjectives and (oftentimes) nominal complements IX.

ADJECTIVE AS VERB

X.

QUESTIONS: question particles are optional and sentence-final

XI.

QUESTION WORDS: the question-words in w/?-questions are directly preposed to the declarative for of the sentence; they are often bimorphemic. Doublets are common.

XII.

PASSIVE EQUIVALENTS: "rampant lexical diathesis" (Markey & Fodale 1980, cited in Bickerton 1981:72)

Bickerton attributes the emergence of Creoles to children born into pidgin speaking societies. The child, confronted with very unstable and incomplete structures of their parents' pidgin input, will apply his blueprint of a language and elaborate the structure of his language into a satisfactory one according to his instinct of what requirements a language should be able to meet. It should be noted that the LBH is particularly applicable to the so-called radical Creoles, by which is meant those that have undergone a sudden creolization without further major superstrate influence. In this study we shall be concentrating only on the TMA system which will let us examine if the LBH prediction (1 .in above) holds for HCE. Another issue that has been raised in connection with HCE is that of variation, a prominent topic in creole studies (see, for example, Bickerton

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Bioprogram Hypothesis, which suggests that the structure of creole languages reflects, to a greater or lesser extent (depending on the degree of influence from the dominant lexifier language), an innate grammar common to all humans. The following features have been assumed to reflect creole grammars (Bickerton 1981):

Hawai 7 Creole English

1975 and Labov 1990[1970]). One of the dimensions is the proximity to the superstrate language. This study will let us examine whether a possible deviation in HCE from the LHB prediction with respect to the TMA system of a creole language may be due to influence from the superstrate, SE. Attention has also been drawn to the relative variability in data the linguist will have access to when studying creole languages (see, for instance, LePage & Tabouret-Keller 1985). For reasons given in Chapter 2 the present study will focus on register and geographical variation in particular. However, I strongly urge further studies on variation in HCE with respect to ethnicity, age or gender.

1.3

The present book

It is in the light of the discussion above that the necessity of analyzing HCE with typological tools and in a typological perspective becomes apparent. For that reason I will temporarily ignore the fact that HCE is a creole and simply analyze its TMA system through the means of available typological tools. We will then proceed to compare the results with the pattern proposed by the LBH as well as general cross linguistic patterns. In my investigation I will primarily use the definitions of the semantic categories involved in Tense, Modality, and Aspect that can be found in Comrie (1976, 1985), Dahl (1985), Bybee et al (1994), Palmer (2001) and Johanson (2000). The analysis is based on a large database of both written and oral material. I found it imperative to collect both written and spoken data, so as to be able to do comparisons between the two forms of language. I also sampled the oral data in a manner that would allow me to study variation with respect to geography, ethnicity, age and gender. In Studying HCE (Chapter 2) I give a general background for HCE. I also motivate the type of data sampling this study is based on. I will also outline the properties of my database and give the principles for how I do the statistics. In The Framework of this Study (Chapter 3) I give an account of the terminology used in my analysis, as well as its theoretical background. When describing the tense system of HCE I make use of Comrie's (1985) and Dahl's (1985) definitions of tense categories. Tense may be either absolute, in which case the E is placed before, after or simultaneous to the speech moment (S), or it may be relative, in which case the

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8

Introduction

9

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E is located before, after or simultaneous to a reference point (R). The aspectual framework consists of an event (E), which is conceived of as having a limit at each end point. E is either viewed within these limits (INTRAterminal), at the actual attainment of one of the limits (ADterminal), or after the limits (POSTterminal), cf. Johanson (2000). The terminology for the modal system is based on Palmer (1986, 2001). The basic distinction is between propositional modality, which deals with information and event modality, which deals with action. In Tense Categories in HCE (Chapter 4), the temporal reference in HCE is studied. There are two absolute tenses, the PAST (which has a special form for NEGated PAST) and the FUTure, in addition to the base form, which is simply used for what is left over. As with many other languages, HCE does not need to repeat the temporal marking throughout a narrative. Oftentimes the sequence is temporally located in the beginning by means of a tense marking device, after which the base form suffices, except when specific aspectual nuances are denoted. HCE has a past tense according to Dahl's (1985) definition, i.e. that a sentence like "the water was cold yesterday" must have the copula in the PAST tense: da Dar^- Daz OoD DDstadO. NEGated PAST is marked with neva. I will show that gon/goin(g)s denotes a future tense, rather than an iRRealis mood (cf. Bickerton 1981). I will also discuss bumbye and the possibilities of it being a near-grammaticalized form for REMote FUTure. Section 4.5 briefly summarizes the properties of copula sentences. In Aspectual categories in HCE (Chapter 5), the various aspect markers of the language are analyzed. I will show that the constructions VB-ing, stay VB-ing, and stay VB respectively are not interchangeable, but are iNTRAterminals with various degrees of FOCality, conveying specific aspectual nuances. I will also show that wen VB denotes ADterminal aspect in the past, rather than simply [-i-ANTerior]. I will discuss whether the construction had VB, which is subject to geographical variation, denotes aspect or tense. Moreover, we will see that HCE has a cOMPLetive marker pau and a portmanteau PAST HABitual marker yustu. Modality in HCE (Chapter 6) focuses on the modal system. There is a wide variety of modal categories, both deontic and epistemic. I will discuss the dual opposition of PROHlBition (no can) versus INABility (cannot) both of which share the single positive form can. There are indications that can VB has different functions on different islands, which in that case contributes to the discussion of geographical variation in creole languages. I show that the cannot/no can opposition is obligatory in the spoken language, while the written language in the

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database does not show such consistency. Furthermore, I will demonstrate that the difference between have to VB (DlSASSociative OBLlGation) and gaDa VB (Associative OBLlGation) is that, though both denote OBLlGation, the latter associates the speaker with the obligation whereas the former does not. Moreover, the constructions must VB and might VB convey similar notions of epistemic JUDgement, though might VB is more SPECULative to its nature than the DEDUCTive must VB. I also show that the construction try VB is a separate type of request from the iMPERative. Finally, HCE has the DESlDerative marker like and the ADMONitive marker beDa VB. In my concluding chapter, The basic TMA system in HCE (Chapter 7), I give a summary of the findings of this study and propose some answers to the questions raised in this introduction. The individual TMA categories of HCE will be placed in a cross-linguistic perspective. I will also compare the HCE TMA system with the SE one, and show that there are more differences than similarities between the two. Furthermore, I will discuss the findings of this study in relation to the LBH. It will be seen that HCE does not conform to the LBH at all, a fact that carries implications for the issue of creole prototypes. Given the differences between the HCE and SE TMA systems, it seems unlikely that the discrepancies between HCE and the LBH predictions are due to decreolization. There are three different indexes for the reader to consult. Terms, languages, author names and so on are lumped together in the General Index so as to save the reader the frustration of flipping around different indexes. The other two indexes allow the reader to compare examples and informants. Since readers may be interested to use the data given in this study for their own research purposes, the Example Index lists all TMA markers and categories in all examples and texts of the book. This lets the reader check other instances of the relevant feature than those in the sections specifically devoted to the individual constructions. The Informant Index gives a four-way reference (age, gender, island, and ethnicity) to all the informants I cite in the book, so as to make it easier for those who wish to use my data for variational studies.

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10 Hawai 7 Creole English

Introduction 11

1 2 3

4

5

6 7 8

Cf. for instance Chomsky 1965, 1975, 1976, and 1993; for an overview on generative grammar, see Cullen 1994, and Freidin 1994 on the principles and parameters framework. Cf. Greenberg 1974 and Greenberg et al. 1978. Where assumptions are made as to the existence of certain linguistic properties on the basis of the existence (or non-existence) of other linguistic properties. Such assumptions can only be done by checking the various possibilities of parameter combinations crosslinguistically; if we were to make statements in this domain based on the study of only one or a few languages, we would be at a high risk of forming a skewed conclusion: a pattern found in a well-known language may actually be of such an unusual character that it turns out to be quite exotic from a cross-linguistic point of view (Croft 1990) and thus would have little value for the definition of universals. Global perspectives, albeit of a slightly different kind than cross-linguistic studies, are needed in discussions such as Singler's (1990a) where the importance of sociohistorical factors in the study of creole languages is emphasised; if creolization is a social process (e.g. Mufwene 2001), the history of creole speaking communities has to be investigated in the light of (social) macro tendencies. For the sake of brevity, I have chosen to exemplify only a few of the theories on pidgin and creole genesis. For thorough discussions on the various theories in this domain, see for instance Muysken & Smith (1986), Romaine (1988), Arends etal (1994), McWhorter (1997). Most commonly defined as "the process by which pidgins develop into creole languages" (Adone & Vainikka 1999:76) in one generation. See section 2.2.2.3 for an overview on the transcription conventions used in this study. Which should not be confused with ACTion marker go (but cf. Sato 1985).

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Notes

Kaua'i ^Ni'ihau

O'ahu

"4k Kbunaha —

A

KatvAui

Lana'i 1

EU9!

Kaho' t'olawe K

Hawai'i;

2.7 Overview of the islands of Hawai4 i

2.1

General background of HCE

The Hawai'i Creole English of today is used by about 600000 speakers throughout the Hawaiian Islands (Grimes 1996:139). In other words, roughly half of the ca 1.2 million inhabitants of the islands use some form of HCE (albeit not necessarily the same variant1) as their native language. An additional 100 000 HCE speakers are found on the USA Mainland, especially along the West Coast, in Las Vegas (Nevada), and in Orlando (Florida) (Grimes 1996:139). 12 10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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Studying HCE

With the arrival of Captain Cook in 1778 and the subsequent stream of foreigners, Hawai'i was opened to the large scale trading and infrastructure of the western world. The Hawaiian Islands were an ideal middle stop for the Pacific fur trade, and later also the sandalwood trade, running between the Northwest coast of America and the greater ports of China, the so-called "Alaska-Hawaii-Canton run" (Carr 1972:4). These frequent visits of predominantly American ships (Kuykendall 1968) were initially limited to the same few localities, mainly Kealakekua Bay on Hawai'i (the Big Island) and Waimea on Kaua'i. Almost immediately after the "discovery" of Hawai'i, Pidgin Hawaiian (HP) emerged as the first lingua franca on the islands (Roberts 1995), when the demand for a communicative tool arose. Christian missionaries, for the most part from New England, landed on Hawai'i for the first time in 1820 in Kailua on the island of Hawai'i and immediately started their work trying to spread not only religion, but also literacy and education in general. English schools were the first schools to emerge, but they came to be restricted to the education of the royal family. In the middle of the 19th century free common schools educating in Hawaiian were set up by the government throughout the Hawaiian Islands. However, the English language steadily gained prestige, being, by 1850, the "principal medium of business, government, and diplomacy" (Kuykendall 1968:360), and schools for teaching English were set up. The arrival of the first missionaries virtually coincided with the beginning of the whaling period (ca. 1820-60), another factor that brought foreigners and foreign languages to the Hawaiian ports. Apart from that, many Hawaiians enrolled on these whaling ships, thus living in a milieu of intense language contact during the years they spent on board. With the increasing number of ships arriving in Hawai'i, the demand for supplies increased, and, as a consequence of that, large scale enterprises started to emerge. The plantation era was initiated by William Hooper, who founded the first sugar plantation in 1835 in Koloa on Kaua'i. A plantation's social organization would typically have haoles ('white person')2 as both owners and lunas (foremen), and Hawaiian labour. However, the Hawaiians had, since the arrival of the westerners, been in steady decline due to new diseases introduced by the newcomers; "the native population had been reduced by at least 75 percent by 1854" (Linnekin 1991:95).3 By 1875 labour had to be imported and the plantation owners turned to East Asians and Portuguese (predominantly from Madeira

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Studying HCE 13

and the Azores (Carr 1972:95)) in order to find people willing to work long days in a warm climate. Due to this importation of labour and the subsequent restructuring in ethnic composition, the social organization of the plantations developed into a system with haole owners, Portuguese lunas, and Asian labour. Parallel to this reorganization is the introduction of Hawai'i Pidgin English (HPE) in the late 19th century, out of which HCE grew (Roberts 1998b:9). During the 1880s and 1890s HPE expanded rapidly and rather quickly came to replace HP. The Chinese and Portuguese immigrants were the earliest major ethnic groups to arrive in Hawai'i as labour (Roberts 1997, Sato 1985). Although the Japanese eventually became the largest group of immigrants, today making up almost half of the population (ca. 40 per cent), and though Koreans and Filipinos also formed major ethnic groups, they did not influence the formation of HCE as much as the two earlier groups, since these groups rather soon provided a first generation of locally born children. As demonstrated by Roberts (1997), the children of the immigrants, i.e. the first generation locally born, were bilingual in their ancestral language (or substrate) and Hawai'i Pidgin English (HPE). This lets us assume that the substrate languages influenced the formation of HPE and subsequent developments, given that the bilingual speakers may have incorporated features from their ancestral language into the common interethnic language taking form. Education seems to have played a major role in the stabilization of HCE. Children used some form of English in the classrooms (Sato 1985:263); the teachers were often non-native speakers of English themselves and "almost all haole children attended the private schools and were therefore not available either as play partners or as language models" (Sato 1985:263). With the increase of ethnic diversity in Hawai'i, children needed a common tool for interethnic communication. Consequently, a pidginized form of English was used as a bridge between the various groups, not only in the plantation environment, but also in other social contexts. This "interethnic language" eventually stabilized in the beginning of the 20th century when the number of second generation locally born children started to increase, many of whom learned HCE natively. In the present study I will take into account both ethnic, geographic, register and age variation when analyzing the data of contemporary HCE, as described in the following section. It will be up to further studies to relate any emerging patterns to individual settlement histories of the

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14 Hawai 7 Creole English

Studying HCE 15

2.2

Data

2.2.1 Describing a language Languages are spoken in contexts involving a multitude of elements, such as to assert one's prestige, express one's identity, share information, and so on. In other words, language is a social act and "as such is subject to the constraints of social action" (Duranti 1997:9). We interact with the world through language - and I include various semiotic entities, such as gestures and postures, etc., in the concept of language - in short, through participation (see Duranti 1997). Though I have made it a goal to be as theory-independent as possible when analyzing my data, I am aware of the fact that that is impossible in reality. Describing a language necessarily involves certain theoretical considerations. Most linguists are perfectly aware of the fact that the majority of the theoretical frameworks we lean on have been developed by linguists speaking primarily European languages. Our view of languages and what languages ought to look like therefore risks being highly biased towards European languages and their behaviour, simply because that is what we are most used to. What is more, because of this bias, many of us tend to ask such questions as in (2) when doing fieldwork: (2) a) "what does feature X or Y look like in this language?" b) "is this an instance of A or B?"

(Gilforthc.) A question such as (2) assumes either that feature X or Y is something universal in all languages and should therefore by default be discernible somehow in the language under scrutiny. The problem with an approach like that is that if we insist on trying to find instances of feature X or Y, we will inevitably end up looking for certain features that may or may not be there, simply because these grammatical categories are relevant in the theoreticalframeworkbeing used, even though they might not apply to the particular language we are investigating. Question (2) presupposes that certain instances of the language studied can only be defined as A or as B,

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islands, to what role the individual ancestor languages may have had in the formation of HPE and HCE, and to what kinds of changes we can observe in HCE over time.

indicating that the options are precisely A and B and nothing else. The moral here is that if we limit our range of vision to A and B, we risk defining various categories in the language wrongly. In other words, what if there are instances C and D but no A and B; or what if instances A and B are irrelevant in the language, which in stead might have a, /? and y (similar to a, b and c, but not identical) that have to be rendered in A and B when translated into other languages? In that case we would be describing only the translational approximations A and B, but not the actual instances a, (5 and y. The obvious problem, then, is how to be able to do a fair description of a language, given that every language will have its own peculiarities. The linguist can prepare a questionnaire and ask the informants to fill it out, translating sentences and short narratives. The linguist may also decide to interview the informants, trying to elicit information about the language through the instincts of the informants. Or the linguist may want to record naturalistic data, just letting the recorder go while people are talking freely. All of these approaches have their shortcomings. First of all, neither of these alternatives can satisfactorily deal with the fact that the mere presence of a linguist wanting information about the language will most probably affect the informant in one way or another, Labov's so-called Observer's Paradox (Labov 1972). This is of course regrettable, but very difficult to avoid without resorting to unethical methods such as recording people without them being aware of it.4 Direct elicitation faces a variety of considerations. For instance, HCE is generally considered to be the lingo of the uneducated. When doing fieldwork I am constantly met with the attitude that HCE is just a lazy way of talking English. Consequently, many questions about constructions will be answered with an "anything goes" type of statement. Since HCE is viewed as some kind of "lazy talk", it is often considered to be entirely without structure and therefore questions relating to its structure are - from that perspective - hardly answerable. However, not only stigmatization and general condescension may trigger such answers to the linguist. It could also be an instance of politeness on the informant's side; suggestions given by the linguist sound more or less acceptable and the informant is politely letting anything pass as acceptable. A further consideration to bear in mind is that constructions may not seem especially ungrammatical when presented as single utterances. (I am sure most of us have experienced how an ordinary word or expression comes to sound more and more odd the more one repeats it, or, vice versa, how an oddly sounding word or construction comes to sound more and more acceptable for every time it is repeated.) Also,

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16 Hawai 7 Creole English

eliciting data will generally only give the linguist information on what s/he asks about. Again we come to the issue of theoretical frameworks, and asking the right questions - how can we know that we are not getting data shaped by the questions asked, rather than data that actually represents the speaker's natural language? Merely recording naturalistic data (or at least the closest equivalences we can arrive at) data will equally not solve all these problems: the speaker's language is likely to be affected in some way by the presence of the linguist and his/her equipment. In other words, it seems to me that no single approach to collecting data will give a fair picture of the language. However, we have to start somewhere, and we try to sample the language as broadly as possible in an attempt to make our description as representative as possible. 2.2.2 Sampling and register With the above in mind I have sampled HCE as representatively as I could. I have not only got a substantial collection of written material, but also a large collection of recordings (with both naturalistic and elicited data), see 2.2.4 below for an overview of the data used in this study. It is well known that language functions differently in different contexts (cf. for instance Schieffelin 1996). When writing you have to pay more attention to your language, ensuring that the addressee will understand what you are trying to communicate. Similarly, the type of spoken language found in, for example, media, where you do not see the addressee, has certain typical features of one-sided interaction; following Bo Utas' language types5 (personal communication) I call this category performed language. When talking face to face the immediate reaction of the addressee will show you whether the message has got across or not, allowing you to, if necessary, modify your language along the way. I have therefore from the start made a distinction between types of language, dividing my material into four basic types of registers, some with subtypes, ox genres: (3) I. written language a. prose b. drama c. poetry d. dialogue II. questionnaire language (administered in written form) III. spoken language: naturalistic IV.performed language a. elicited language b. jokes, shows, etc.

The reason for these groupings will become evident in the following sections.

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Studying HCE 17

18 Hawai 'i Creole English

Written language

2.2.2.2

Questionnaire language

Using questionnaires for linguistic fieldwork is highly effective and gratifying in many ways, since the linguist is able to ask the informant pointed questions about certain features and ways of expressions. However, as pointed out above, there are difficulties with this method

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2.2.2.1

As mentioned earlier the distinctive feature of written language is that it relies on a complex structure to ensure that the intended message gets across to the public. This usually leads to dependence on more or less intricate constructions that are less needed in spoken language. Such constructions may make the data more linearly accessible for the linguist and more consistent than the dynamicity of spoken data. However, it may also lead to additional stylistic complexity. When it comes to HCE, sociolinguistic attitudes and the language's place in society are crucial features affecting the form and use of the written language. The mere act of writing HCE is an identity statement, since HCE is quite stigmatized and a provocation to the superstrate layer of society. Thus the written language does not only mirror the extension a language acquires when taking the step from being only spoken to being written as well,6 but it also mirrors the consciousness of writing in a low (L) language variety.7 Additionally, since there are not yet any general conventions for HCE written language, we are confronted with several types of orthography. The overall influence of Standard English (SE) on written language is a possibility that should not be ignored (cf. Adamson & van Rossem 1994). Any language will have various genres of storytelling and literacy. I have divided my written HCE data into four genres: prose, drama, poetry and dialogue respectively. These genres vary in the amount of HCE they use, as well as in their overall literary style. a. prose: any type of novel, short story or similar type of lengthy text entirely written in HCE. b. drama: all of the plays in my database have the instructions in SE but the lines in HCE (except if somebody talks "haole-like"). c. poetry d. dialogue: refers to those types of texts where the whole narrative is in SE, but all of the dialogue, i.e. everything denoting speech, is in HCE. I have chosen to treat these texts as a separate category, since the fact that the narration itself is in SE may have effects on the dialogue part of the text.8

too. First of all, we can never be certain that we have captured the gist of the language and therefore constructed the right types of questions or examples - especially not if we are new to the language. Secondly, we risk placing the language we wish to investigate under the bonds of our assumptions, which might lead us to find features we expect to be there but in fact aren't, and vice versa (informants may also be complied in this, trying to differentiate between questions in the questionnaire irrespective of whether the language differentiates between them or not). Thirdly, with a language like HCE, we risk running into several obstacles at once and when presenting Osten Dahl's9 (1985) tense and aspect questionnaire I have encountered a variety of reactions. Not only does the mere existence of a questionnaire clash with all my informants' idea that HCE is "bad talk" without any structure and is therefore not worth analyzing, but most of them hesitated, or even flatly refused, to fill it out because they were intimidated by it.10 Of the nine that did agree to fill it out, three have sent me their answers. I am hoping for at least one, possibly two more, to arrive. The answers I have received so far are of two kinds: two of the three returned to me were filled out by academics that are deeply conscious of the place of HCE in society, and its place in the ongoing discussion of creole languages. This may or may not affect their responses. The third was filled out by a small group of college students, who collaborated with the questionnaire. Their language is probably less affected by SE and more affected by the fact that they filled out the questionnaire together. Observe that with "affected by SE" I mean both positive and negative influence, i.e. I mean both the convergence towards SE and the moving away from it, since an informant's conscious attempt to make his/her language less SE like is as much an external influence as it is if s/he tries to make HCE more SE like. 2.2.2.3 Spoken language Spoken data is different in all senses from written data. The stativity of written sources is eliminated, and instead we have the dynamic language that speakers use in real time. Although written data reflects "real language", there is always the risk that certain constructions will be used with different proportions or in different ways than they would in spoken language. In this sense spoken naturalistic data is the closest we can come to the language as it is actually used by its speakers in every day life. Analyses are, however, complicated by the various extralinguistic factors (see for instance Duranti 1997) that have to be

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Studying HCE 19

considered. Also, the linguist is handicapped by the fact that it is impossible for him/her to be present in all types of situations, and that speakers will most probably be aware of his/her presence. In order to sample data that is as representative as possible, we must therefore make use of both interviews and free speech, and I have divided my spoken data into two types: a. naturalistic language, by which I mean recording sessions where the informant just "talks story" and speaks freely about anything s/he feels comfortable talking about. Most commonly I start off by asking some kind of question, for example about the good old days (with Kupunas, or seniors), about fishing or hunting, about crafting, about legends, etc. Once the informant is comfortable the conversation usually gets along without much help from me. This is particularly true of political discussions, since feelings start to emerge and speakers get excited about what they are talking about. This is defined as the register type Spoken language. I have sessions with only one individual talking to me, as well as group sessions with two or more individuals who usually ended up talking to each other (since I wished to remain as much of a fly-onthe-wall as possible). b. elicited language, by which I mean interview sessions where linguistic constructions and specific examples are discussed. I define this as the register type Performed language (see below), since the setting for it, with at least one person and his/her equipment as audience, involves a performance of some kind. See below for a further discussion on the register type Performed language. In order to make the transcriptions accessible to as broad an audience as possible, I have chosen to use the standard IPA system rather than the Odo system (Odo 1975 cited in Romaine 1994a), especially since I did not in any way want to standardize the spoken language data. The Odo orthography was devised by Carol Odo in order to provide a spelling system specifically for HCE. It is based on the SE orthography, but modified and updated so as to represent HCE better. Although the Odo system has not been generally adopted by the community yet, is it taught at the University of Hawai'i at Manoa (UHM) and is used there for transcribing HCE. Since I have avoided standardization I have included speech variations in the transcriptions. Observe that I only use the IPA for transcriptions of speech and not when I refer to the grammatical construction. In other words, I differentiate between the construction

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20 Hawai 7 Creole English

wen VB (stay VB-ing, bumbye, like VB etc.) and the utterance wen VB (stei VB-iy, bambai, laik VB, etc.). I have rendered the flap [r] as D in accordance with the Odo system for the constructions (not the utterances of) gotta/gaDa VB and better/beDa VB to avoid that the reader confuses [f ] with . In an effort to keep the transcriptions as close to the original sound files as possible, I have decided to transcribe in a manner that will hint at sandhi and phonotactic patterns by using the Odo system phonemically. This means that there is a lot of variability between and within texts in how words are transcribed, because I am trying to stay true to the phonological variation I encountered. Also, in an effort to illustrate the general melody word boundaries have been determined by phonotactic patterns rather than by their SE equivalents. Thus I will render ^fut'pnnts/ 'foot prints' asfutprints and not Jut prints. Although I have separated entities which make whole words in my view, the speech flow does not conveniently provide all the relevant boundaries. Words melt into one another and there is considerable sandhi. In order to provide easily understandable examples, I have chosen to separate words, and indicate shared phonemes with [ ]. An utterance like dcedce "that day" will be transcribed as dcefd] dee. Even though a dialogue between people is seldom structured (except possibly when an appointed chair organizes it) it is beyond the scope of this study to do in depth studies of turn taking, interruptions, etc. In order to give a rough idea of the flow I have used "—" to mark interruptions, either when a second speaker interrupts the first one, or when a speaker interrupts him/herself. I have followed the EUROTYP Guidelines glossing principles (Bakker et al. 1993), which are based on Lehmann (1983). I provide free translations for all examples. The translations for written material examples have been confined to footnotes in order to make them as unobtrusive as possible, since they are merely free translations and only serve to provide the reader with the approximate meaning of the sentence, in case the reader should not have understood that by him/herself. Hence, nuances and subtleties may not have been correctly represented. I apologize to all authors of the texts cited for any misinterpretations and clumsy translations. All recordings have prior oral (the O'ahu sessions) or written (all other sessions) consent.

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Studying HCE 21

2.2.2.4 'Performed language " In this category I count anything that is a more or less "voiced" or "read" (i.e. not written) high (H) language variety. When performing, or giving talks, speakers will have to address their audience in a manner similar to the written language situation; the social situation demands a stricter type of language than merely "talk". With an ordinary conversation the speaker is constantly given feedback from the hearer, in form of verbal responses, body language, or the likes. When performing, however, the hearer(s) are not in direct contact with the speaker, and thus the language has to be formed so that there will be as few misunderstandings as possible. Examples of this are the read poems I have in my database, some accompanied by music. Here the language is quite different from ordinary spoken language, although it is conveyed to us in a spoken form. Many of the poems have been written down beforehand and are merely read; however, even if the performer doesn't have a manuscript to read from, this type of language would qualify as something different than ordinary spoken language. I also include elicited language in this category for reasons already hinted at. In an elicitation context, the informant is deeply conscious of his/her language, which may possibly affect it. The informant will have to think and discuss his/her language, aware of the fact that what is said is being recorded and will be used as reference. When discussing his/her language, a person may or may not voice certain general assumptions or prejudices about the language. However, we have to keep in mind that such issues are apt to come to the surface in precisely the elicitation setting. Example (4) serves as an illustration. The informant, being very aware of the position of HCE versus SE and the stigmatization of the former, demonstrated the effects of covert prestige:11 he rejected anything that he found too SE-like, as for instance -ing forms and cannot, claiming that "Pidgin12 is all about cutting short". However, he was not aware of the fact that he himself was using the forms he rejected, in exactly the same positions and with the same function as other HCE speakers do. Having failed to get the informant to acknowledge any -ing form so far (with both dynamic and stative verbs), I gave the following example:1 (4) W : o(r) 6a hos ste staendin ova dea | rait or the horse stand over there right

nau now

Or: the horse stay standing over there right now.

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22 Hawai 7 Creole English

Studying HCE 23 | Sat no saun rai[t] tumi | da ho[s] sts s— | that NEG sound right to me the horse

aah ah

| 1 si | if ju laik tel 6a laedi sts ova (let's) see if you DESID say the lady LOC over

dea— there

o 6a 6aa— | hau ju wud sae 6aet | orait wi go or the the how you would say that all.right we go bask tu back to

dastwan leira | ai that one later I

stetinkirj ov dast wan think of that one

Ah, that doesn't sound right to me ... the horse stay s— ah ... let's see ... if you want to say "the lady is over there" ... or the ... the ... how would you say that... all right we'll go back to that one later. I'm thinking about that one. VV:jaeh yeah

| kae OK

| hi katin 6a wud he cuUNTRA1""7 the wood

Yeah. OK: he cutting the wood I: (n)okae | nau ju ju meikin OK now you you make.lNTRAHF

steitments statements

o or

ju you

aeskirj kwestisns ask.lNTRAHF questions OK, now, are you making statements or asking questions? VV: steitments statements Making statements L: okae | 6a— 6aet na?— no OK the that NEG NEG 6a the

saun rait sound right

hiz'4 he's

katin cut.lNTRA^

wud wood

OK, the—that doesn't sound right "he's cutting the wood". VV: kae OK

(MJ50K)15

It should be noted that the informant first gives a staj^LOCative example, but stops himself and starts over. In the example above we see that the informant actually uses the -ing form repeatedly, and the stay VBing is used in precisely the same type of context as could be expected if it, as I will show in section 5.2 below, is an INTRAterminal of very high Focality. This type of rejection of anything the informant judged at

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I: ah ah

24 Hawai 'i Creole English

2.2.3 Variation Most linguistic communities tend to develop language variants confined to certain geographical areas, social groups, ethnic groups or age groups. In order to chart the variation in HCE, I have sampled different geographical areas (in this case various islands, see 2.2.3.2 below), different ethnic groups (see 2.2.3.1 below), and both males and females at various ages (the youngest being 22 years at the time of the recording and the oldest 95). This does not mean that there has to be variation with respect to these parameters, but that I consider the question unanswered until different areas and other possible variation domains are sampled and checked. It is important to keep in mind that no language is entirely monolithic in its use or functions. Consequently any language description will be an approximation and should not be taken as a strict yardstick of how the language is or should be employed. In fact, a language could be argued to be a more or less tightly or loosely knit bunch of idiolects. However, much as we would like to, it would be impossible for linguists to accurately render all possible uses and functions of the languages we are trying to describe, and we are forced to give an average, or a common denominator if you like, of what the speakers of a language community use. Nevertheless, with that said, it is noteworthy that there in fact is a rather striking uniformity to my data, as shall be seen in the individual chapters. Whether the reason for my not encountering much variation is because HCE as a whole has little variation (which I find unlikely) or because I am analyzing only the TMA system of HCE and that does not have much variation (which I find more likely) is for future research to determine. Needless to say, this study should not in any way be taken as a normative description of the HCE TMA system. 2.2.3.1 Ethnolects In societies with a multiethnic composition speakers may use their language as an identity tool in order to group themselves with the ethnic group they wish to be associated with (LePage & Tabouret-Keller 1985). Multiethnic societies may also be ethnically divided, fuelled with or without political intervention, with the various ethnic groups keeping more or less to themselves. In a society like Hawai'i, where there are two major

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"too proper" (i.e. too SE like), happened several times during the whole session, with several types of constructions. At one point the informant caught himself saying cannot, which he had previously rejected and had claimed did not even exist in HCE, with the meaning INABility (see section 6.3 below).

divisions and then further subdivisions, there is a lot of intermingling, although ethnic groupings are retained. In this case the two major (very roughly sketched) groupings are locals versus haoles. The latter generally refers to the SE superstrate using and politically dominant group (mostly, but by no means only, white Americans), and the former refers to everybody else. Another way of putting it is that there is a general notion that locals speak HCE and haoles do not. Although almost everybody is of mixed ethnicity in Hawai'i, all informants and others I have been in touch with have a clear sense of belonging to one specific group in particular (see Bott, Bott & Fennell 1995 and Sebba & Wootton 1998). For instance, somebody calling him/herself Portagee may well be 50 per cent Hawaiian and 50 per cent Portuguese (in fact I have two informants with this precise ancestry, one calls herself Hawaiian and the other Portuguese). Then how does one decide ethnic grouping with respect to the recordings? Since we may assume that linguistic variation with respect to ethnicity will be socially transmitted, I have chosen to label the informant as belonging to that ethnic group which s/he identifies him/herself with. In other words, irrespective of the percentage the speaker has of a certain ethnicity, if s/he counts him/herself as being Portuguese or Hawaiian or Japanese (most often because s/he grew up in that specific ethnic environment) it seems reasonable to adopt that label of affinity. I have, during the interviews, tried to get detailed information as to the exact ethnic ancestry of speakers (in percentage), which group the speaker considers Mm/herself to belong to, who raised him/her (and where), as well as the subsequent family composition, such as who s/he married. Due to the uneven proportions in the database I am not able to check for variation with respect to ethnicity at this stage. However, I consider it a highly relevant topic for further research. The major ethnic groups are as listed below, with the three top ones providing the primary substrate languages (cf. above). (5) 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Hawaiian Chinese Portuguese Japanese Filipino (esp. speakers of Tagalog and Ilocano) Korean

2.2.3.2 Geographical variation Most languages develop variants in different geographical areas. This would certainly be expected for a language that is spread over several islands, each of which has a highly diverse topography. Hawai'i consists of 7 major inhabited islands, as well as a number of uninhabited

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Studying HCE 25

ones. All islands arose from volcanoes and thus have the typical topography of such landscapes, with one or two major peaks sloping down into the ocean. The various areas of each island are very different from each other, with respect to both vegetation and climate. Upcountry settlement may therefore differ considerably from shoreline settlements. Moreover, some areas are quite remote and difficult to reach. It would thus not be surprising to find dialectal variation of any major language spoken in Hawai'i whether it is a creole language or not. I have recordings of speakers from all islands in my sample, except Lana'i and Ni'ihau. Ni'ihau is privately owned and closed to anyone who does not live there or has permission to visit the island. I decided against trying to get permission to go there since it is entirely Hawaiian (the last of its kind) with little or no HCE spoken there. Lack of contacts prevented me from visiting the very small island of Lana'i; I decided to devote my time to the other islands. If there turns out to be variation with respect to island in the data, further research may have to include Lana'i and Ni'ihau.

Island

n inhabitants

% inhabitants

O'ahu17

876 156

72.3

Hawai'i (Big Island)

148 677

12.3

Mau'i

117 644

9.7

Kaua'i

58 303

4.8

Moloka'i

7404

0.6

Lana'i

3193

0.3

Ni'ihau

160

0.0

2.1 The major islands of Hawai'i (in order of population)1 (Source: U.S. Census Bureau, Census 2000 Redistricting Data, (Public Law 94171) Summary File; figures compiled and calculated by the Hawai'i State Department of Business, Economic Development & Tourism, Hawai'i State Data Center.)

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26 Hawai 'i Creole English

2.2.4 Reliability The discussion above has made it clear that any given type of data gathering will have its drawbacks. However, the reliability of the database increases if we combine the various types of data collection. Also, the fact that many informants actually forgot that they were being recorded - once they got started talking - due to the very small and unobtrusive equipment (MD recorder and D8 camcorder), increases the reliability of the data. On repeated occasions the informant(s) simply forgot that they were being recorded and started wandering off to make coffee, getting tangled in the microphone wire. This implies that their language was reasonably relaxed and natural in the recording situation. There is no getting round that any and every informant may be affected by the mere presence of the linguist, but almost all my interview sessions were very relaxed, conducted in the informants' home or work place (i.e. in a comfortable, well known environment) and at the informants' pace. Combining an MD recorder with a camcorder allowed both backups and documentation of the physical situation, gestures, mimics, etc. While filming could be intimidating, my informants generally seemed relaxed about it, and the screen on the camcorder lessened the psychological effect of being watched through a lens for the informants. It should be mentioned that I had assistance with the equipment and didn't handle the camera myself. The advantage of that was twofold: (a) I was equally a subject of the filming as the informants, and they were thus spared the sense of being singled out; (b) talking became natural face to face interaction. When it comes to elicitation data it should be noted that some informants' analyses of their language not match their use of it. A few informants displayed active "superstrate awareness", by analyzing HCE examples as they would translate them into SE. Obviously the translation into SE is irrelevant for the use in HCE, since SE might have one form for something that has two distinct forms in HCE (cf. VB-ing and stay VB-ing which both translate into SE VB-ing, see section 5.2 below), or vice versa (cf. had VB which has to be translated into either SE PerFeCT or SE PLuPerFeCT depending on the context). It is therefore important to keep this superstrate awareness in mind when analyzing the elicitation sessions. 2.2.5 Creating a database My database was created with Microsoft Access and is designed to let me filter and search chosen features, words or strings of texts, expressions or

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Studying HCE 27

28 Hawai 7 Creole English

(6) I. Written data 1. Ethnicity of author 2. Genre of text 3. Title II. Spoken data 1. Ethnicity of informant 2. Age at the time of the interview 3. Island the informant considered his/her home 4. Gender 5. Individual (listed only as an anonymous code)

Thus I can, for instance, filter out all occurrences of cannot in its context in the spoken language of speakers of Hawaiian ethnicity from Mau'i and compare the results with those of speakers of Kaua'i. My database consists of a total of 407 320 words. The figure is somewhat misleading, as the database contains whole texts (in order to keep the context intact), including utterances made by me, which are obviously not in HCE (despite strenuous efforts). I have therefore tagged anything not in HCE, as "nonHCE" and filtered them out from the analysis. In other words, utterances made by me, as well as SE narration or scene-setting instructions19 will not affect the figures stated for any TMA category. Having filtered out all "nonHCE" records, the database consists of 269 320 words, of which 181265 (or ca. 67 per cent) is written material and 87 642 (ca. 33 per cent or ca. 8 hours) is spoken material. When calculating the percentage of occurrences I have of course taken this uneven distribution into account. Consequently, for a feature occurring X(written material) + Y(spoken material) times in the whole database, the percentage between the two features is (X*0.67) / ((X*0.67) + (Y*0.33)) and (Y*0.33) / ((X*0.67) + (Y*0.33)). The recordings are more or less evenly spread across the islands, except for O'ahu:20 (7)

Hawai'i Kaua'i Mau'i Moloka'i O'ahu

31% 19% 19% 24% 5%

A code is given for each recorded example stating the gender, ethnicity, age (at the time of the interview), and island location of the speaker. A

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combinations of any or all of this. I have also prepared the database to be able to group the data according to any or all of the following parameters:

Studying HCE 29

male Hawaiian 22 year old speaker from Hawai'i (Big Island) will thus be coded as MH22H. The table below specifies the coding.

M = male

EHTNICITY

ISLAND

H = Hawaiian

H = Hawai'i (Big Island)

C = Chinese

K = Kaua'i

P = Portuguese J = Japanese F = female

AGE

YY = age at the time of the interview

F = Filipino

Ma = Mau'i Mo = Moloka'i 0 = O'ahu

K = Korean 2.2 Overview of the codings for recorded examples

I have opted for rather long examples, especially from the recorded data, in order to provide as much of the context for the form in focus as possible. Also, longer examples allow the reader to see various grammatical categories of the language in use in a smooth manner. The appendix, where I have given a selection of recorded texts, allows further study of the language in use.

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GENDER

30 Hawai 7 Creole English

1

2 3

4

5 6 7 8 9 10 11

12

13 14 15 16 17 18

Apart from the fact that speakers may be more or less basi- or acrolectal in their language, we will not exclude the possibility of geographical, ethnic, register and/or age variation. See Section 2.2.3 below. Note that this does not include the Portuguese, presumably since they too were imported as labour and therefore were considered as equals among the plantation workers. There were a multitude of other factors than disease leading to the decline of the Hawaiian population, such as emigration of Hawaiians (mainly to California) and restructuring of land (see Kuykendall 1968:328ft). Although, as Labov points out, one way of getting round the problem is to somehow "divert attention away from speech" (1972:209f), for instance by engaging the informant in topics that usually involve strong emotions. Note also that non-obtrusive equipment serves to reduce the problem of the paradox (see section 2.2.4). For a thorough examination on the difference between spoken and written language, see for instance Biber 1988 and 1994. See Michaelis (1994) and Schieffelin (1996) for case studies and discussions on the effects of literarization. Referring to the social status of that variant. This should not be confused with qualitative values; an L variant is not a linguistically inferior type of language. For more on Hawai'i Creole English as a literary language, see for example Romaine 1994a, 1994b and 1996. I am very grateful to Osten Dahl for letting me use his tense and aspect questionnaire. Possibly due to the fact that they got the idea that the questionnaire came with certain expectations as to professionalism. In other words, where the speaker accentuates his use of a L variety, or at least thinks he does, in a way that can be considered prestigious "in the sense of being favourably regarded by one's peers, and of signalling one's identity as a member of a group" (Chambers & Trudgill 1998:85). See also Labov (1972), who introduced the notion. Pidgin, with a capitol P, is the HCE name of the language, i.e. what the speakers themselves call their language. It does not mean that anybody considers it a pidgin language. For the sake of clarity, I have in this study chosen to follow my colleagues and call the language Hawai'i Creole English instead of Pidgin, even if that is not the speakers' name for their language. Although it is of course preferable to call a language by the name the speakers use, I fear that it could, in this case, create unnecessary confusion for the reader. This is an excerpt of a more than 7 minute long discussion devoted entirely to -ing forms. Note that the informant reanalyses what I said to "he is". See 2.2 for a legend of the interview codes. Although this characterization is debatable in many senses, I will not deal further with it for the purposes of this study. These figures include Sand Island, Mokauea Island, Ford Island, Moku o Loe and the North-western Hawaiian Islands. I will refrain from reproducing the Hawai'i Census 2000 figures on race (see http://www.hawaii.gov/dbedt/census2k/index.html), as the categories given there (White; Black or African American; American Indian and Alaska Native; Asian; Native Hawaiian and Other Pacific Islander) do not correspond to the generally more specified ethnic identity my informants gave. Thus the distinction made by my informants,

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Notes

Studying HCE 31

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differentiating between, for example, Japanese, Chinese, Filipino, and Korean would not show, as all of those would fall into the category Asian. 19 As mentioned in 2.2.2.1 some written texts may have only the dialogue in HCE, and all of the plays in my database have the stage instructions in SE. 20 This is due to initial fieldwork complications.

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3

As shown in the Introduction there is little use for an a priori singling out of creole languages as a structural category before we have looked at them from a cross-linguistic perspective. I will therefore ignore the fact that HCE is a creole language while defining its TMA system, so as to have as open a mind as possible when I go through the data.

3.1

Tense

By tense we mean the grammatical categories which express time. In order to locate an event at a particular point in time in relation to a reference point we thus make use of these grammatical categories. In the discussion of HCE tense a number of issues come to the fore, but I will in this book only deal with those two that concern my data: the distinction between relative and absolute tense and the use of tense markers in texts. 3.1.1 Absolute and relative tense Tense may be either absolute or relative. Following the approach of a number of authors as discussed in Comrie (1985) we will regard absolute tense as an event placed in time either before, after, or simultaneous to the present moment, i.e. the speech point (S), E relative S. In other words, absolute PAST would be E before S: E

S

A

•

3.1 Absolute tense 32

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The Framework of this Study

The Framework of this Study 33

E

R •

M

3.2 Relative tense

Apart from the two major distinctions mentioned above, the basic tense distinctions may also be more fine-grained as to the location of the situation with respect to the reference point. We may have way of defining how far away the E is from its reference point. Put differently, the event is specified as to its relative proximity to S or R, i.e. the grammatical tense category indicates not only if E is before or after S or R, but also the amount of time involved. As a result we may have, for instance, an immediate past as opposed to a remote past, or an immediate future as opposed to a remote future. Even though the objective point relative to which the factors for measuring time may vary, a quite common distinction is the hodiernal:nonhodiernal (today/not-today) one (Dahl 1984). 3.1.2 Temporal reference: means and uses As in many other languages of the world, HCE does not need to repeat the temporal marking throughout a narrative. Often the sequence of events will be temporally located in the beginning of the story by means of a tense marking device, after which the base form will suffice, except when specific aspectual nuances are denoted. The unmarked notion is E simul R (with simul indicating "simultaneous to"), for which the base form is used. The SE equivalent of the narrative chain may be either present or past time reference, depending on the context. In other words, HCE locates E simul R once at some specific time reference, and proceeds to assume consistency for that until further specifications are indicated (cf. ex. (9)). Consider example (8) where the speaker is telling us about his childhood days. The speaker locates E simul R in the past once through a tense marking (aid "I'd") and then uses only the base form after that. (8) aid go du skul a?n aefta skul ged horn wid ma brara | aen ji I'd go to school and after school get home with my brother and you

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Relative tense, on the other hand, we regard as an event placed in time either before, after, or simultaneous to a reference point (R), E relative R. Contrary to absolute PAST, the relative past time reference would therefore be:

34 Hawai 7 Creole English gara du dis ji gada du daet aen den | wsn kam ASS.OBLIG do this you ASS.OBLIG do that and then when come aua our

miols al redi | aen saed^dae monin wi liv fo re meals all ready and Saturday morning we leave for the mauntsn | wi go ap tu mountain we go up to in da in the

da maunten abau[t] the mountain about

tu mailz ap two miles up

maunten mountain

I'd go to school, and after school get home with my brother, and you had to do this you had to do that, and then, when came to Saturday like that ... see my grandmother had all our meals all ready — and Saturday mornings we <would> leave for the mountains. We <would> go up to the mountains, about two miles up in the mountains. (MC79Mo)

If the speaker is alternating between different time references, s/he may, as mentioned above, choose to use the base form for all of them, and keep indicating with other means than tense marking which time reference s/he refers to. In example (9) we see how the speaker alternates between E simul S ( L i J ) and E before S ( L j J ) through other means than tense marking. The speaker uses the base form for everything, except when a new time reference is announced. The speaker starts out with a generic statement that holds at the moment of speech: "when you go to the volcano ..." ( L ii J ). She then indicates E before S by the copula in the PAST ( ^jj J ) "andPele was ..." which is the only tense marking in the example (see section 4.5 for some remarks on the properties of copula sentences), all other verbs being in the base form. The temporal reference holds until the next generic statement "You can't just say..." ( *-i2^ ) occurs. The second shift in temporal reference ( LJ2 ) is indicated by "the old days ..." and is maintained until "till today ..." ( L i 3 J ), which in turn is changed through "old days ..." ( L j 3 J ) and then restored by "today..." ( L i 4 J ). (9) wen ji go volkaeno j[e] when you go volcano yeah L

espejli dis ailen koz dis wea da especially this island 'cause this where the

ii (E simul S)

volkaeno stei dis we pele wi beliv | -VV: jean- | rimeinz volcano LOC this where Pele we believe remains J

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tu ah saed^dae laig daet | si ma graenmara | get | al to ah Saturday like that see my grandmother get al

The Framework of this Study 3 5 jea | aen pele waz da godes a[f] faia so yeah and Pele was the goddess of fire so

wen when

ji (E before S)

wi go ap | no kaen meik fan jea of we go up PROHIB make fun yeah of

h^ | -Y: jean- | her yeah J

no kaen tak aenikain PROHIB say what.ever

ifju go volkaeno aua— da ol deiz if you go volcano our the old days

L

J

fa(E simul S)

L

fa(E before S)

dei tjro staf in da kreira fo laig aeknaled3 daet Ji they throw stuff in the crater COMPLEM like acknowledge that she exis | -VV: jean- | aen aeknaled3 h^ paua so exists and acknowledge her power so J

pleni gaiz many guys

| tio toras till today L fa (E simul S)

dei go ap aen de | ol deiz saekrifais jea | torae they go up and the old days sacrifice yeah today J

L

J

J3 (E before S)

is laig de tjro a bad[o] of wiski is like they throw a bottle of whiskey laik tu d3rink jea | -VV: oh!—| jeah like to drink yeah yeah

koz 'cause pleni many

laik tu—| pleni ais wen dei go dei like to many people when they go they

dei sei they say de s— they

L

Ji she Ji she

J4 (E simul S) justu PAST:HAB justu PAST:HAB

liv wis— dei leave they

tjro wiski | sam teik ah ji no benaenaz ahm taero throw whiskey some take ah you know bananas ahm taro ji no da kam you know the kind.of

staf stuff

Ji justu id she PAST:HAB

eat

When you go to the volcano, yeah, especially on this island, 'cause this is where the volcano is where Pele, we believe, remains, yeah. And Pele was the goddess of fire; so they told us, when we went up we weren't allowed to make fun of her, yeah. - Y: Yeah. - You can't just say anything if you go to the volcano. Our — in the old days they threw stuff in the crater, to like, acknowledge that she exists, and acknowledge her power, so ... Till today a lot of people they go up and — in the old days they sacrificed, yeah, today it's like they throw a bottle of whiskey, 'cause they say she used to like to drink, yeah. - VV: Oh! - Yeah, many they s— she used to like to — a lot of people, when they go they leave— they throw whiskey, some take, ah, you know, bananas, ahm, taro, you know, the kind of things she used to eat. (FH50H)

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L

dei tel as they tell us

36 Hawai 7 Creole English

Aspect

By aspect we mean the perspective taken on an event. It is important to note that this should not be confused with tense, which places an event on a time scale, or with actionality,1 which describes the internal structure of an event or action. The previous section showed how an event is placed in its relevant time frame by relating it to various reference point devices. However, placing an event at a particular point in time does not tell us anything about the perspective taken on the event itself. In other words tense categories locate an event on the time scale, irrespective of whether that event is viewed from within, and thus has no specified boundaries, or whether it is viewed as a bounded whole. Thus, in theory, any aspect would be able to combine with any tense (although in reality that is obviously not the case), since the information expressed by is (virtually) unconnected. The same can be said of actionality (even though here too there are real life restrictions to the theoretical possibilities), which gives information about the internal structure of an event. Placing an event at a specific point in time is not pertinent to the internal structure of it. In other words, irrespective of whether an event has an internal dynamicity, such as seethe, or is undynamic, such as dwell, it can be related to various reference points and thereby be placed on a time scale. Similarly, actionality and aspect should not be confused with each other. While actionality devices give us information about the internal structure of an event, aspect devices only specifies which perspective is taken on it, i.e. which angle the event is seen from. The information given by actionality markers, therefore, does not have any impact on the information given by aspect markers. Put differently, an event will have its internal structure whether it is viewed from within or whether it is viewed as a bounded whole. Consequently, we may theoreticize that any actionality marker may combine with any aspect marker; in reality, however, certain combinations will be impossible and therefore do not exist. In defining the HCE TMA system I will make use of a framework where an event (E) is conceived of as having a limit at each end point (beginning and end). The event is then either viewed within the limits (INTRAterminal), at the actual attainment of one of the limits (ADterminal), or after the transgression of one of the limits (POSTterminal), as defined by Johanson (2000). Contrary to other frameworks that have been proposed (for example Comrie 1976, Dahl 1985, Binnick 1991, Croft in prep.), Johanson's model lets us differentiate aspect from both

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3.2

tense and actionality. We are thus able to distinguish more precisely what has to do with aspect in an expression, without the usual complications related to tense and actionality. For instance, with Johanson's framework we can characterize the much discussed PerFeCT,2 such as has written, as an event viewed after the transgression of its relevant limit, with that limit itself temporally located before the speech moment. In this way, we have a method of sifting out what is related to tense (i.e. locating the event on a time scale) and what is actually related to aspect (i.e. the perspective taken on the event). As a result we have a language independent framework to apply on any available data. A brief summary of Johanson's terminology follows here.3 As already mentioned, the characteristic feature of Johanson's viewpoint operators is that they are concerned only with the conceptualization of the occurrence of an event (Johanson 2000:29). Thus, the viewpoint operator describes the perspective taken on an E and not the internal structure of the action itself. The main internal phases are the beginning (initium), the course (cursus) and the end (finis) (ibid.). The internal phase structure (IPS) is thus concerned with various properties of the actional content (Johanson 2000:58ff). Transformative [+t] actions have a natural turning point, a culmination, where either the initium or the finis is a crucial limit (®) and indicates where the transformation takes place. A finitransformative [+tf] highlights the end phase as the turning point of the action, such as obtain or win. The action o winning is one where a goal has been reached; the IPS implies an attempt to reach this goal. In other words, while there is an implication of a certain progress, the spotlight is on the end phase of the action. Taken further, momentaneous finitranformatives [+tf+mom] imply an "abrupt transformation without preliminaries" (Johanson 2000:61), whereas the contrasting non-momentaneous finitransformative [+tf-mom] allows the cursus to lead up to the final transformation. The difference between sneeze [+tf +mom] and freeze [+tf-mom] is thus that the former, though obviously having a certain duration in time even if short, is not readily separated into a beginning, course and end. However, freeze does have a course leading up to the transformation - it is reasonable to assume that the item freezing gradually gets colder and colder until finally frozen. The initiotransformative [+ti], on the other hand, denotes the beginning as the crucial limit of the transgression. It expresses the "concept of entering a state with that of the state itself (Johanson 2000:63), such as cover. While the act of covering

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The Framework of this Study 37

something might take time, and thus could imply a certain duration to the action, our attention is on the beginning part of the IPS. In contrast to transformatives, a nontransformative [-t] actional content has no culmination point and no particular phase of the event that is highlighted. It can, however, be dynamic [-t +dyn] and as such have an "internal processual evolution" (Johanson 2000:64), even though its actionality is homogenous. An example of this is seethe where a gradual progress can be noted, but where no particular transformation is involved. That is, even if we observe an advancement of the item seething, there is no focus on any particular part of the IPS. With a non-dynamic nontransformative [-t -dyn], on the other hand, we have a state with no such internal evolution, such as dwell or contain. There is decidedly an evident IPS to dwell - something dwells somewhere for a certain amount of time - but we can observe no specific progress or development in the action. The above-mentioned categories can be changed through heterogenization (transformativization) or homogenization (nontransformativization) through various marking devices. For instance, the nontransformative sit is heterogenized in sit down [+tf] (Johanson 2000:68). Similarly, transformatives may be homogenized. One way of turning a [+t] into a [-t] is through quantitative reinterpretation (Johanson 2000:70), which gives it a sequential meaning. When the actional content involves a serial [+ser] reading, it is automatically homogenized in the sense that we are no longer dealing with one single event, but with a series of subevents viewed as a global whole, i.e. "recurrent transformations all through its [i.e. the global event] duration" (Johanson 2000:71). Thus a sentence like She blinked away her tears indicates that blinked away, an action that in all likelihood involved several blinks, is viewed in its totality, as a bounded whole. Johanson (2000:35f, 38ff) discusses various focality degrees and draws up the three basic distinctions high focality (HF), low focality (LF) and nonfocality (NF), although it must be understood that this is a simplification of a scalar notion. It need hardly be spelled out that the way from low focality to high focality involves a gradual increase from less and less low to a higher and higher degree. These three distinctions roughly correspond to a narrow, expanded and open range of vision around the deictic centre, O. This has to do only with the relative narrowness of view around the deictic centre, and should therefore not be confused with aspect as such. The basic viewpoint is the same,

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38 Hawai 7 Creole English

and the difference lies not in the perspective of the E, but in the focus around the orientation point, the O. As already mentioned, although viewpoint operators may well function in combination with a variety of temporal connotations, such as [±PAST], or actionality and their modifications, such as [±mom] or [±ser], or various degrees of focality they, do not have any of these features inherently. The three viewpoint operators listed above will now be dealt with in turn. The INTRAterminal may be applied to an ongoing event in any temporal stratum, the main thing being that the course of the event overlaps with an orientation point, O, which may be the present moment, or some other point on the time scale depending on the given temporal indications. Examples of INTRA in various temporal strata would be is talking, was talking and will be talking. The difference between the three lies not in the perspective taken on them - in all cases the actions are viewed from within - but in where they are placed on the time scale: one is placed at Os, i.e. at the moment of speech; one is placed before Os and one after Os. Thus we see that locating the event at a certain point in time does not alter the angle it is viewed from. Viewing the event from within its limits hinders any kind of perception of its totality, since the "natural vantage point for observing current events is always located in the middle of what happens" (Johanson 2000:77). Note that INTRA should not be confused with duration; events of long duration may be viewed as a totality and events of short duration could be viewed from within. For instance, He sailed around the world implies an event of long duration viewed in its totality, whereas He was dropping a coin in the machine implies an even of short duration viewed from within. The concern of aspectual markers is primarily the perspective on the event, and not so much the duration of it, which belongs to the actional content. We therefore prefer the term INTRA to, for instance, durative or nonpunctual, in order to not confuse the aspectual perspective of the event with the internal duration of the action. The viewpoint operator ADterminal envisages the event in the very attainment of its crucial limit, ad terminum (Johanson 2000:29). This means that the event is viewed at the very point when it transgresses, at the instant the crucial limit of the event is reached. The event marked +AD thus denotes transformation, whereas -AD simply does not take the concept of transformation into account; -AD would only be marking the fact that the durative/punctual opposition is ignored. Consequently, the difference between Russian dobit'sja (+AD) 'attain' and dobivat'sja 'strive

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The Framework of this Study 39

after' (-AD) is that dobivat'sja ignores any transformation whatever, whereas dobit'sja specifically tells us that the crucial limit has been reached (examples taken from Johanson 2000:135). Note that dobit'sja ~ dobivat'sja even have to be translated into different lexemes in SE in order to capture the difference in aspectual meaning. It follows then, that ADterminalis is not synonymous with COMPLetive (see section 5.4 below), since -AD ignores completion (which should not be confused with a meaning of "non-completive"). The nature of [-] features is such that -AD may denote a completed event, as in Polish czytal tq ksiqzkq 'has read this book' (Johanson 2000:136), or may denote an uncompleted event, as in Polish pisze list 'is writing, writes a letter' (Johanson 2000:137). It is irrelevant for a -AD whether the event is completed or not; the marking is there to denote the fact that the aspectual notation is in fact not specified. The same is true for RESULTative: the context in which either a +AD or a AD may occur could either convey a result or not. A -AD event may well lead to a result that will hold at the moment of speech, for instance Russian pisal 'wrote, has written, was writing, has been writing, had written, had been writing' (Johanson 2000:137); the same goes for +AD, as in the above mentioned dobit'sja 'attain'. Or, conversely, either a -AD or a +AD may ignore any result, as, for example, in Russian stroit' (-AD) -postroit' (+AD) 'build' (Johanson 2000:135). The focus of ±AD is simply where the event is envisaged with regard to the relevant limits. POSTterminal envisages the E after the transgression of its limits, as in, for instance, He has boarded the train. The event is one of a transgression from not-boarded to boarded, and we are viewing this event after this transgression has taken place. This differs from AD in the sense that "transgressing the limit means going beyond it and not only reaching it" (Johanson 2000:102). The orientation point can be situated after the initium, in which case the O is situated inside the cursus of the E. A POST[+ti] may thus express "a state that has come about through an initial transformation" (Johanson 2000:161), as in has hidden = is hiding (Johanson 2000:162). Or the orientation point can be situated after the finis, in which case the event is viewed from outside its course, as in Bulgarian napisal e 'has written' (Johanson 2000:161). Note that this is not synonymous with 'change leading to a new situation' (cf. Johanson 2000:103), which has to do with [±t] and [±dyn] (see above).

3.3

Modality

Modality can be said to deal with the attitudes and opinions expressed by the speaker, the "subjective characteristics of an utterance" (Palmer 1986:16). I will primarily use Palmer (1986, 2001) for my definitions of modality features. The basic distinctions is between propositional and

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40 Hawai 7 Creole English

event modalities, where the former indicates "the speaker's attitude to the truth-value or factual status of the proposition" (Palmer 2001:24), and the latter relates to "events that have not taken place but are merely potential" (Palmer 2001:70). In other words, the basic distinction is between information (propositional modality) and action (event modality). PROPOSITIONAL modality describes the extent to which the speaker can or will commit him/herself to the truth of the information given, when it is not merely a recital of facts. There can be numerous reasons for maintaining a certain reserve about the truth of the matter expressed. The information could be based on an observation of something, which in turn could be based on not necessarily reliable senses. Or the speaker could have deduced the information (but not found conclusive proof for it). It could also be that the speaker is merely speculating about it, or that someone else has given him/her the information, and that the speaker is not able to definitely commit him/herself to it. Propositional modality can be divided into two subgroups: epistemic and evidential modality. Epistemic modalities make judgements that involve subjective conclusions and opinions as to the veracity of the statement. The judgements can be speculative, deductive or assumptive depending on the degree of commitment indicated on the part of the speaker. Evidentials, on the other hand, specify the type of evidence the speaker has for making a certain statement. They can be reportive (Palmer 2001:40-2) either by second-hand evidence ('Reported(2)'), by third-hand evidence ('Reported(3)') or by what is generally held to be true ('Reported(Gen)'). Or the evidentials can be sensory (Palmer 2001:43-7), with evidence from seeing (Visual), from hearing (Auditory) or from all other senses (non-Visual). EVENT modality involves action in some sense, either by the speaker or by the hearer. The two basic categories here are deontic modality, referring to external conditioning factors with the agent, and dynamic modality, referring to internal factors with the agent. Deontics may be further divided into directives, where the speaker allows or tries to initiate the hearer into action, and commissives, where the speaker certifies that an action will take place. Directives deal either with permission or with obligation. We may also place imperatives and jussives (dealing with commands and incitement to action) as well as admonitives (where the speaker issues a warning, cf. Bybee et al. 1994:179) in this category. It should be mentioned that to define deontics as related to external factors can be argued to be somewhat misleading, since the directives and commissives typically stem from the speaker and as such are subjective. However, one may claim that the (proposed) agent of the action referred to is subject to conditions originating from outside him/herself.

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The Framework of this Study 41

The second subdivision of event modalities, dynamic modalities, which primarily deal with internal aspects of the subject, can be divided into abilitive, denoting ability, and volitive, denoting willingness. It should be noted that abilitive involves "circumstances that immediately affect" the subject (Palmer 2001:10), i.e. not only the existence of internal physical conditions, but also possibility in general. The modal categories and their various subgroups discussed can be summarized as below, with examples given where SE has a grammaticalized form for the category: (10)

PROPOSITIONALS: have to do with information EVIDENTIALS: specify the type of evidence one has for the information hearsay eyewitnessing etc. EPISTEMICS: the speaker's qualitative judgement of a piece of information speculative ("it may be that..") deductive ("it must be that...") etc. EVENT modalities: have to do with action DEONTICS: have to do with external factors DIRECTIVES: the speaker tries to initiate action obligation ("you must do it") permission ("you may do iF) imperatives ("do it!") etc. COMMISSIVES: the speaker certifies that action will take place ("you shall do it") DYNAMICS: have to do with internal factors VOLITIVES: denote willingness ABILITIVES: denote ability

3.4

General on notations

It can be very useful to note marked features as [+], and thus be able to make it clear that the construction specifically denotes the feature in question, and to note "indifferent" features with [-], which would then indicate that the feature described is simply not concerned with the opposition in question. However, "an item may also be naturally characterized by a certain value though lacking a competing item" (Johanson 2000:33), which means that although there is a feature that specifically marks something, a [+] feature, there may not be a

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42 Hawai 7 Creole English

corresponding [-] feature. In such cases I have opted to gloss this type of one-sided marking by abandoning the [±] distinction instead of using Johanson's notation " °". By doing this we lose a way of specifically expressing +X° = "presence of X marked though no competing item exists", however, by not using such a notations we will have a smoother flow in the glossing system. The feature value will still be clearly understood by the notation system Y = "the presence of feature Y". Portmanteau markers, i.e. markers that convey several meanings at once will be glossed as A:B = "expresses A and B at the same time" (meanings A and B are both necessarily marked by this expression). That is, a construction such as yustu VB, which denotes both HABitual aspect and PAST tense, is glossed PAST:HAB. However, if a feature has to be explained by using several words, it will be glossed with " . ", i.e. as CD = "C and D must be used in order to properly render the meaning of the feature". That has nothing to do with any combination of meaning; for instance if try VB means POLite REQuest we will gloss it as POL.REQ and not POL:REQ.

In order for the reader to be able to discern whether I am talking about a defined grammatical category (i.e. employ the term metalinguistically) or simply use the word with its everyday meaning (i.e. as object language), I render the metalinguistic term with its abbreviation section in small caps, whereas the object language word is written in small caps. The reader will in this way know that the sentence "Both languages have a PAST" is to be understood as "Both languages have a tense category which denotes past time reference" and not "Both languages have a history".

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The Framework of this Study 43

44 Hawai 7 Creole English

1 2 3

4

Also known as Aktionsart (see, for instance, Comrie 1976, Dahl 1985, Binnick 1991). Cf, for example Dahl 1985, Maslov 1988, Bybee et al 1994, to mention only a few relevant discussions on the complications of defining PFCT. It is beyond the scope of this book to contrast Johanson's terminology with other frequently used frameworks. The reader is advised to see Johanson (2000) for a thorough discussion of his terminology in relation to other studies. See Bybee et al. (1994) for the alternative terminology agent-oriented (roughly equivalent to dynamics) and speaker-oriented (roughly equivalent to deontics).

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Notes

4

Using the general framework as defined in 3.1 above we will now examine the tense categories in HCE. We will find that HCE has, in addition to the base form, two absolute tenses, i.e. two tenses that relate the event to the moment of speech, the PAST (E before S) and the FUTure (E after S). The latter is manifested in the forms go(i)n(g)lgonna VB, which should not be confused with ACTion marker go VB. The PAST has a specific form for NEGated PAST, neva. In addition to the regular FUTure form there is bumbye, which gives some indications of REMoteness. A summary of the properties of copula sentences shows that the copula is obligatory in the PAST (was) and FUTure (go(i)n(g)lgonna be), but optional in the PRESent (either zero or some inflected form of be), and that stay denotes LOCative.

4.1

The base form

The base form of the verb refers to anything up to the moment of speech that is not otherwise specifically marked for tense. Since HCE does not need to repeat the temporal marking in a narrative (see 3.1.2 above), the base form will commonly be applied once the context has demonstrated the location of E on a time line. In example (11), where we are informed of where Lenny works, it clearly refers to the present. (11)

Lsnni L biznsz business

wyk fo wan plaent rentol kampeni work for a plant rental company dat go teik kae of that ACT take care of

plaents in plants in

da kain the kind.of

da hotels the hotels.1 (Balaz 1998)

45

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Tense Categories in HCE

In (12) the speaker is explaining why sharks are now attacking people, which they didn't do before and still don't do where the reef life is unpolluted. While this refers to the present moment, it could also easily be interpreted as a generic. However, a generic connotation is not a specific feature of the base form, as already seen in the example above (it would be fatuous to assume that Lenni working at that specific company is a generic truth - if nothing else, Lenni will not live forever). (12)

...so ra tin d3(s) rein ...so the thing just rain

au[t] out

a(o) ris faekteriz aen hoteoz all these factories and hotels

tura ojen aeh | so ji gsd to the ocean eh so you POSS gofkasaz | so golf.courses so

nau we(a) now where

ao ris kemikoz goir) | ao ris kemikoz goin. in da all these chemicals going all these chemicals going in the wara | so water so

ra tin. kil the thing kill

of da rif laif off the reef life

[about fertilizers polluting the water] ... so the thing just rains out to the ocean, eh. So you have all these factories and hotels, golf courses; so now, where are all these chemicals going? All these chemicals are going in the water, so the stuff kills off the reef life. (MH29Ma)

In example (13) the speaker is showing me how to make a poi stone. Here the meaning can be either E simul S (PRESent), E after S (FUTure), or generic. (13)

...den ...then

idkam tu it come to

jis— tfip you chip

ra saiz wad ji wan den the size REL.PRON you want then

fom from

orea there

it daun laik a jervais... it down like a shave, ice

[showing how to make a poi stone] ... then it comes to the size which you want. Then from there you chip it down like a shave ice (type of ice cream)... (MJ75Mo)

Depending on the meaning you choose for the base form, kam and tfip have to be translated either as SE comes and chip (E simul S or generic), will come and will chip (E after S or generic).The reference point may be placed prior to the present moment, in which case the base form would be translated as PAST in SE. Consider (14) where the speakers refer to a mutual friend who had passed away more than a

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Tense Categories in HCE 47

(14)

A: Ji was she was

gudlukin | good.looking

B: je | aen Ji kaen yeah and she AB

sin sing

A: she was good looking. B: yeah, and she could sing. (A=MF61Mo; B=FH58Mo)

One of the ways the base form is used is to reflect reported speech, in the sense that if the speaker relates a dialogue or a narration told by somebody else, s/he may chose to use the base form and thus transports the utterance to the moment of when it was expressed (see Masuda 2000 for a detailed discussion on HCE discourse). The particular properties of reported speech require further investigation; it is beyond the scope of this study to deal with those issues properly. Observe that the examples below are not related to modality, they refer to factual utterances and are most commonly indicated by either some kind of quotation marker (for example / said — he said or I go — he goes) or through change of pitch. Consider example (15) where the speaker is describing a dialogue with his subordinate. The dialogue starts with hi told me ( L Ai J ) and the subsequent turn taking is indicated by / say ( L Bi J ), change of pitch ( L A 2 J ), and I say ( L B 2 J ). (15)

wan af one of

ma gud fren | wa[n] nai? | ai my good friend one night I

tu wok | hi s— hi tol mi a w— | ma to work he he said me I my wana go horn | en a lug want.to go home and I look a aemblens | teik jo the ambulance take your

waif wife

nid need

al a men all the men

waif i[s] sik a wife is sick I

aed him a sae(s) | ji kol at him I say you call tu ho— tu to to

re dakte | ju the doctor you

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year previously to the conversation. The copula is obligatorily in the PAST, but can is in the base form. Even without the copula it would have been evident that the speakers were referring to the past, since everybody involved in the conversation knew that the person in question had passed away.

48 Hawai 7 Creole English go horn ju kasnat du natin wid jo waif go home you INAB do nothing with your wife tu to

haendol id handle it

waif wife

| ai nid ju on da I need you on the

d3ab hea | oh no ai goin horn a goin horn a job here oh no I go.lNTRAHF home I go.lNTRAHF home I J LA2 J LB2 sae say

ju go horn ass da laes das ju wok | you go home that's the last day you work J

One of my goodfriends,one night — I needed all the men to work — he said to me "I w— my wife is sick I want to go home." And I looked at him and said "y° u c a ^ the ambulance, take your wife to ho— to the doctor. you go home you won't be able to do anything with your wife, your wife is sick. The doctor to handle it. I need you on the job here." "Oh, no. I'm going home, I'm going home." I said " you go home that's the last day you work ." (MC880)

In (16) the speaker is describing how he listened to his aunt telling him a story of what she had experienced once. Note that the base forms here translate into two different SE tenses, PAST for Ei (listen) and PerFeCT for the reported speech starting with E2 (jump). (16)

...ho a lisn tu INTERJ I listen to dis this

ma aenti laik o kain my Auntie like oh kind

LE, wareva spri? wen d3amp whatever spirit PAST:AD jump

a of

skasri (j)ae scary yeah

| J

intu into

dis wan this one

gai guy

|

L

E2 fal ontu ra graun e(v)riting | dis mis fall onto the ground everything this mist gaiz nek guy's neck tod fo Lord to

eritirj laik | ho Ji d3es everything like INTER she just

was tjoking diz was choking this ore aes(k) da pray ask the

bles h^ ae ... bless her eh J

Ho! I listened to my Auntie, like, oh, kind of scary, yeah. This whatever spirit had jumped into this one guy, he fell onto the ground and everything. This mist was choking this guy's neck, everything like ... Ho, she just prayed, asked the Lord to bless her, eh. (MH29Ma)

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sik | de dakta sick the doctor

jo your

The base form is less often used for a narration of future events. Consider example (17) where the speaker is reporting what she intends to do. Even though the events have not taken place this is not modal in its substance; there is no indication that the speaker doubts that her intentions will be carried out, or that she is referring to an alternative world. (17)

wel a go— gon teik well I FUT take evri— every aen and

al ma faemli horn | kam wiken all my family home come weekend

evri ara wiken wi gon | klin ap da laen | every other weekend we FUT clean up the land aes a oni that's the only

we way

fo ged COMPLEM get

h^ her

aut out

ji you

no wi klin al ore we Ji stae ba ra ten | know we clean all over.there where she LOC by the tent Ji gon bi Jeim aenti | evribadi kaen she FUT be embarrassed Auntie everybody AB al faensi hauzez all fancy houses

araun around

we Ji stae where she LOC

si h& \ see her

| nais hauzes nice houses

|

Well, I'm going to bring home all my family. When the weekend comes, every— every other weekend we will clean up the land and that's the only way to get her out, you know. We'll clean all there where she is, by the tent. She'll be embarrassed, Auntie, everybody will be able to see her. all fancy houses around where she is. Nice houses. (FH58Mo)

4.2

The -s form

Occasionally an inflected -s form is used for the present tense. In example (18) the speaker is trying to remember a legend about a rock that his friend has banged into with his car. The inflected form, knows, refers to the present moment. (18)

ma fraen Gnoz da led3en vividli my friend knows the legend vividly

hi hi

baerj da ra[k]kapo taimz bangthe rock couple times

My friend G knows the legend vividly, he banged the rock a couple of times. (MH24Mo)

In (19) the same person alternates between the base form and the -s form.

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Tense Categories in HCE 49

50 Hawai 'i Creole English B: lili— sen— jean Lili... cen... yeah AL

ba? papa but papa

pipo hu people who

| de they

wanted wanted

mi tu me to

sag no a kena? aes AL if say no I INAB ask if

aesk tu ask to a I

aesk ah— | ask ah

no know

d3e[s] statin just starting

The L—cent(er) yeah. They wanted me to ask— to ask, ah, AL, but papa said "No, I can't ask AL if I know people who are just starting". (...) B: hi wans He wants wi gona we FUT wi we

tu to

ju si wi | in—daes in you see we in that's in

matj | March

1^-n ao fom him | aen wad wi gona ls^n learn all from him and what we FUT learn

haevtu titj al ju foks | DISASS.OBLIG teach all you folks

He wants to— you see we — in, that's in March — we're going to learn all from him, and what we learn we have to teach all you folks. (...) B: aen wat kain and whatkind

la?au ju no aen ao dis Haw. trad, medicine you know and all these

tins | hi wan things he want

hi wan he want

den— then

| aen and

wat what

kain kind

tu to af of

titj | a sta(f) aen teach the stuff and siknes sickness

And what kind of la 'au you know, and all these things. He wants— he wants to teach the stuff and then... And what kind of sickness... (A=FH50Ma;B=FH71Ma)

Here papa see refers to the PAST (as established by the PAST marking of wanted earlier on) and would have to be translated into papa said in SE, whereas hi wans tu clearly refers to the present intentions of papa, thus necessarily SE he wants to. Note that this is not obligatory; the form he wan tu tiffin the example above is presumably just as valid as hi wans tu in the same example for PRESent time reference, since it refers to the same intentions and the same person. In some cases there is an element of generic truth in the -s form, as in example (20). (20)

In hana | jae | ji no w in Hana yeah you know what

hana minz | -VV:noHana means

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| hana Hana

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(19)

Tense Categories in HCE 51 minz w^k | -VV:oh jea?- | wa^k | s wad means work work is what

gara ASS.OBLIG

| wn j kam hana ji when you come Hana you

wa^k work

In Hana, yeah — you know what Hana means? —VV: no. —Hana means "work." —VV: oh yeah. —"Work." That's what Hana means. So when you come to Hana you've got to work. (MH29Ma)

However, the truth has to hold at the moment of speech. It would be ungrammatical to say *(jesterce/bifo taim) ji no wa hana minz "*do you know what Hana meant (yesterday/then)" since Hana is a place still in existence. However, it is not obligatory to use the -s form for generic present. Consider example (21) where the speaker uses one inflected form (burns) and then base forms. It is reasonable to assume that the healing and the burning are equally true universally. (21)

jea wen ju pud yeah when you put iz | id is id

pyns id burns it

ontap on— on jo on on on your go goes

raid right

baeg back

tjru | ba? id through but it

we jo soa where your sore hio | id heals it

hio heals

Yeah, when you put it on— on your back, where you're sore, it burns, it goes right through, but it heals, it heals. (FH71Ma)

It is not likely that the reason for this is that -s forms represents historical present. Even if there could be a sense of heightening in action (cf. Comrie 1976: 77) to the form burns in comparison to the adjacent base forms in example (21), that explanation would not hold for the alternation between wan and wans in (19). Note that it is the same speaker in both (21) and (19). In fact, in (19) it may be that wans simply serves as the temporal marking device, after which the base form wan suffices. However, it should be noted that the inflected forms of the copula (am in aim 'I'm' and is in evribadiz 'everybody's') are used in example (92) above, partly reproduced here, when the speaker has arrived at the type of propulsive sense of action which usually merits historical present in SE.

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minz | -laughs- | so means so

hana Hana

52 Hawai 7 Creole English

so wen ai fs^s] stared so when I first started

tu to

laiberi | mai hea library my hair

if— if

ai du ra klosap af I do the close.up of

jeas ago ae[d] years ago at

justu staen ap | espejl[i] PAST:HAB stand up especially da biodin rai? the building right

in dea nau | aen evribadiz in there now and everybody's

gon | oh gone oh

| so so

| aim I'm

mai hea my hair

justu staen ap PAST:HAB stand up So when I first started to work at the library, eighteen years ago, my hair used to stand up. Especially if you— I did the close up of the building, right? So, I'm in there now, and everybody's gone. Oh, my hair would stand up. (FH61H)

It is thus possible to have an inflected form with a historical present reading, though the use of the -s form is not confined to that meaning. If anything, the -s form seems to carry a PRESent E simul S meaning (absolute tense), which may or may not come to stand in opposition with an E simul R meaning (relative tense) of the base form.

4.3

The past tense

Past time reference is obligatorily expressed with the verb BE through its inflected form was. With other verbs past time reference is either expressed through inflection, or, given certain conditions, the base form is used. Accordingly, a sentence like the water was cold yesterday must have the copula in the past tense: da war& was kol yestadce. In a narrative, however, the base form will suffice once the temporal location is given. In other words, there is a grammatical way of expressing that the event is located prior to the present moment, i.e. the moment of speech: E before S, which is obligatory only with the copula and in the beginning of a narrative, but otherwise optional. In examples (22) and (23) we have the obligatory was even though the contexts evidently refer to the past. (22)

wen wi waz when we were vaeli valley

ah

| kidz kids

| wi justu go ap | ap in we PAST:HAB go up up in

a the

aen pie and play

When we were kids, we used to go up— up in the valley and play. (MJ50K)

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da the

ws^k eitin work 18

Tense Categories in HCE 53 (23)

hilo | wel id Hilo well it

was was

laik ah like ah

| westenstail western.style

For simple PAST, with no inherent aspectual meanings, the same kind of inflected form of the verb is used as in SE, for instance came in (24), alongside the base form. (24)

"The Vasconcellos girl came down with all those tita cousins of hers. Bunny was all bust up, and me and you was in Vegas. Harry, what the hell you expected Toni to do?" (Yamanaka 1999:89)

This is not limited to written sources, as shown by tol 'told,' eid 'ate' and wen 'went' in example (25). (25)

so a so I

tol ma fren eh told my friend

| ji you

no NEG

W3"(r)i worry

bu | (d)a mate the

lod Lord

fogiv ju no maera weva ji kam from wadeva ju forgives you NEG matter wherever you come from whatever you eid ate

bra my.friend

au? out

| no NEG

no NEG W9"(r)l worry

w^(r)I worry

| hi it

| a kan I kind

a of

wen went

in in

hi it

gon kam FUT come

min aplif him sh mean uplift him eh

So I told my friend [a Muslim who had accidentally eaten pork] "Don't you worry, my friend. The Lord forgives you, no matter where you come from or whatever you ate, myfriend,don't worry. It went in, it's going to come out, don't worry." I kind of meant to uplift him, eh. (MH29Ma)

This should not be confused with Labov's (1990[1970]) discussion of the optional use of wen with [-weak] in contrast to an obligatory use of the construction with [+weak] verbs which will be dealt with in 5.1. As we will see in that section, wen VB is an aspectual device, functioning as a portmanteau for PAST:ADterminal and has nothing to do with whether the verb is [±weak]. In example (26) we have gru 'grew' [weak] and l&nd 'learned' [+weak] which shows that using an inflected form of the VB in PAST is not limited to strong verbs. (26)

jes yes

wi gru ap wid meni af we grew up with many of

diz | ju no | aen wi these you know and we

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[Asked about what Hilo was like in the old days] Hilo? Well, it was like ... Western style. (MH79H)

54 Hawai 7 Creole English lynd fo so tro? learned for sore throat

However, as mentioned above, the base form may also be used for past time reference to denote E before R (cf. section 4.1 above). The common way for expressing NEGated PAST is to use the construction neva VB. In example (27) neva put is best translated as didn 7. (27)

je ged wan yeah EXIST a

tiaera theatre

bat ste al but LOC al

(a)wae ara said a the.way other side of

da the

ailen | aidono wai de neva pur om in a mirol | island I NEG.know why they NEG:PASTput it in the middle gara ASS.OBLIG

bi ikwol eh be equal eh

Yeah there's a theatre but it's all the way on the other side of the island. I don't know why they didn't put it in the middle. got to be equal, eh. (MH24Mo)

It is a very common construction and has to be translated with several different SE constructions. In example (28) the first neva is best translated as SE haven 7 (NO and the second as SE didn V (N2). (28)

A: dei they

neva pjk ap de tin. jet N, NEG:PAST pick up the thing yet

Haven't they picked up the thing yet? B: a rono ji gara I NEG.know you ASS.OBLIG

aesk J if de | de ask J if they they

ap da— up the I don't know you'll have to ask J if they— they picked up the... A: Ji

neva sag N2 shi NEG:PAST say

Didn't she say?

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pik pick

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Yes, we grew up with many of these [medical plants], you know, and we learned for sore throat (FP62H)

Tense Categories in HCE 55 B: o

Ji

oh she

natin nothing

Oh, she anything.

Since the copula has to be inflected for PAST, the negated past of BE is expressed no was as opposed to *neva be with the NEGated:PAST auxiliary. In example (29) the narrator describes how unrecognizable her pet was when it had been stuffed after its death. (29)

Bernie, he stuff Clyde when he die last Easter, but when I seen my rabbit all matted his fur was and his eyes no was the same;2 (Yamanaka 1993:97)

The same can be found in the spoken language database, for instance example (30), where the informant is telling us about how people on the US mainland couldn't understand his and his family's English. (30)

aen and

dei they

no was NEG was

no— dei NEG they

was takin. regula was talk.INTRAHFregular

| dei they

takin hawaien talk.lNTRAHF Hawaiian

And they weren't— they were speaking ordinary [English], they weren't speaking Hawaiian. (MJ50K)

4.4

The future tense

Future tense is slightly more problematic than the two tenses discussed so far due to the fact that future events are non-perceivable and unreal. In other words, the future tense might be argued to carry certain modal connotations, since the events haven't happened and are therefore still imaginary. The difference in She graduated with honours and She will graduate with honours is that the former is an irrefutable fact whereas the latter is not. Nonetheless, many events in the future are predictions based on the present state of the world as we know it (Dahl 1985). If a student has had excellent grades throughout her studies, the statement She will graduate with honours, even if not a fact in the real world at the time of the utterance, it does not seem a far-fetched expectation and

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(A=FH77Mo; B=MC79Mo)

could be said to have very little modal reading in it. We shall define FUTure tense as "a clear prediction of some future state of affairs" (Comrie 1985:44), predictions which can then later be tested. Thus FUTure is not to be confused with a modal stating a possibility; such an event is not testable, since that would involve "demonstrating the existence or non-existence of a certain possible world which may not coincide with the actual world" (ibid.). Although some degree of intentionality is often found in FUTure utterances, it should be considered a secondary semantic feature of FUTure, as in the contrast between SE He will go and He intends to go (Dahl 1985:106). 4.4.1 go(i)n(g)/gonna VERB The following examples show that go(i)n(g) denotes FUTure tense without much room for modal interpretations. The narrator in (31) is stating a clear prediction, and will later be able to test it. In other words, he is not stating a possibility or giving any reservations about the likelihood that it will actually take place. (31)

Going be sharp man ... my mahdah made me one cape and I going get one black hat and I went make one mask wit two eyeholes.3 (Lum 1990e:59)

What is referred to here is the Halloween festivities that are about to take place. It seems unlikely that the narrator doubts the possibility that Halloween will come. On the contrary, he is certain that he will have fun during the holidays - and he will indeed be able to test afterwards whether his predictions came true or not. Likewise in (32) the speaker is stating her future intentions which will in fact be testable in only a few moments. (32)

ai get pepatauez | oh | okae a gon teik dis ovs I POSS paper.towelz oh OK I FUT take this over (...) ai I

kam baek come back

A

de nau | there now

aigon teik sam o rea fas | I FUT take some over there first

I have paper towels. Oh, OK, I'll take this over there now. I'll come back, A, I'm going to take some over there first. (FH77Mo)

I consider it a fair assumption that the informant in example (32) had very little doubt that her intentions would be carried out. The construction go(i)n(g) VB is thus best viewed as a FUTure marker. The conviction

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56 Hawai 'i Creole English

of the truth in go(i)n(g) VB statements is also evident in (33) where the speaker is describing how to make a poi stone.4 He has done it many times in his life and he has also taught others how to do one. It is reasonable to assume that he is sure of the procedure and has very little doubt as to the routine. He is not stating anything else than what the real world will hold in a few moments. (33)

wad dad da big pat on top is gonna what that the big part on.top is FUT pomed ap | is pointed up is

gonna FUT

tfip dat pojin chip that portion

af of

bi daun da barom be down the bottom

aen da and the

bi da pohspohe so ju be the round.(smooth).side so you

(...) da raunes | of the roundest of

um dis ba ris gonna bi da pat as it this but this FU be the part that's

a pat ji gonna the part you FUT

paun on de bad pound on the board

That, which is the big part on top it's going to be <pointing> down, the bottom, and the <part> pointed up is going to be the round, smooth side. So you chip that portion of... (...) The roundest of it is this, but this will be the part, that is the part you will pound on the board. (MJ75Mo)

We should not confuse go(i)n(g)lgonna with immediacy, as shown in example (34) where a middle aged person of good health is speaking of the fact that her generation wants to teach the younger generations about Hawaiian traditions to secure the continuation of them. (34)

sam a some of

diz tirjz iv these things if

au kidz our kids

bikaz wi no gon liv foeva because we NEG FUT live forever

az gaiz gon us guy s FUT

bi ded be dead

wi— if wi rimemba wi paes on tu we if we remember we pass on to jea | sam dae yeah some day

so so

Some of these things, if we— if we remember them, we pass them on to our kids, because we won't live for ever. Some day we're going to be dead, so... (FH51H)

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Tense Categories in HCE 57

The 51-year old woman is not predicting that her death will come about in the near future, but she is certain that it will happen at some point in time. The future reading is obvious, as is the fact that go(i)n(g) VB does not indicate immediacy. All of the above examples simply express E after S without room for modal interpretations; they are all predictions possible to test in the future. Even though the events have not taken place yet, the speaker indicates no subjectivity as to the truth of the facts. This does not mean that HCE FUT is unable to involve such notions as intentionality or predictions based on personal experience (and consequently become somewhat less objective), as demonstrated in (35), where the speaker predicts the future on die basis of how he perceived the last Bush regime. (35)

hau asl go ji tirj hi get tjans | wid ah how Al Gore you think he POSS chance with ah buj no gon bi gud hi gon Bush NEG FUT be good he FUT bad but

hi no he NEG

gon FUT

buf | a tirj Bush I think

falo ra fada rid lips follow the father read lips

du natin do nothing

How about Al Gore, you think he has a chance against, ah Bush? I don't think Bush will be good, he's going to follow the father, just read lips. But he won't do anything. (MP85K)

Although there clearly is a subjective element in (35) it does not warrant a modal analysis of goin: the speaker states a straightforward prediction of what the future world holds, i.e. what is surely going to happen after S. In example (36) there is an element of "intention" to the utterance: the speaker (in this case cited by my informant) declares that he intends to have a specific church opened whatever those who oppose it might say. Here too we may note an element of intentionality; the speaker appears to be quite sure that he will be able to open that church. (36)

aen and

hi saed | a no he said I NEG

open | so open so

daed that

laedi lady

kae care

wa[d] dei sae dis tjutj what they say this church

kaen AB

pritj preach

gain FUT

bifo Ji dai before she die

And he said: "I don't care what they say. This church is going to open, so that that lady will be able to preach before she dies." (FH51H)

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5 8 Hawai 7 Creole English

Again, this validates the interpretation of going as a FUTure marker rather than a modal one: the speaker's reality involves that the church is built after S in this world, even if he has to be personally involved to get that done. He does not refer to the possibility of this happening in an alternative world. (In fact, he did manage to get the church opened in time for the lady to preach.) Occasionally go(i)n(g)/gonna may be replaced by will, as, for example, in the text How to make a poi stone (see Appendix). 4.4.2 go VERB The construction go VB, sometimes grouped together with gon/going (cf. for example Bickerton 1977, Roberts 1998a) should not be seen as a FUT variant of going VB.5 All 422 of the instances in my database rather point at ACTion marking than temporal reference (but see Sato 1985, with reference to Sato 1978, for a discussion on the possibility of go VB as a MOTion marker). The construction often has an element of inducement in it, as, for instance in example (37) where Auntie Sadie makes the kid open the door - or, more accurately, requests it from the child. (37)

Auntie Sadie send da smallest kid fo go open da door.6 (Lum 1990a: 100)

In example (38) the construction points at some kind of conscious action with an element of intentionality. The reading can not be FUTure, since this is what the business in question specializes in, not what it will specialize in sometime in the future. (38)

da the

kain kind

biznez dat business that

go teik kae ACT take care

of of

plaints in da hotels7 plants in the hotels (Balaz 1998)

To give a few more examples, in (39) A first asks about what a woman has to do just before she gives birth, go hanau, and B goes on to talk about the general practice of a certain healer. Although it is a timeless event and therefore could be interpreted as FUTure that would conflict with the subsequent use of B in the same dialogue, go write it down. B's use of the construction matches the examples above and again points at go VB expressing some kind of intentionality and ACTion. (39)

A: ji gara d3rink da ro eg d3es—d3es you ASS.OBLIG drink the raw egg just just

bifo ju go before you ACT

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Tense Categories in HCE 59

60 Hawai 7 Creole English

hanau jeh | give.birth yeah

B: hiz he's

gana FUT

titj ju foks wad teach you folks what

kain kind

af of

siknes sickness

ju you

haev so ju no | have so you know He'll teach you folks what kind of illness you have, so you know. A: so so

wad what

if wad if what

if if

ju dono aenitin | his goin— you NEG.know anything he's FUT

so what if you don't know anything, will he— B: go rait em dau— ACT write it down Write it down (A=FH50Ma;B=FH71Ma)

Another indication that go VB is not a tense marker is that the construction can be found in any temporal stratum, whereas tense markers can only be found in their specific context of reference points on a time scale (see section 3.1 for a discussion on tense). In example (40) below, the speaker first talks about his childhood days and their trips to L. It can hardly have a FUTure reading, given that he is describing what used to happen in times gone by. In the second part of the example, he talks about the way his brothers had to go about ensuring that they had the car when they wanted one. Again, as in the first go VB in (39), it is an unrealized event and could therefore be argued to have modal readings. However, the 50-year-old speaker is describing a regular routine of his household during his high school days which makes a FUTure (E after S) reading somewhat far fetched. Rather go use refers to the intentions of the brothers: if they intended to use the car they had to plan some time in advance. (40)

bifo wen ai was kid wi wen go dsrarv beforewhen I was kid we PAST:AD ACT drive kaz wi mit cars we meet

goirj tu going to

L L

| oni only

L fom K L from K

(...)

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tweni twenty

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You've got to drink raw eggs just before you give birth, yeah?

Tense Categories in HCE 61 bifotaim | as gais | wan ka 1 aen ma braragaiz lai[g] go in.the.past us guys one car and my brother. ASS DESID ACT

Before, when I was a kid and we drove to L ... we met only twenty cars going to L from K. (...) In the past, we had only one car. And if my brother and them wanted to use the car, gee, you had to plan a long time in advance.

(MJ50K) As can be seen from the examples above go VB is not confined to a specific modality, for instance iMPERative, nor is it limited to a specific time reference, nor is it limited to any one type of aspect. In other words, go VB is simply not a TMA marker. We will see yet another example of go VB combining with PAST ADterminal in the discussion of HCE aspect markers below (example (55)), in addition to example (41) where wen and go combine. (41)

enden he wen go fly'em at da Lion.8

(Oribiol999b:l) What we have here is simply the ACTion marker combined with a specific portmanteau tense/aspect marker. Another example of the ACTion marker combining with tense and aspect is (42), where go VB combines with PAST HABitual. The speaker is describing how her father used to set turtle nets. Again, a FUTure time reference or modal reading is incorrect: this is what her father used to do in the real world when she was a child. (42)

ai no bikaz wen wi wer sm— | wen wi was I know because when we were when we were groin ap | mai fadedem justu go grow.lNTRAHF up my father.ASS PAST:HAB ACT ahm | t^done? ja | aen de ahm turtle.net yeah and they

justu PAST:HAB

am | se? ahm set

brin horn ta^doz bring home turtles

I know, because when we were— when we were growing up my father and them used to, ahm, set, ahm, turtle nets, yeah. And they used to bring home turtles.

(FH50Ma) We may thus conclude that go VB is not a FUT marker. We have seen that the construction does not convey any meaning of tense, mood or aspect, but something completely different, ACTion, which explains

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jus da ka | ho | gara plaen bn we[i] in aedvaens use the car INTERJ ASS.OBLIG plan long way in advance

62 Hawai 'i Creole English

4.4.3 bumbye In the written data there are only 97 occurrences of bumbye (bear in mind that the database consists of 407 320 words). It seems evident, though, that bumbye is subject to geographical variation. The "peripheral islands" (Hawai'i and Kaua'i) have 52 per cent and 30 per cent respectively of the cases in my database, while the "middle islands" (Mau'i and Moloka'i) contain only 15 per cent and 4 per cent respectively of the instances of bumbye (cf. 2.1 above). At present I have no satisfactory explanation for this geographical distribution. It may possibly be the case that the "peripheral islands" have had more time to grammaticalize bumbye, since Hawai'i and Kaua'i were the first to have been frequented by foreigners and since the first plantation was established on Kaua'i (see section 2.1). It could also be that the peripheral islands are more conservative than the middle ones. In that case it may be that the peripheral islands are now simply grammaticalizing a retained feature that the middle islands have lost or are loosing and therefore are unable to grammaticalize.9 The reason for this geographical distribution requires further investigation. The data shows that bumbye is clearly not interchangeable with the usual FUTure marker gonlgoin(g), but seems to contain an element of REMoteness, as in (43). (43)

When Mistah Kawamura say we can, me and Brynie go look fo da ones dat nevah pop and save um so dat we can pop um bumbye. (...) "You going help me eh, Daddy?" I went ask him.10 (Lum 1990a: 102, 104)

What we see here is how the narrator chooses bumbye when he wants to refer to something rather removed from the present moment. With the ordinary FUTure marker it would be ambiguous whether he means "so that we can pop them in a while" or "so that we can pop them later on at some point". By using bumbye he eliminates that vagueness and ensures that the reader will understand that he and his friend intends to pop them after some time has gone by. The construction presumably derives from by and by. Though it could be that it is still an adverbial with a general meaning of 'later on' or 'one of these days', it seems to me that it tends to be used as a tense

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why it can be placed in any temporal stratum, and combine with any aspect or mood.

Tense Categories in HCE 63

(44)

Bumbye the baby ma-ke die dead no mo mommy, no can eat grass yet. (...) Now Bernie say he not going give me no mo pets 'cause I ditch him.11 (Yamanakal993:102ff)

The closest translation equivalent to the first line in (44) is "Eventually the baby will die", i.e. we have to use remoteness adverbials in SE to adequately capture the meaning of bumbye. It is important to stress here that Bernie's threat not to give the narrator more pets, expressed with going give, does not necessarily need to be less remote that the death of the animal. In other words, just because bumbye might have a REMote FUTure meaning, it does not follow that go(i)n(g) VB must imply immediacy in time. It is noteworthy that in all the elicitation sessions, the informants had no difficulties combining bumbye with 'next year' or 'when I retire', whereas they all rejected combinations with 'in a minute' and 'tomorrow'. The sense of REMoteness comes out more clearly in example (45), where the speaker scolds her cousin for smoking since that will eventually kill him. (45)

anjati kajatmo12

evri taim every time

ju you

smok di[s] sigars? smoke these cigarettes

go(i)n FUT

kil jo | kam oberhea | bambai dei stik pok ju kill you come here REM.FUT those sticks poke you dei stik kil ju those sticks kill you What do you want? Every time you smoke these cigarettes are going to kill you. Come here. Eventually those sticks will poke you, those stick will kill you. (FH58Mo)

Again we see that the closest translation approximation to bumbye is to use remoteness adverbials in SE. If it is the case that bumbye is + REMote, we are probably witnessing an early stage of grammaticalization - early because the sense of grammatical remoteness seems to be more of a tendency than a rule. If it indeed is an

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marker with a REMote FUTure sense. Consider example (44) where the narrator uses bumbye to express the certainty that the fawn will eventually die since it is too small to live on grass.

early stage of grammaticalization, we would expect the form to gain a more consistent domain, as well as, eventually, a morphophonemic reduction. That will be for future research to observe. It seems as if this possible grammaticalization for bumbye has gone further on the "peripheral islands" than the "middle" ones, which need not surprise us. As mentioned above, the "peripheral islands" were the first to be frequented by the successors of Captain Cook (and it seems reasonable to presume that the boom of foreign visitors starting at the end of the 1700s was actually the first of its kind on the Hawaiian Islands). The "peripheral" islands would for that reason simply have had more time to allow for the grammaticalization of bumbye. It should be mentioned that culturally the "peripheral islands" differ notably from the "middle islands". Kaua'i, for instance, still has some plantation settlements left. This may or may not be because of the difference in settlement patterns between the various islands. As was also stated in the beginning of this section, the reason for the geographical distribution of bumbye needs further investigation.

4.5

On the copula

Some remarks on the copula might be justified here. HCE shows a rather consistent system, where the copula is most frequently zero (but not exclusively) in the PRESent tense, an inflected form in the PAST and going be in the FUTure. The common LOCative marker is stay. In example (46) the same speaker uses both the inflected form ([am] 'I'm') and the zero ([ai maed] 'I mad'), apparently with no major difference in meaning. (46)

ai gon a gon ged al da faemli hom | a gon klin of daed I FUT I FUT get all the family home I FUT clean off that lasn | ji no wi ji no wai land you know we you know why

aimaed wid I mad with

h^ her

(...) a I

rono | am so NEG.know I'm so

maed abaut am— am so maed mad about I'm I'm so mad

abaut ds daem praperi a rono wa[t] tu about the damn property I NEG.know what to par-pol purple

du arsdi | do already

aen blu and blue

I'll get— I'll get all the family home. I'll clean off that land. You know we ... do you know why I'm mad with her? (...) I don't know I'm so mad — I'm so mad about the damn property I really don't know what to do. Purple and blue. (FH58Mo)

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64 Hawai 'i Creole English

Tense Categories in HCE 65

In example (47) we have another instance of the inflected form in PRESent tense. a I

rono u, NEG.know is

d3es just

wan a

supestijen superstition

samtin larae? something like.that

I don't know, it's just a superstition. Something like that.

(MH22H) The copula is obligatorily in the PAST even if the rest of the narrative is in the base form (see 3.1.2 above for a discussion of the use of temporal marking in narratives). Most frequently was is used irrespective of number, as in example (48). (48)

da the

msnehunez waz menehunes were

laik sleivs tu like slaves to

ra hawaiens the Hawaiians

The menehunes were like slaves to the Hawaiians. (FH51H)

In (49) the speaker is describing a baby luau, the traditional one year party for the child, and is reminded of his son's. Note that he is using the same form as the speaker used in the example above, only in the above example it referred to something in the plural, whereas her it refers to something in the singular. (49)

plaeni plenty

ono grainz | ah mai san | mai sanz wan good food ah my son my son's one

waz was

hiud3 huge

Lots of good food. Ah, my son ... my son's one was huge. (MH24Mo)

Examples (48) and (49) thus allow us to assume that the copula in the PAST is invariable with respect to number. With future time reference the copula is most commonly go(i)n(g) be, as in example (50). The speaker is being interviewed about traditions and medicine. She is answering why a pickle that has fallen to the floor when a child was born has to be stored in a dry place. (50)

if da raet i[d] daed hi gona bi a stiler if the rat it that he FUT be a thief

o or

hi gona bi he FUT be

a a

m^d^ murderer If the rat eats that [the pickle], he's [the child] going to be a thief or he's going to be a murderer. (FH71Ma)

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(47)

It could conceivably be argued that the example above may have underlying modal connotations, given that the speaker is voicing a belief that others may or may not subscribe to. In order to make it clear that go(i)n(g) be is not restricted to such uses, I give example (51), where the 75-year old speaker is showing how to make a poi stone and is telling us how it is going to come out. (51)

smud id smooth it

ap| ji up you

gona bi reo smud FUT be real smooth

Smooth it up. You're going to be real smooth.

(MJ75MO) There are definitely no modal undertones here; the speaker has done what he is describing since childhood and he is quite certain of the procedures and expected outcomes. (He is also letting us know that you must have a dialogue with the stone, hence the second person pronoun). The common LOCative marker is stay 'to be (somewhere)'. Is not confined to any particular tense, aspect or modality. For instance, in example (52) the speaker is talking about an evil-minded old man from his childhood, and uses the PAST:HABitual with the LOCative. (52)

pakemaen China.man

justu HAB

ste | on K LOC on K

| ba hi keim from H but he came from H

The Chinese man used to be on K, but he came from H. (MC79Mo)

Likewise, in example (53), were the 95-year old speaker is telling us about her brother and what he did just before they decided to run away from home as children, the LOCative is used in a past time context. (53)

hi go ap tio de maerjgotjri | hi ste on a maerjotjri | he go up to the mango.tree he LOC on the mango.tree bambai hi tsl mi laig dis REM.FUT he say me like this He went up in the mango tree. He was in the mango tree. Eventually he said to me like this.

(FH95H)

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66 Hawai 7 Creole English

Tense Categories in HCE 67

Summary

In this section we have seen that HCE has a PAST according to Dahl's definition (1985), which denotes E before S. and which is represented by an inflected form. The PAST has a separate NEGated form, neva, something which is also fairly common for colloquial SE (cf. Milroy & Milroy 1993:67f). There is also a FUTure, go(i)n(g)/gonna tense denoting E after S (see Labov 1990 [1970] who also considers gon a pure FUTure marker). There is a possibility that bumbye, predominantly found on Hawai'i and Kaua'i, may be on the way to grammaticalizing to a REMote FUTure. Both PAST and FUTure are common grammatical categories cross-linguistically (Dahl 1985) though they often involve interaction with other domains, such as aspect and modality. Despite the suggestions of Givon (1982) who discusses the possibility that the majority of the languages of the world are aspectual rather than having tense systems, we may conclude that HCE does not behave particularly atypically from other, non-creole languages. Even if aspect is more common than tense in the languages of the world, the tense categories we find in HCE are widespread crosslinguistically (cf. Dahl & Velupillai forthc.b). In addition to the PAST and the FUTure, HCE has the base form, which can have either present or past time reference, depending on the context. Furthermore, there is the -s form, which seems to have a tendency to be limited to a E simul S meaning, though this is not the obligatory reading for the form. We have in this section seen that HCE does not need to continuously mark tense in a narrative once the context is evident. For that reason the most common form is the base form, which simply denotes the previously indicated temporal location of the event. However, the base form is less often employed for future time reference than for PAST and PRESent. We have also seen that go VB does not denote FUTure tense, but rather ACTion of some kind, with a certain element of intentionality. The construction is often, but not exclusively, used when a speaker wishes to incite action, though it is not interchangeable with iMPERative. I stress the significance of the fact that go VB is not confined to any particular tense or aspect, which clashes with any attempt to analyze it as a marker of FUTure tense or any other TMA category. In the last section of this chapter the properties of the copula were briefly summarized. It is obligatory in the PAST (most commonly was, irrespective of number) and FUTure (go(i)n(g) be), but optional in the

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4.6

PRESent, where the zero is in seemingly free variation with an inflected form of be. The common form for LOCative is stay. The variable use of the copula in the present tense could conceivably indicate a degree of PRESentness (i.e. confined to an E simul S meaning) to the inflected form of be, though my data does not support any definite decision one way or the other about that. One difference between the copula and the rest of the verbal system with respect to tense, except for the specific LOCative form, is that was is obligatory in the PAST, regardless of whether the base form or a continuous tense marking is used in a narrative.

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68 Hawai 7 Creole English

Tense Categories in HCE 69

Notes Free translation: Lenny works for a plant rental company | the kind of business that takes care of plants in the hotels. 2 Free translation: "Bernie, he stuffed Clyde when he died last Easter, // but when I saw my rabbit - his fur was all matted and his eyes weren't the same;" 3 Free translation: It's going to be sharp, man... my mother made me a cape and I'm going to get a black hat and I made a mask with two eye holes. 4 Poi is a traditional Hawaiian dish made of taro roots. The boiled taro is pounded to a mash with a poi stone on a. poi board all the while with water being poured on the mash. 5 I am indebted to an anonymous reviewer for pointing out to me the possible difficulties in distinguishing go [go] from gon [gon] phonologically. However, I have personally had no such difficulties with my data, where the two were always relatively easy to differentiate. Given that the written data also differentiates between the two, I find it plausible that the speakers have a distinction between go and gon in their mental grammar (even if slurred speech or other disturbances can, needless to say, at times render misinterpretations). 6 Free translation: Auntie Sadie sends the smallest kid to open the door. 7 Free translation: the kind of business that takes care of plants in the hotels 8 Free translation: then he threw it at the Lion. 9 Note that bumbye has several cognates in English lexified pidgin and creole languages worldwide, though it only grammaticalized as a tense marker in the Pacific (see, for example, Baker & Huber 2001). 10 Free translation: When Mister Kawamura says we can. I and Brynie look for the ones that didn't pop and save them so that we can pop them later. (...) "You're going to help me eh, Daddy?" I asked him. 11 Free translation: Eventually the baby will die // it doesn't have a mommy, can't eat grass yet // (...) // Now Bernie says he's not going to give me // any more pets 'cause I ditched him. 12 Ilocano: 'what do you want?'

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1

5

We will now turn to the aspectual markers of HCE, using the viewpoint operator framework defined in section 3.2 above. We will see that HCE has a portmanteau marker for ADterminality in the PAST (PAST:AD), wen VB; a marker for POSTterminality, had VB; and three iNTRAterminals of different FOCality (INTRAF), stay VB, VB-ing, and stay VB-ing, which mark Low Focality (INTRALF), High Focality (INTRA1^) and High Focality even more focused on the now (INTRA^""™) respectively. In addition to this HCE has a portmanteau marker for HABitual in the PAST (PAST:HAB), yustu, and a COMPLetive marker, pau. 5.1

The construction wen VERB

5.1.1 Prior explanations Quite a bit of attention has been given in the literature to the construction wen VB in HCE. Roberts (1998a) and Bickerton (1975, 1977, 1980[1974], 1981), consider it a PAST or ANTerior marker, evolved through regular phonemic reduction from bin/been (Bickerton 1980[1974]:7). By ANTerior it is in pidgin and creole literature commonly understood that the event marked precedes the reference point on a time scale, i.e. it is a relative tense:1 EANT

R

<

•

5.1 ANTerior tense

Bickerton (1981:58) also assumes a rough division of meaning for the ANTerior into 'past' for stative VBs and 'past-before-past' for nonstative 70

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Aspectual Categories in HCE

VBs. ANTerior tense is different from PAST in that the event is not related to the moment of speech, but to a given reference point which may be situated prior to, simultaneous to, or after the moment of speech. PAST on the other hand, marks an absolute tense, placing the event prior to the moment of speech.2 As can be seen from (54) and below it is quite clear that wen VB has an absolute past time reference, and does not merely place the event prior to a reference point. Past time reference is emboldened; the wen VB construction is also underlined. (54)

Yeah, he get one picture of me. I wen' send him the one of us by the gym. The one us made you take for the gang 'cause us neva like you in the picture.3 (Yamanaka 1993:41-2)

Here wen' send refers to something that happened after made and not anterior to it. Example (55) shows us the same alternation between the inflected form and wen VB, both indicating a PAST time reference. The base form kcetf, which translates into SE caught, is in a quotation (the speaker relates what he thought) and does not affect the course of events in the narration. (55)

(j)ae g£? bi(g) kam yeah EXIST big type.of akrass across

Jaks | -VV: jea?- | big kam | a kaem sharks big types I came

| wan priri bi:g wan | -laughs- | in a pretty big one in

liv | -VV: jea- | jea live yeah

w. wea wi W. where we

wi wn go lei ne? wan nai? we PAST:AD ACT lay nets one night

wi wn go pik ap da ne? da neksmornin wi leid we PAST:AD ACT pick up the nets the next morning we laid ova nai? | so over night so

wi wz we were

goin pikin ap da ne? | go.lNTRA^ picking up the nets

haed samtin reo big in da ne? so PAST:EXIST something really big in the net so

a wz I was

lukin laik o meibi wi kaetj" wan big ulua o samtin look. INTRA1^ like oh maybe we caught a big ulua or something Yeah, there are big sharks -VV: yeah? -big . I came across a pretty big one (laughs) in W. where we live. -VV: yeah? -Yeah. We laid nets one night, we went and picked up the nets the next morning. We had laid them over night, so we were picking up the nets there was something really big in the net, so I was looking, thinking "oh, maybe we caught a big ulua or something" (MH29Ma)

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 71

72

Hawai 7 Creole English

(56)

raid bib aua steps wi ge? wan steas right below our steps we POSS a stair

kam ap biha(i)n ar come up behind our

haus | sambari waz rai[d] dea | b[a] a(i) kud | feo sambadi house somebody ywas right there but I could feel somebody waz araun | wen jeo ma neim | daelai? wen was around PAST:AD yell my name daylight PAST:AD ieo yell

| jeo M yell

so so

a jeo ho | so I yell ho so

wai e ju ha-d rai[d] dea wife eh you heard right there

a wak I went

o jea ah yeah

autsai out

| a no si nobari autsa rea I NEG see nobody out there

wa: wow

laik sambadi wn— so like somebody PAST:AD so

ju you a I

waz were

daun ma (h)aus down my house

ova over

so so

a wak I go

so so

a wz laik I was like

m my

a wn kal ma kazin I PAST:AD call my cousin

no nobadi waz daun da haus no nobody was down the house

tol ma waiv e -cough- 3i(e) said.to my wife eh gee

fo as for us

aut a tod out I said.to

sambadi wen kal somebody PAST:AD call

ea | so ji no wi (h)ae wan here so you know we have a

spri? spirit

araun dea sampleis around there some.place Right below our steps we have a stair(case) comes up behind our house. Somebody was right there; but I could feel somebody was around. yelled my name. daylight yelled. Ml so I yelled hoi So went out, I said to my wife 'eh, did you hear right there?' 'ah, yeah.' So I went out; I didn't see anybody out there. So I thought 'wow', though 'somebody ...' so I called my cousin 'were you down by my house?' 'no, nobody was down by the house.' I said to my wife 'eh, somebody called for us here'. So you know we have a spirit around there some place. (MH29Ma)

The examples also clearly show that wen VB is not the only means for marking past time reference, but that inflected forms, as well as base

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Seeing that speakers use both the inflected form construction wen VB for events located in the past in a time line, we now need to determine whether this is simply free variation or actually due to differences in meaning. In example (56) the same speaker as above again alternates between the inflected form and wen VB.

forms, are used parallel to wen VB. In his paper "On the adequacy of natural languages" (1990[1970]) Labov explains the variation between wen VB and the inflected form as depending on whether the verbs are strong or weak; "[±weak] being a category of HC4 which corresponds almost exactly to verbs which take -ed in SE and those which do not" (Labov 1990[1970]:32). His conclusion is that wen is obligatory with "weak" verbs and optional with "strong" verbs (cf. also Day 1973). However, as shall be seen, this cannot be the case, since the same verb may occur in past time reference with or without wen, irrespective of whether it is [±weak]. In other words, we will see that the construction wen VB is neither a plain ANTerior marker, nor a plain marker of simple PAST, nor dependent on whether the verb is [±weak]. 5.1.2 The aspectual nature of wen VERB 5.1.2.1 PAST: ADterminal As mentioned in section 3.2 above we will use the system proposed by Johanson (2000), in which the ADterminal envisages the event at the very attainment of the crucial limit, ad terminum (ibid. :29). The ADterminal thus views the E at the point of its transgression, i.e. at the moment its crucial limit is reached. While +ADterminal denotes this transformation, -ADterminal simply ignores the concept of transformation, and so it does not follow that -ADterminal elements - or, for that matter, elements not marked for +ADterminal - are necessarily concerned with viewing the event in a durative manner or in any particular manner at all (see section 3.4 above). The events not marked by +ADterminal may therefore be either durative or punctual aspectually; they are simply not coded for any particular aspect (Johanson 2000:135). Consequently, ADterminalis is not synonymous with COMPLetive, since -ADterminal ignores the issue of completion. Likewise it is not synonymous with RESULTative, since the circumstance in which either a +ADterminal or a -ADterminal may occur could either lead to a result or not. Either of the two forms may both bring about a result that will hold at the moment of speech, or both may ignore the notion of results. The same holds for an ADterminal in the PAST, the difference being only that the localization point LP is located to the left of the deictic centre, the orientation point O, on a time line. With an ADterminal the crucial limit ® coincides with the LP, where the viewpoint A is placed. The perspective on an event marked ADterminal in the past can therefore be illustrated as follows, where the localization

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 73

74

Hawai 'i Creole English

LP

Os

<

•

<8> A

5.2 +PAST(+AD) (adapted from Johanson 2000)

The event is viewed at the very attainment of its crucial limit, which coincides with the localization point, and it is the crucial limit of the actional phase itself that is highlighted. The portmanteau marker PAST:ADterminal places the localization point prior to the deictic centre on a time scale. We will see that wen VB places the event in a past time reference, but at the same time conveys the aspectual perspective +ADterminal. Because we do not have any specific marker for ADterminal, we will gloss wen VB as PAST:ADterminal (and not PAST:+ADterminal). As we will see, the absence of wen will suffice to indicate the absence of the feature +ADterminal, thus indicating that the aspectual nuance of the event is irrelevant, though not necessarily absent. The phase may be highlighted either at the beginning or end, as long as there is a limit to focus on. One restriction this leads to is that +ADterminal will predominantly operate on dynamic verbs, as stative verbs will hardly have any initial or final point of limit to focus on.5 Furthermore, +ADterminal will be ungrammatical, or at least dubious, if modified by such verbs as 'begin' or 'start': "it is not possible to begin the very attainment of the crucial limit" (Johanson 2000:142). However, it is possible to attain the initial limit of an event begin. That is, +ADterminal may focus on the beginning point of the action described as begin. We may thus have an event +ADteiminal.ftegm.VB, which would denote the attainment of the initium. By contrast, we may not have *Z?egm.+ADterminal.VB, which would denote the beginning of the attainment of the crucial limit and thus be ungrammatical. Also +ADterminal will generally not be compatible with negations. The reason for this is that a negation of a dynamic actional phrase often has a

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point is located prior to the deictic centre which coincides with the moment of speech (Os):

Aspectual Categories in HCE 75

5.1.2.2 wen VERB is a PAST:ADTERMINAL We have seen that ADterminalis marks the viewpoint where a crucial limit, either at the initial point of the event or at the end point, is highlighted. We have also seen that there are some basic categories for the types of actional phrases that will take ADterminal. The verbs must be dynamic in nature where there are crucial limits to highlight. Due to the nontransformative nature of negated phrases, we would not expect to find +ADterminal constructions in such contexts. Also, we would not expect to find events marked for +ADterminal to be modified by verbs like begin or start, since one can not begin an attainment of the crucial limit of an action. Furthermore, we have noted that +ADterminal is not synonymous with COMPLetive. As a result of these restrictions, we now have some basic guidelines to check the data with: i. E has a crucial limit in focus ii. VB has to be dynamic iii. VB cannot be negated iv. *start/*begin wen VB will be ungrammatical v. is not synonymous with COMPLetive i. EVENT has a crucial limit in focus The examples cited above all show that there must be more to the construction wen VB than merely past time reference. In the following examples, as well as the previous ones, we will note that those events marked only for past time reference, for instance told in (57) or did in (58), need not be durative in nature. They are simply unmarked for aspect. The events marked with wen, however, are definitely punctual. In example (57) the event marked with wen VB is viewed in its totality and our attention is directed toward the attainment of having asked. The focus is on the end point of the event. (57)

Yeah and I piss off at my madda too. Stink ass witch, I told her I was on one diet and I wen1 ask her for buy me some Campbell soup but her she neva buy me shit.6 (Yamanaka 1993:39)

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nontransformativizing effect, which means that there will not be any relevant limit to focus on. Negating an actional content means that it is marked for the absence of a particular telic action. Thus, through negation the action will drop its salient initial/final phase and lose its culmination point.

Hawai 7 Creole English

As mentioned before, ADterminal events may result in completion. However, merely because the consequence of focusing on the end point may, at times, also involve completion, it does not justify us to analyze the construction as a homophonous form indicating either ADterminality or COMPLetion (in fact the two distinct forms are used together in (68)). The function of wen VB is concerned with the viewpoint taken on an event, irrespective of whether the focus is at the end or at the beginning. For instance, in example (58), as in (57), the focus is on the attainment of the end point of the event. (58)

Not after what she did to me this afternoon at Longs Drugs. I no can believe. I was so embarrassed, so humiliated. More worse, I was with Erwin Castillo, 01A star quarterback. Between aisle nine and ten, Lay's potato chips and Hallmark cards, she wen' announce to all us Longs Drugs shoppers that I, Katherine Katrina-Trina Cruz, nothin' but one bastard, and my mother, one homewrecker.7 (Linmark 1995b:74)

Likewise, in examples (59) and (60) the ADterminality refers to the end point of the event: the informant A indicates that the person she is referring to has finished writing a book, she focuses on the attainment of having written the book. The focus is on the attainment of the end limit of having written (ex. (59)). (59)

A: plaeni sti(o)jet led3enz infant) | aenti E maid haevritn—| lots still legends in fact auntie E SPECUL.JUD have written aenti E iz wan avmai kupuna | Ji wen rai? wan buk tu auntie E is one of my kupuna she PAST: AD write a book too abaut | de aerea about the area

WE Ji liv | aen insaifd] dea Ji where she lives and in there she

haed sam storiz abaut | wn Ji waz had some stories about when she was

groin grow.lNTRA^

ap up

wad h& graenmara tol h^ jae what her grandmother told her yeah still lots of legends, in fact Aunty E might have written— Aunty E is one of my seniors; she wrote a book too, about the area where she lives and in it she had some stories about what her grandmother had told her when she grew up. (FH51H)

Similarly, in example (60), B focuses on the fact that she had talked too fast for the other person to understand her; the talking was done,

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 11

(60)

B: tak talk

wat ju saeaeae(d) | what what you said what so so

andastaen understand

faes | d3es fast just

laik like

did ju sae | a(i) ges a wn did you say I guess I PAST:AD wan a

pordagi Ji nev[a] Portuguese she NEGiPAST

mi me

'What did you say? What did you say?' I guess I talked so fast, just like a Portuguese, she didn't understand me. (FP62H)

It appears, then, that when there is need to mark an event's attainment of some crucial limit in an E before S context, either at the initial point or at the end point, the construction wen VB will be used. If there is no special need to mark an event for aspect, the event will only be marked for past time reference (but see section 3.1.2 above). As for the suggestion that using wen VB is dependent on whether the verb is [±weak], the data shows that this does not hold water. In example (59) we have wen raV (SE strong verb 'wrote') and tol (SE strong VB 'told'), whereas in example (60) we have wn tak (SE weak VB 'talked') and seed (SE weak VB 'said'). In example (57) we find yet another told. In other words Labov's (1990[1970]) generalization that [+weak] VBs obligatorily take wen does not hold. The subsequent discussion will support my rejection of Labov's conclusion that the distinction lies in whether the VB is [±weak]. il VERB has to be dynamic Our analysis of wen VB will not hold if wen is systematically used with stative verbs. The reason for this is that, as mentioned above, although it is not impossible for a stative event to have boundaries on which one may focus (for instance the initium), it is rather seldom that we will find such cases in real life. We might find stative events that are part of a narrative chain, as will be seen below, but most often stative events will be used for unbounded actional contents, having no specific limit to focus on. The number of times a verb occurs with wen in my database is listed in Appendix 2. As already mentioned, Bickerton (1981:58) distinguished between stative and non-stative VBs for wen VB, assuming a 'past-before-past'

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and the other person heard only one non segmentable glob of words she couldn't make out. The highlight is on the end point, on the attainment of the end limit having said.

Hawai 7 Creole English

meaning for the former and a 'past' meaning for the latter. Even though we will see that wen VB interacts with the dynamicity of the verb, our investigation has shown us that this does not lead to different temporal readings, but that it is dues to the aspectual nature of wen VB. The relevance of dynamicity (or non-stativity) thus relates to whether the E will have crucial limits for the +ADterminal construction to focus on, and not to any difference in temporal reference. Among the verbs listed in Appendix 2 there are a few entries that clash with the criteria // (VB has to be dynamic) listed in above: the problematic verbs are hang around, keep, stand, and wait, stay, etc.8 However, if we examine the context of these verbs, we will indeed find that these are precisely those instances mentioned above, namely stative events that function as links in a narrative chain. (61)

Brynie went inside da store and told da lady he wanted five cents worth kakimochi. I went hang around by da cigarette machine. I went by Brynie to see if da lady was putting da right kine kakimochi.9 (Lum 1990c:87)

Here we have a narrative chain where the story teller first tells us how Brynie went inside the store while the narrator himself hung around the cigarette machine for a while, then the story continues and the narrator stopped hanging around by the cigarette machine by going to Brynie who was at the counter. The event is thus a bounded whole where the end point is highlighted, which is why wen VB has to be used even though it is a stative verb. The same can be said for stand, for instance, in (62); someone (the Bag Man) was in the middle of looking through a garbage can, when the cook empties the dustpan in it, which interrupts the Bag Man, who for a while just stands, then starts checking his bags. Again, there is a string of events, and this stative event is undoubtedly bounded by the adjacent ones, and is viewed at the attainment of its end point. (62)

Da cook guy was so stink, man, cause he jes go empty da dustpan, all dirt and rubbish la dat, right in da can dat da Bag Man was looking. Da Bag Man no say nutting ... but da cook guy was stink, yeah? He could tell da Bag Man was still yet using da can. Da Bag Man nevah know what fo do. He jes went stand dere by da can. Den he went check his bags: cigarette bag wit plenny butts and bus up kine cigarettes, someting else in one nudda one, and look like one half orange, peeled awready in one nudda one.10 (Lum 1990d:71)

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78

Aspectual Categories in HCE 79

(63)

Daddy went light um and den he went wait little bit. Me and Mama went move little mo back. Da stuff was spitting sparks and fire befoa he finally went throw um. And when he went throw um was j'like one rocket.11 (Lum 1990a: 103)

As in the preceding example, wait in (64) refers to a bounded whole. (64)

Pretty soon da kids was lining up fo ride Alfred every recess dat week. Dey nevah like watch basketball no mo. Dey jes went wait their turn in line and watch da beetle bugs. Benjamen went come by Alfred's bug place fo look what was happening.12 (Lum 1990b: 13)

As for keep, another stative related as a bounded whole, the context is as follows in (65). (65)

Once I went find thirty-five cents dat went fall undahneat da bureau so I went keep um.13 (Lum 1990c:86)

That is, the speaker put them in his own pocket. In this context keep could be translated as "pocketed", which more accurately renders the boundedness of the action. The narrator tells us how he found thirtyfive cents and took them for his own keeps. We may consequently conclude that wen will readily occur with dynamic verbs, but with stative ones only if the context gives them clear boundaries and thus allows them to function as links in a chain of events. ///. VERB can not be negated There are no instances of wen VB + NEGation in my database. In fact, in (66) the speaker contrasts didn tfrcevol with wn tfrcevol, though the two events are parallel to each other (cf. also no si in example (56) above). Due to the negation in didn tfrcevol, the event receives a nontranformativizing actional content, which makes it impossible to delimit any boundaries for us to highlight. (66)

6(a) wa big hiud3 jlp | kaeri that was big huge ships carry

abaut fotintauzen sold38z ji about fourteeathousand soldiers you

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There are a few instances of wen wait in my database. Example (63) and (64), are both bounded instances in a chain of events. That is, in each case someone waited a limited amount of time and then proceeded to do whatever they intended to do.

Hawai 7 Creole English no | jae know yeah

wi kaerid alad af— lad af wi carry a.lotof lots of

al ons— on aa doz deiz all on on aah those days

didn tfraevol matj Dn asa | didn't travel much on air

wi wn tfraevol bai Jip doz deiz we PAST:AD travel by ship those days daed wz mos that was mostly

sold3sz | tu tjraevel soldiers to travel

seknw^lwar second.world.war

bai Jip by ship

Those were big, huge ships. carried about fifteen thousand soldiers, you know. Yeah, we carried a lot of— lots of soldiers, to travel all <around> on s— on ... ah ... those days <we> didn't travel much by air, we traveled by ship, those days. Second World War, that was mostly by ship. (MH79H)

In the elicitation interviews all informants immediately rejected the construction *wen no VB. When asked about no wen VB the Big Island informants generally accepted the construction; one informant found it correct, the other two hesitated but okayed it only in certain specific contexts of contrast or contradiction, such as: (67)

Who wsn do um? Ho, I dunno, but she no wen do um.

It could also be that the second utterance just caiques the first as an immediate reaction. On Kaua'i, however, one informant rejected the construction in (67) as equally ungrammatical as *wen no VB. The other two responded by substituting the whole sentence ?She no wen do um with She neva do um. iv. *start/*begin wen VERB will be ungrammatical Although there are 17 instances of wen start VB (but no wen begin) and the like in my written material database, there is not one single example of *start wen VB or * begin wen VB. The difference between them is one of scope: wen start VB marks the attainment of the initial point of the event start VB (i.e. wen {start VB}) whereas *start wen VB would mark the starting of the attainment of a crucial limit (i.e. start {wen VB}). To start an action naturally requires an initial point of the whole event, which allows for ADterminal marking, since all we really need is a crucial limit to attain. We thus have a case of ADterminal marking the initium of a phase. The construction *start wen VB is ungrammatical, because we are not able to start the attainment of a limit.

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80

The informants in the elicitation sessions all gave total rejection of the construction *start wen VB, whereas wen start VB was accepted unequivocally by three, but sounded offish but not totally wrong to the other three. The difference in opinions among my informants may be attributable to idiolects, or possibly to the elicitation situation (in my personal experience a perfectly normal construction in my own native languages can suddenly sound odd when you start thinking about it and turning it over in your head). v. Is not synonymous with COMPLetive The following example shows that wen VB should not be seen as synonymous with COMPLetive, especially since it can be combined with the COMPLetive marker paw. (68)

ba? bat

| ahm | hi didn du dae? | so ahm he didn't do that so

ai figa meibi bikas hi I figure maybe becausehe wen pau PAST:AD COMPL neva laik NEG:PAST DESID

| a was | ji no ai— I was you know I

haed sambadi PAST:POSS somebody

hi d3ss he just

w^k on aen de wer goin so— work on and they were going so

| meibi hi maybe he

puli pray

But, ahm, he didn't do that. So I was, you know, I— I figured that maybe because he had somebody he just finished working on and they were going, so ... maybe he didn't want to pray. (FH50Ma)

Once again we have to keep apart the differences in scope. The ADterminal marker wen in wen pau VB here refers paw, to the completing, and not to the verb that pau modifies (wen {pau VB}). When together with a COMPLetive marker, wen VB simply tells us that the attainment of the end point is highlighted.

5.2

Intraterminals in HCE

The three constructions stay VB-ing, VB-ing, and stay VB have all been termed nonpunctuals in previous studies (for example Bickerton 1981; Roberts 1998a; Da Pidgin Coup). This section will demonstrate that they are in fact not interchangeable. Instead, as I will show, they

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 81

82

Hawai 7 Creole English

5.2.1 iNTRAterminals and Focality Turning again to Johanson's (2000) viewpoint operators, we will look closer at the feature INTRAterminal, which views the event from within its limits. The category may be applied to an ongoing event in any temporal stratum, the main thing being that the course of the event overlaps with an orientation point (O) which may either be the present moment, or some other point on the time scale depending on the temporal indications given. Note that this should not be confused with duration; events of long duration may be viewed as a totality and events of short duration could be viewed from within. In other words, an event of long duration, such as grow may be viewed in its totality from outside its respective boundaries. We may thus have, for instance, [ai wen gro ap in hilo] T grew up in Hilo'; although the growing up per definition had a certain duration, probably not very short, it can be viewed at its attainment of the end limit. Events of long duration may also occur repeatedly and be viewed serially, as in / spend two weeks sailing every year. Conversely, an event of short duration can be viewed from inside the limits, for instance smoke a cigarette, in which case the viewpoint is located within the beginning and end points of the event (as in He was smoking his cigarette surreptitiously). An INTRAterminal may be more or less focused on the now, the core at the O on the time scale. We have already mentioned the three basic distinctions High Focality (HF), Low Focality (LF) and NonFocality (NF). These roughly correspond to a narrow, expanded and open range of vision around O in the INTRAterminal view respectively. iNTRAterminal(HF) more or less denotes what is commonly termed as PROGressive, having a narrow focus on the now. INTRAterminal (LF) has an expanded range of view around O and does not necessarily confine the event to one single occasion. This category encompasses both HABitual and CONTinuous and simply communicates the notion of a very stretched out view within the limits of the event. The respective types of INTRAterminals will be discussed in turn in the following sections. We may illustrate the difference between INTRAterminal (LF) and INTRAterminal (") as in 5.3 and 5.4.

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denote three different degrees of Focality, each construction thus conveying specific aspectual nuances.

Aspectual Categories in HCE 83

LF

*«•• *4I£^4 |04F4)4}4}^4^^4)^*4

5.3 INTRAterminal with Low Focality

HF

o •+«••••»»

5.4 INTRAterminal with High Focality

We see that the range of vision around O is wider with a Low Focality perspective and narrower with a High Focality perspective. The "vista" of the High Focality alternative is thus confined - albeit without endpoints - to a narrower area around O compared with the Low Focality variants, and we get a more intense sense of vividness, a property typical of PROGressives. 5.2.2 stay VERB Although stay VB is considered by both the speakers of HCE and the rest of the population in Hawai'i to be one of the (stereo)typical features of HCE, 4 there are very few examples of the construction in my

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o

Hawai 7 Creole English

database. With a total of 407320 words, stay VB occurs only 121 times (of which 98, ca 90 per cent, are found in the written material and 23, ca 10 per cent, on the recorded data). Bickerton (1977, 1981) considers it a nonpunctual marker, along with stay VB-ing and VB-ing. However, the following examples will show us that the construction stay VB is an iNTRAterminal(LF), denoting any E seen from within with a wide range of view around O. Consequently it is not limited to either HABitual, for which we have the construction yustu VB (see below), or CONTinuous. Typical occurrences of stay VB are as in (69) and (71). In (69) we have a somewhat habitual nature, where the narrator tells us that he sometimes used to think about the packages. (69)

When we went home, I wanted to open up my firecracker package, but my mahdah said I couldn't touch um until New Year's Eve. Ho man, sometimes I stay rink about um though. I rink, how many get inside?15 (Lum 1990a: 101)

Example (70) is also more of a HABitual, since it refers to what the narrator usually does. (70)

Coming-home-from-work time is da bes' time. I go after school sell papers wit' Bobo - supposed to go straight after - but I stay fool around school little while 'cuz Bobo always stay dere and watch my papers fo' me. Mistah Carvalho, mah district manager, get piss off but he no can do nutting, nobody like work fo' him already.16 (Lum 1980a: 10)

Example (71) indicates a CONTinuous nature. (71)

FUMIKO SPENCER FUMIKO SPENCER FUMIKO

Baca. I no like hear da kind stupid talk. No hurt Daddy for nuttin'. I know. 'S why 11'ought maybe you can tell him. No. Daddy stay plan everyt'ing out and But Mama... Wait little while and t'ink some mo'. Den you can see w'at I mean. No spoil today for Daddy.17 (Sakamoto 1982:9)

Example (72) is again of a CONTinuous nature - since it can hardly be supposed that the narrator is in this situation habitually - and shows us that an event can be conceived of as CONTinuous without having to last for many years. We get the feeling that the narrator is shaking her head during the whole dialogue between Uncle and Jimmy, but that they are ignoring her.

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84

(72)

Then Jimmy boy tell, Eh, I going take your niece down you guys' house get her yearbook, okay? I stay shake my head behind Jimmy boy, No, no. My uncle, he ignore me. Sure, sure, Jimmy boy, he tell. Eh, he yell at me, Jimmy boy going take you down the house. Move it before he make you walk.18 (Yamanaka 1993:26)

Since stay VB obviously can denote both HABitual and CONTinuous events either of these terms seem too limited to accurately describe the full extent of what the construction represents. We will therefore label stay VB as an lNTRAterminalLF (5.3 reproduced here), and in that way avoiding any arbitrary restrictions.

LF

o

Although this construction is comparatively rare in my recordings, there are a few spoken language examples in my database. Example (73) shows us the type of low focused perspective that incorporates both HABitual and CONTinuous: every time the speaker's husband preaches he has the habit of walking around during the sermon. The event is viewed from within, with a very wide range of vision around theO. (73)

wsn wi fs^s keim turis alien da tjs-tf when we first came to this island the church was was

smafl] small

lido little

grin aen waiftfl green and white

was on was on

tjurtf | wan church a

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wan a

hiol | hill

wuden wooden

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 85

86

Hawai 7 Creole English Jtrakja structure

ololololol termaididen mai hasben justu teol old.lNTENS termite.eaten my husband PAST:HAB say

|

hi he

move | ju no hi ste wak araun move you know he INTRALF walk around

hiz his

haenz aen al kain hands and all kind

aen meik and make

ji no you know

When we first moved to this island, the church was on a hill. It was a small little green and white church, a wooden structure, very old and termite eaten. My husband used to say that it was a wonder that it didn't fall down, because when he preaches, he moves. He walks around and uses his hands and all that, you know. (FH51H)

There is nothing continuous with [ste go kat] in (74), it simply denotes the speaker's habit of cutting grass for his animals. The fact that the speaker is using the lNTRAterminalLF form instead of saying yustu kat, which specifically marks PAST:HABitual (see section 5.3 below), seems to indicate that he is viewing the event from within its limits, with a wide range of view around O. (74)

aen | na[t] and not

tu matj grass | a ste go kat grass al a taim too much grass I INTRALF ACT cut grass all the time

wen de when they

waz were

big | samtaim de big sometimes they

puka aut hole out

And, there wasn't too much grass. I kept cutting grass all the time; when they were big, sometimes they [the animals] ran away. (MP85K)

5.2.3 VEKB-ing versus stay VERB-#Vi^ Having in mind that INTRAterminal^ conveys the typical values of PROGressive (see above), we now turn to the two constructions VB-ing and stay VB-ing. Both of the forms would translate into PROGressive in SE, which may lead to the mistaken notion that they both have the same meaning. However, the fact that SE only has one form which encompasses the meaning of two separate forms in HCE does not tell us much about the HCE forms, but rather that the closest equivalent of the two forms in Standard English are PROGressive. A necessary translation compromise, when language A has a different set of nuances than language B, is to collapse the nuances of language B into the nearest equivalent(s) that exists in language A. The following will

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waz wanda neva fal daun bikaz wen hi pritj | was wonder NEG:PAST fall down because when he preach

show that both context and frequency indicate that VB-ing and stay VB-ing in fact have distinct meanings. I will argue that VB-ing denotes INTRAterminal"17 (roughly equivalent to the SE PROGressive), whereas stay VB-ing is an INTRAterminal1^ with an even narrower view of the immediate now. There are several arguments for this. Frequency. The construction stay VB-ing is in general much less frequent than VB-ing. Also, the occurrence of stay VB-ing is dependent on genre: of all the stay VB-ing occurrences, the majority were found in a narrative context. The form is quite rare in spoken data (23 occurrences). In the written material in my database there are 3426 instances of some -ing form. An overwhelming majority of these are VB-ing forms, and only 109 (3.18 per cent) of these are the construction stay VB-ing, as shown by 5.1 and 5.5. Form

n

%

VB-ing

2503

73.3

stay VB-ing

109

3.2

! was VB-ing

520

15.2

/BE/ VB-ing

284

8.3

Total

3416

100

5.1 -ing forms in the written material corpus

All -ing forms were included in the calculation; was VB-ing is the common PAST:lNTRAterminalHF form, while all other variants of the verb be + VB-ing combination were lumped together.

was VB-ing 15.2%

BE VB-ing 8.3%

stay VB-ing 3.2%

vB-mg

73.3%

5.5 -ing form proportions in the written material corpus

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 87

Hawai 'i Creole English

We see an obvious predominance here of VB-ing over stay VB-ing. In order to determine what the difference is between the two forms, we will first look at the respective proportions of VB-ing and stay VB-ing in the various written language genres: prose, dialogue, poetry and drama. As shown in 5.6 and 5.7, the two forms do not have similar proportions in all genres. VB-ing is dominant in the dialogue and drama genre, while stay VB-ing (with no occurrences at all in the drama genre) is over represented in the prose genre:

y\ 1000f

^ 728

M prose: 22% • drama: 29%

814 ^^^^

.

• poetry: 17% • dialogue: 33%

5.6 VERB-/«g by genre in the written material corpus (N = tokens)

100<

86

80 60 40

16

20

7 • prose: 79% • drama: 0%

• poetry: 15% D dialogue: 6%

5.7 stay VERB-ing by genre in the written material corpus (N = tokens)

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88

The construction stay VB-ing does not occur at all in the drama genre, and only seven times in the dialogue genre, where one third of the VBing instances occur. On the basis of 5.7 we may conclude that the construction stay VBing is predominantly found in narratives. One typical feature needed more in narratives than conversation is the ability to express grounding nuances. In addition to this, the elicitation sessions all pointed to the stress of now with stay VB-ing constructions. We will therefore hypothesize that the difference between the two -ing forms has to do with Focality, which has already been defined above. It could be argued, however, that the mismatch between stay VB-ing and VB-ing occurrences with respect to frequency and genre has to do only with rhythm and style, and not any difference in meaning. We will therefore turn to context and look at some typical examples of where the two constructions occur. Context and elicitation results. If there is no difference in meaning between the two forms, we should be able to substitute one with the other without affecting the information conveyed. However, the elicitation results point in a different direction, both in connection with metalinguistic statements, as well as part of their analyses of specific sentences. Three informants were quite decided that VB-ing and stay VB-ing had separate meanings. Two rejected the notion that there was any difference between the two forms, but then as the session went on and they went through the example sentences - without being aware of it - contradicted their statement by describing stay VB-ing as differing from VB-ing by meaning more 'now' (see section 2.2 above for a discussion on the problems of elicitation sessions). In fact, this latter definition was unanimous: all informants independently stressed the 'now' meaning, when trying to describe what stay VB-ing meant (since it had been established during the session that the construction did not have an identical meaning as VB-ing). 5.2.4 VERB-ing is an INTRAterminal of High Focality As the following examples show, VB-ing, denoting INTRAterminal"1', may combine with past, present or future time reference. In example (75) we have an instance of VB-ing combining with FUTure time reference. (75)

Everybody going be looking for us.19 (Sakamoto 1992:53)

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 89

90

Hawai 7 Creole English

Example (76) refers to PROGressive future in the past. i:n a kapol of in a couple of

mi:nits hi waz gon bi waerin da seim minutes he was FUT be wear.lNTRA^ the same

sori eksprejln az sorry expression as

vikta20 Victor (Balaz:1998)

Example (77) has present time reference. (77)

He tell dat Jesus da One dat take us guys outa da bad kine stuff we doing. (Matt. Introduction! 1)

In (78) we have VB-ing (whirlin') contrasting with stay VB-ing (stay soberin' up), both with present time reference. (78)

Thank god Donna Summer rescued me by releasing her latest album A Love Trilogy and her disco version of "Could It Be Magic." Spirits move me, ev'rytime I near you. Good, yeah, my a capella? Whirlin' like cyclone in my mind. My father loves for whistle that song only cuz he one Barry Manilow fanatic, especially when he stay soberin' up.22 (Linmark 1995a:42)

Example (79) again refers to E simul S. (79)

(d)a pipol nau | aaa the people now aah rorj e so wrong eh so dis— laes je this last year pipo(l) people jo you

| wel well

e 6— de preziden saed de did eh the president said they did

(h)i sen wan apolad3i prasziden klin— | klinten he sent an apology president Clinton a tin(g) eh I think eh

| so so

nau now

6ei they

kra(i)in dae(?) | dei laig dei shout.lNTRA^ that they DESID their

| koz hawai waz wan neijen because Hawai'i was a nation

laig Se | DESID the neijen nation

baeg back

eh eh

The people now ... ah ... well, eh, the president said that they did wrong. So he sent an apology, President Clinton, this last year I think. So now they want the - people are shouting that they want their nation back, you , because Hawai'i was a nation. (MC64K)

Note that the copula is obligatory with past time reference (see section 4.5 above), as shown in both and (80).

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(76)

Aspectual Categories in HCE 91

(80)

6a that

da gai daed waz ranin fo preziden d(h)aed that guy that was run.lNTRA^for president that

ai I

laig | like

That—that guy that was running for president that I like, because he had an idea—it was that guy Forbes. (MP50K)

We have here an INTRAterminal"17, or PROGressive, similar to the SE equivalent in means and uses, expressing an aspectual viewpoint from within the limits of an event, with a rather narrow perspective around O. 5.2.5 stay VTLRB-ing is an INTRAterminal of IMMediate now Focality In order to test whether stay VB-ing might be a grounding device, we need to turn to the typical contexts of stay VB-ing occurrences. If stay VB-ing is a grounding device, we would expect the construction to occur in those parts of the narrative that set the scene of the story. Consider the narrower range of vision around O conveyed by stay VB-ing in example (81). (81)

aen somwae in da skai leidilak waz dansin araun and somewhere in the sky Lady.Luck was dance.lNTRA^ around

aen and

smailin laik wan apsaidaun reinbo lenni da lu:sa bra smiling like an upside.down rainbow Lenny the Loser my.friend he ste tfraivin araun he drive around

taun in town in

wan brannu lekses a brand.new Lexus23 (Balaz:1998)

This differs from, for instance example (79) in the sense that the above example conveys a sense of 'the present moment', whereas the speaker in (79) is referring to the present state of affairs, meaning 'nowadays' or 'these days'. In example (82) the sense of now is conveyed despite the past time reference. Since we are dealing with a viewpoint operator, which has to do only with the perspective taken on an event with respect to its relevant limits, the time reference is irrelevant. What is marked here is the narrow range of vision around O within the relevant limits of E, irrespective of where E is on the time scale. (82)

My sista, she the best. She wen' catch chicken pox las' week.

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bikoz hi haed wan aidea daed id waz daed gai fobz because hehad an idea that it was that guy Forbes

Hawai 'i Creole English First she had um only on her underarm. Everytime I went in the living room, she stay suffering on the vinyl couch with her hands behind her head and her chicken pox underarms all showing. My madda tell her she no can scratch otherwise get scar.24 (Yamanaka 1993:81)

In example (83), as in the preceding ones, we already have the scene, so to convey a sense of vividness the narrator will use stay VB-ing, which lifts the sense of presentness to the foreground of the story. (83)

Da light went change and Bobo he stay standing in da street veiling. "Fucka," until da cars behind start tooting their horn and da van driver only laugh and spit and den burn rubber away.25 (Lum 1980a: 12)

This comparatively rarely employed construction thus has a strong expressive force and when used it is appropriately noted, and the event seems to receive the attention intended. We have seen that this "focused progressive" is predominantly confined to narratives, where grounding is a relevant device. Turning again to the data and the occurrences of stay VB-ing, we may conclude that this highly marked focused progressive conveys a foregrounding sense of vividness, adding to or highlighting the sense of now. Consider example (84): (84)

I everytime gotta give Alfred one false crack because somebody go play Pass On, No Pass Back. Dey punch you in da arm and den tell, "Pass on, no pass back." So you cannot crack um back, you gotta pass um on. I tink Benjamen Funasaki da one dat always start um. (...) I can tell get one false crack coming when I hear somebody tell, "Ow!" and den you hear, "Pass on, no pass back." And when get to me, everybody stay waiting. So I gotta punch Alfred and tell, "Pass on, no pass back."26 (Lum 1990b: 11)

The punch is travelling up towards the narrator, and when it comes to him everybody holds their breath and is waiting for him to pass it on. In (85) we have a contrast between seducin' and stay doin'. (85)

Nights was safe then, until I saw Linda Blair as Regan in The Exorcist. Ho, that movie wen' freak me out so bad that I wen' turn super-religious. I started for attend mass every Sunday, and I wen' even sign up for be Father Pacheco's altar boy and enroll in Mr. Lee's catechism class every Wednesday after

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92

Aspectual Categories in HCE 93

The contrast between the forms effectively lifts the event marked with stay VB-ing to the foreground. In (86) we suddenly have our eyes on the girl behind the counter, and we observe how she is watching the Bag Man in action and shaking her head. (86)

Da Bag Man looking through da rubbish can, eating da leftovers. Yeah, da throw way awready kind. Mostly he was looking fo da plate lunches, fo da extra rice. He no care, da guy. We was looking at him from our table and da girl behind da counter stay shaking her head watching da Bag Man.28 (Lum 1990d:71)

The assumption agrees with the information from the elicitation sessions, where all informants unanimously and independently from each other emphasized the sense of "now" in stay VB-ing constructions. This is understandably a rare feature of dialogues, but there are two instances in the written language database. There are 21 occurrences in my spoken language material. Example (87) adequately illustrates the types of contexts stay VB-ing occurs in. (87)

ji you

gara meik heziteijen ASS.OBLIG pretend hesitation

had | ho ji hard(to get) INTERJ you

eh eh

j ji gara you ASS.OBLIG

kam horn da fon ste rinin come home the phone ring

tu fori | grams azr om tel um a no (two 40) grams answer it tell them I NEG in in

plei play

taun a sista town the girl

ste | ho LOC INTERJ

you

u

go baek go back

sti(o) ste staenin still stand

bai by

ra fon bu waerin fo ji kam (h)om -laughsthe phone booth wait.GER for you come home

You've got to act hesitant, eh. You've got to play hard to get. Ho, you come home and the phone is ringing like crazy - "Grams! Answer it, tell them I'm not here!" Ho, you go back in town and the girl is still standing at the phone booth waiting for you to come home! (MH24Mo)

Note the line in a dialogue in (88) where we are clearly referred to the immediate now.

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school. I no like end up one atheist like Linda, that's why. I mean, I no mind seducin' one hot-to-trot priest in Latin, but not while my head stay doin' threesixty and my eyes lit green.27 (Linmark 1995a:41)

Hawai 7 Creole English

(88)

(...) "Wyatt said he starting the two birds the Honolulu guys brought in on Sunday. Stay thawing or what?" (...)29 (Yamanaka 1999:238)

The difference between VB-ing and stay VB-ing may thus be illustrated as in 5.8, where the already narrow vision around O is zoomed in even further:

HF

0

5.8 INTRAterminalHF with a very narrow IMMediate now vision

The two forms are not mutually interchangeable and are therefore not merely chosen for the sake of stylistic effect. In 4 of 5 elicitation sessions the informants stated that "he working construction" to them means that "he is working in construction for his profession" whereas "he stay working construction" means "he is working with construction (at the moment)". Again, the latter has a narrower range of vision around now. All the example "he stay working construction" tells us is that he is doing that right now, regardless of whether he does it for a living or not. This of course does not exclude that he can do construction working for a living, it simply does not give us enough information about that fact to let us draw any conclusions as to his profession. We will therefore conclude that VB-ing and stay VB-ing denote iNTRAterminals of different Focality.

5.3

Habitual

An INTRAterminal with no FOCality at all envisages an event within the relevant limits without concerning itself with relating any range of vision around O (Johanson 2000:38, 88). In other words, it describes "a situation which is characteristic of an extended period of time" (Comrie 1976:27f), or what is also commonly termed HABituals. We do have

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94

a marker specifically for HABitual in HCE, yustu VB, a portmanteau which refers only to the HABitual in the PAST (cf. Roberts 1998a:24). This marker is not entirely obligatory and may be replaced by would VB. My database shows 257 instances of yustu VB and 71 of would VB, which serves as an indication that the former is the preferred construction. There is no specific marked for PRESent or FUTure HABitual in the database. The common way for expressing HABitual in other tenses than PAST is to simply inflect or otherwise mark the verb for PRESent or FUTure tense with optional adverbials such as normally or every day. Typical examples of yustu VB are seen in (89) through (91). (89)

(w)el a ged wan fren | a justu W3"k wi? | well I POSS a friend I PAST:HAB work with Well, I have a friend I used to work with. (MH29Ma)

Although the speaker in the above example may arguably refer to a colleague he recently had, the speaker in example (90) clearly refers to a remote past, which agrees with Dahl's findings that there "may be a correlation between HABPAST and remote past time reference" (1985:102). (90)

mai—mai my my in prisen in prison

arjko uncle brj long

justu du a lar a— | karv a lar a PAST:HAB do a lot of carve a lot of taim ago time ago.

tikis tikis

My— my uncle used to do a lot of... carve a lot of tikis in prison, a long time ago. (FP39H)

The possible remoteness in (91) may not be immediately apparent, but since the speaker is pensioned and is talking about his working days overseas, it seems reasonable to assume that there is a certain distance in time to what he is talking about. (91)

justu pik ap da d3ain klaemz ji no | big kam klaemz PAST:HAB pick up the giant clams you know big kind clams laig ji no muviz ji maid ged kot in id klaemz like you know movies you might get caught in it clams <We> used to fish for giant clams, you know. Big clams, like, you know, the type movies you might get caught in. (MH64K)

It is clear from (89) to (91) that yustu VB refers to the past, possibly with a remote time reference. Note that even though temporal marking is not obligatory in narratives (see 3.1.2 above), yustu VB tends to appear

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 95

96

Hawai 7 Creole English

(92)

aen and

a tin. daed laiberi was ahm I think that library was ahm

| put on a— a tirj des put on the I think there's

wan heiau | bifo id was ontap jea | so a heaiu before it was on yeah so tu w^k eitin to work 18

jeas ago ae[d]da laiberi ( mai hea justu years ago at the library my hair PAST:HAB

staen ap | espejl[i] stand up especially rai? | so right so

wen ai fs^s] stared when I first started

if— ai du ra klosap af da biodin if I do the close.up ofthe building

| aim in dea nau | aen evribadiz I'm in there now and everybody's

mai hea iustu staen ap ai my hair PASTrHAB stand up I sambad[i] is falom somebody is following

gon | oh gone oh

iustu fio[l] laik PAST:HAB feel like

mi bihain me behind

(...) and I think that library was, ahm, put on the— I think there was a heiau.30 there, before it [the library] was on it, yeah. So when I first started to work at the library, eighteen years ago, my hair would stand up. Especially if you— I did the close up ofthe building, right? So, I'm in there now, and everybody's gone. Oh, my hair would stand up. I used to feel like somebody was following behind me. (FH61H)

What is important to note about example (92) is that the speaker keeps repeating the PAST:HABitual marker, not because of its tense connotations, since the temporal location ofthe verbs in the narrative have been placed at past already (was), but because of the aspectual nature of yustu VB. Example (93) below shows us how a base form can appear next to the PAST:HABitual construction: it is evident that do refers to the past (the speaker is 79 years old and is talking about his mother's profession), which allows him to ignore temporal marking. However, yustu VB needs to be employed when he specifically refers to the HABitual aspect in the PAST. (93)

ma stepfade aen ma made my step.father and my mother

iustu wok fo | ma mare PAST.HAB work for my mother

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in the flow of the narrative with its specific PAST:HABitual meaning, as in example (92). This may suggest that it is less optional than, for example, SE used to, i.e. that its aspectual connotations make it necessary to insert it in the narrative even though the past time references have already been established.

Aspectual Categories in HCE 97 du kapente did carpenter

wok work

In all the examples yustu describes events that were characteristic for an extended period of time in the past. The event is viewed from within the relevant limits, but there is no focus on O. We gloss it as PAST:HABitual, since yustu is a portmanteau marker for habituals in the past.

5.4

The completive marker pau

The COMPLetive marker pau is most probably derived from the Hawaiian stative verb 'finished' (Roberts 1998a:24), still in use in Hawaiian (Elbert & Pukui 1979). It marks the completion of an E. Example (94) illustrates a typical occurrence of pau. (94)

When Auntie Sadie pass out da song sheets aftah everybody pau eat dat means pretty soon Firecracker Uncle going come.31 (Lum 1990a:100)

Note that a COMPLetive may combine with habitual situations, since an event may be completed repeatedly. In (95) the speaker describes a typical working day for him. We may thus assume that every time they have finished fixing cars they go down to the wharf for relaxation. (95)

kDs | mi a lav fo fiks ka | tri afta 'cause me I love COMPLEM repair cars gee after

wi pau we COMPL

fiks ka wi go daun a wof | dei gaiz go bai dem repair cars we go down the wharf those guys go buy themselves sam soraz d3amp in some soda jump in watj watch

ra wara mi a go d3rink ma bea the water me I ACT drink my beer

em them

Cause ... me, I love to repair cars. Gee, after we're through repairing the cars we go down to the wharf, the guys go and buy themselves some soda and jump in the water. Me, I drink my beer and watch them. (MH24Mo)

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My step father and my mother used to work for... my mother did carpenter work. (MC79Mo)

98

Hawai 'i Creole English

(96)

... asn den ji no fo ra—| da wahine jea and then you know for the the woman yeah daed d3es that just hea hair

pau hanau | COMPL give.birth

dei no they NEG

asnti da wan Auntie the one

laik ju waj* jo DESID you wash your

| ja? yeah

(...) and then, you know, for the— the woman, yeah Auntie, who has just finished giving birth; they don't want you to wash your hair, right? (FH50Ma)

It important to observe that pau and wen VB describe two different things, as already discussed in section 5.1. The only reading we have in example (96) is that the event is completed several times. We should not confuse that with ADterminal, which puts the spotlight on the very instant a limit (initial or final) has been reached. Consider the difference in meaning between pau in (96) and wen pau in example (68) from above, which I reproduce here: ba? | ahm | hi but ahm hi

didn du dae? | so didn't do that so

ai figa meibi bikas hi I figure maybe becausehe wen pau PAST:AD COMPL

| a was | ji no ai— I was you know I

haed sambadi PAST:POSS somebody

wo^k on aen de work on and they

meibi hi neva laik maybe he NEGiPAST DESID

hi d3es he just

wer goin so— were going so

|

puli pray

But, ahm, he didn't do that. So I was, you know, I— I figured that maybe because he had somebody he just finished working on and they were going, so ... maybe he didn't want to pray. (FH50Ma)

Observe that the two examples are from the same speaker. In (96) we are referred to a generic truth ("a woman may not wash her hair") that holds at any occasion when something has been done ("when she has just given birth=finished giving birth to a child'). In the example (68), which I have reproduced here, the speaker is referring to an event that

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The speaker in the example above talks about his present everyday life, but pau can also be combined with generic situations. Example (96) again describes a routine: every time a woman has just given birth she is told not to wash her hair.

had just about reached completion, that had just about arrived at the end point - i.e. the end point of the completion. Put differently, in the construction wen pau VB the ADterminal aspect refers to pau, to the completing, and not to the verb that pau modifies. What we have here is simply a difference of scope: in wen pau VB, the COMPLetive refers to the verb (pau {VB}) and the ADterminal refers to the verb in the COMPLetive (wen {pau VB}). Thus, in (68) pau has scope over work, while wen has scope over pau work.

5.5

The construction had VERB

On Kaua'i the construction had VB occurred several times, while it occurred less often on the other islands (as was noted also in Siegel 2000). In fact, of the 89 occurrences in the whole database, 46 (ca 52 per cent) were from Kaua'i. There are very few cases of had VB in the written database; (97) is a typical example. (97)

His wife had slice up the orange I had in my bag for us eat.32 (Yamanaka 1993:95)

We shall see that the construction is used in a POSTterminal context, envisaging the E after the transgression of its limits. As mentioned above, viewpoint operators, while able to combine with temporality, do not have inherent temporal specifications per se. +POST focuses the attention on a situation obtaining beyond the relevant limit, where the event, whether totally or partially past, is still relevant in one way or another, i.e. extends right up to O, has effects relevant to O, or allows a conclusive judgement at O. (Johanson 2000:103) POSTterminal is not synonymous with STATE, which has to do with focality, or RESULTativity, which has to do with actionality, or such similar notions, although these nuances can be achieved by combining POST with various other values. The following examples show that had VB is an aspectual and not temporal device, but instead has to do with the perspective taken on the event. In other words, had VB merely denotes that the orientation point O is placed after the transgression of a relevant limit; it does not locate the event at any particular temporal

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 99

stratum. We may therefore find that had VB can translate into SE PerFeCT as well as SE PLuPerFeCT, or even SE FUTure PerFeCT depending on where the O is located with respect to the moment of speech. The following illustrates the interaction between POSTterminal and the location of E, where the relevant limit is the finis. The event is viewed after the transgression of its relevant limit (in this case the end point). The first instance shows how the orientation point coincides with the moment of speech, Os. This would have to be rendered as a SE PerFeCT, for example He has washed his clothes. ---

<s>

LP

0s

5.9 POSTterminal where the orientation point coincides with 0 s

In the figure above we see that the perspective taken on the E is after the final limit has been passed (POSTterminal), and the deictic centre on the time scale coincides with the moment of speech (PRESent time). In other words, two different grammatical functions of the language are "collaborating" here: one is describing the aspect ofthe event, and the other is determining the tense of the event. The second instance of this kind of combination places a secondary orientation point, O2, prior to the moment of speech, 0 s . This would have to be rendered as a SE PLuPerFeCT, as in He had washed his clothes. &

LP

O2

0s

5.10 POSTterminal where the orientation point is prior to 0 s

The difference between figures 5.9 and 5.10 is that in the latter the deictic centre is placed before the moment of speech (PAST time). Consequently we have, instead of the POSTterminal-in-PRESent of figure 5.9, a POSTterminal-in-PAST. The third instance of this type of combination places a secondary orientation point, O2, posterior to the moment of speech, Os. This would have to be rendered as a SE FUTure PerFeCT, for instance He will have had washed his clothes.

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100 Hawai 7 Creole English

Aspectual Categories in HCE 101

LP

O2

5.11 POSTterminal where the orientation point is posterior to 0 s

The difference between figures 5.10 and 5.11 is that this time the deictic centre is placed after the moment of speech (FUTure time). As we see, in all three cases the perspective of the E is the same. What is variable here is the location of the orientation point(s), i.e. the placement ofthe event at a particular point in time. After this general outline, I now return to the analysis of the HCE data. In (98) the speaker refers to his father's and Uncle's arrival in Hawai'i. Here had VB indicates only that it was the state of affairs that they had come in 1929. (98)

dei had kam a rono wen wan naintin | naintin they POST come I NEG.know when a nineteen nineteen tweninam a tirj | twenty.nine I think They came, I don't know when, they came sometime in nineteen... 19291 think. (MJ50K)

Observe that the fact that had come has to be translated with SE came (PAST) and not has come (PerFeCT) is simply a translational compromise due to the peculiarities of the SE PerFeCT. Example (99) places O2 prior to 0 s , as is evident by the context (see section 3.1.2 above). (99)

ai neva ged laisens antil I NEG:PAST POSS license until

ma brara | da seken my brother the second

brara brother

haed grsd^ueit sh POST graduate eh I didn't have any license until my brother, the second brother, had graduated, eh. (MJ50K)

The context here is that the speaker, who is 50 years old at the time of the interview, is the youngest of all brothers and has had his driver's license for very many years. Example (100) had throw needs to be

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0s

102 Hawai 7 Creole English

translated into an SE PerFeCT, since the orientation point coincides with the moment of speech, 0 s . daun au pleis nomo a min ji ge? | tjris down our place EXIST:NEG I mean you P0SS trees ba? but

| me(bi) maybe

bau[t] ten fi(?) awae fom about ten feet away from

a haus jsah | s laig the house yeah is like FUM WRAAAH | sma[l] (mimics) small

hau how

kaen can

lido little

da ruf | s laig | we da heo the roof is like where the hell laig like

sambadi haed tu somebody had to

arau around

as us

da ho— araun the ho— around

smao raks hit a ruf small rocks hit the roof

rak hi? PRAK rocks hit (mimics) dast that

rol dau roll down

ra[k] keim from reid rock came from right

haed tfro um antop da ruf POST throw them on the roof

... down our place there aren't— I mean, you do have trees around us, but, they're maybe about ten feet away from the ho— around the house, yeah. So, it's like, how can small rocks hit the roof — FUM WRAAH ! — small little rocks hit — PRAK! — and roll down the roof. It's like, where the hell did that rock come from, right? Like, somebody must have thrown them on the roof. (MH29Ma)

What is marked in these examples is thus not concerned with tense, which is secondary and evident through context, but the location of O after the transgression of the relevant the limits of E. In other words, the reason that HCE had VB renders different tenses SE translations is not because of any inherent tense meanings in the HCE construction, which simply tells us that the perspective is after the transgression of the relevant limit, but because of peculiarities in the SE categories.

5.6

Intensification

Contrary to general assumptions about Creoles (for example Bakker 2003), HCE has no productive process of reduplication (Velupillai 2003). Speakers will occasionally make use of repetition though, to denote intensification. This is not to be confused with reduplication as a morphological process.33 (101)

(...)

aen ma graenmara tol as daet wen da leidi and my grandmother told us that when the lady

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(100)

Aspectual Categories in HCE 103 Ji krai-kra-kra ko[s] Ji tol ma graenmara she cry.lNTENS cause she said.to my grandmother

wen Ji wen[t] tu when she went to

ra bitj Ji wen hemored3 the beach she PAST:AD haemorrhage

(...) and my grand mother told us that when the lady ... when she came back she cried so much, cause she said to my grand mother that when she had gone to the beach she had a haemorrhage (...) (FH51H)

This device is optional for intensification of any kind, and can be used with different parts of speech, as shown in example (102). (102)

Kuz am hi cause ah he tivi dast hi TV that he

waz— a was ah

si him jae on samtaimz a get fo sometimes I get COMPLEM see him yeah on

get wan teip jae POSS a tape yeah

aut | wan a out

ai get fo si him | aen ai I get COMPLEM see him and I

video | aen samtaims video and sometimes

no is da seim wan dei know is the same one they

olae evritaim-evritaim ba? play every.time.lNTENS but ... cause ah ... he was ... ah sometimes I get to see him yeah? On TV - they have a tape yeah, out - a video. And sometimes I get to see him and I know it's the same one they play every single time, but... (FH50Ma)

What the above examples show is that this kind repetition in order to render an intensified meaning to something is not limited to verbs, but can be used with other parts of speech too. It is thus irrelevant as an aspectual category, since aspect per definition deals with verbs.

5.7

Summary

In this section we have seen that HCE has a fairly complex aspect system. There is a perfective/imperfective (PFV/IPFV) distinction, manifested in the construction wen VB, which denotes PASTrADterminal and envisages the event at the very attainment of its crucial limit. Although ADterminal seems to be a comparatively rare grammatical category (see Johanson 2000 for language specific examples), it is not uncommon cross-linguistically to have some way of distinguishing PFV from

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keim baek came back

IPFV. The overtly marked member of a PFV/IPFV distinction is more often imperfective than perfective (see Dahl & Velupillai forthc.a). We have seen that there are three diverse types of iNTRAterminals, viewing the E within its relevant limits: stay VB, VB-ing, and stay VBing. They differ with respect to Focality, i.e. the range of vision around the deictic centre, and are not mutually interchangeable. The construction stay VB denotes a wide range of vision around the deictic centre, Low Focality, covering both the concept of CONTinuous and that of HABitual. The two other forms, VB-ing and stay VB-ing, both denote an INTRAterminal of High Focality but differ with respect to the narrowness of focus around the deictic centre. We have glossed VBing as lNTRAterminalHF, thereby indicating that it is roughly equivalent to the SE PROGressive. This is not true of stay VB-ing, which has a more restricted range of view around the deictic centre, an even stronger sense of now than VB-ing. We have glossed this INTRAterminajHFiMM j n Q r c j e r tQ jndicate ^jg highly focused sense of IMMediate now. A typical domain for such an expedient is grounding, and we have seen that the form predominantly occurs in narratives where grounding is relevant for the structure of the story. iNTRAterminalis appears to be a common category in European languages. See Johanson (2000) for language specific examples; see also Dahl (1985) for cross-linguistic data on PROGressives and HABituals. I have shown that had VB is a POSTterminal, viewing the event after the transgression of its relevant limit. The aspectual nature of the construction is manifested in the fact that it is the orientation point that moves along the temporal axis and not the perspective ofthe event itself. Thus there need not be confusion as to the seeming interaction between had VB as an aspectual category and as a means for temporal reference. Since aspect deals with the perspective taken on an event, the crucial issue is that had VB denotes the viewpoint operator and not the relative temporal location of the deictic centre. POSTterminality seems to be a wide spread category cross-linguistically (Johanson 2000). Moreover, the construction hadVB is predominantly found in Kaua'i. In addition to the viewpoint operators mentioned above HCE has a COMPLetive marker pau, which indicates that the event is finished. This is not an unknown category cross-linguistically (Dahl 1985). HCE also has a specific portmanteau marker for PAST HABitual, yustu, which may have an implicit remoteness nuance (cf. Dahl 1985:102). The construction is not strictly obligatory, but seems rather less optional than the SE used to. This is, for instance, indicated by the preference for

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104 Hawai 7 Creole English

yustu VB for PAST HABitual in any narrative, irrespective of whether or not the temporal marking is repeated throughout. Though not dominant cross-linguistically, HABitual in the PAST (HABPAST) is a relevant category in Dahl's language database (Dahl 1985:100ff). We may conclude that HCE has an aspect system in which all ofthe individual categories can be found in other languages, and most of them are not particularly rare cross-linguistically.

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 105

106 Hawai 7 Creole English

Notes This differs from the definition given in Bybee et al. where anterior is defined as signalling "...that the situation occurs prior to reference time and is relevant to the situation at reference time" (1994:54); in other words, Bybee et al. use ANTerior synonymously with PerFeCT. Cf. Bickerton (1981:286): Anterior marking is primarily a device which alerts the listener to a backward shift of time in a narrative or a conversation, thus enabling him to preserve the correct sequence of reported events - a must if features such as causality are to be extracted from it - even when the reporting diverges from that sequence. 2 See Comrie (1985) for a thorough discussion of relative versus absolute tense. 3 Free translation: Yeah, he has a picture of me. //1 sent him the one of us by the gym. // The one we made you take for the gang // 'cause we didn't want you in the picture. 4 HCE. 5 Entry into a state does in fact have a relevant limit (the initium), in which case we are dealing with actional content and internal phase structure (Johanson 2000:5 8ff) where various types of transformatives operate on the basis ofthe actions' natural turning point. The crucial difference between viewpoint operators and transformatives is that while viewpoint operators may operate on both global events and subevents, transformatives may only operate on subevents, since they concern themselves only with the internal phase structure (see section 3.2). 6 Free translation: Yeah, and I'm pissed off at my mother too. // Bloody witch, I told her I'm on a diet // and asked her to buy me some Campbell soup // but her, she didn't buy me anything. 7 Free translation: Not after what she did to me this afternoon at Long Drugs. I can't believe it. I was so embarrassed, so humiliated. What was worse, I was with Erwin Castillo, OIA star quarterback. Between aisle nine and ten, Lay's potato chips and Hallmark cards, she announced to all us Longs Drugs shoppers that I, Katherine KatrinaTrina Cruz, am nothing but a bastard and my mother a home wrecker. 8 We have seen in section 5.1.2.2 that such verbs as start and begin etc. do not clash with our criteria in instances where they are not the modifiers. We may thus have wen start (VB) or wen begin (VB), since that simply denotes the attainment of the initium, but we may not have *start wen (VB) or *begin wen (VB) for the reason that we would then have assume a beginning of the attainment of a limit, which is conceptually odd and therefore not grammaticalized. 9 Free translation: Brynie went inside the store and told the lady he wanted five cents worth of kakimochi (Jap. rice crackers). I hung around by the cigarette machine. I went to Brynie to see if the lady was putting the right kind of kakimochi. 10 Free translation: The cook was so mean, man, cause he just emptied the dustpan, like, all the dirt and rubbish, right in the can that the Bag Man was looking in. The Bag Man didn't say anything ... but the cook was mean, yeah? He could tell the Bag Man was still using the can. The Bag Man didn't know what to do. He just stood there by the can. Then he checked his bags: the cigarette bag with lots of butts and messed up cigarettes, something else in another one, and it looked like half an orange, already peeled in another one. 11 Free translation: Daddy lighted it and then he waited a little bit. Me and Mama moved a little more back. The stuff was spitting sparks and fire before he finally threw it, And when he threw it, it was just like a rocket.

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1

12 Free translation: Pretty soon the kids were lining up to ride (on) Alfred('s back) every recess that week. They didn't want to watch basketball anymore. They just waited in line for their turn and watched the beetle bugs. Benjamen came to Alfred's bug place to see what was happening. 13 Free translation: Once I found thirty-five cents that fell underneath the bureau so I kept them. 14 It is one ofthe features always highlighted in jokes and general comical illustrations of HCE. 15 Free translation: When we went home, I wanted to open my firecracker package, but my mother said I couldn't touch it until New Year's Eve. Oh man, sometimes I would be thinking about it though. How many are there inside? 16 Free translation: Coming-home-from-work time is the best time. I go after school and sell papers with Bobo - I'm supposed to go straight after - but I fool around school a little while 'cause Bobo is always there and watches my papers for me. Mister Carvalho, my district manager, gets pissed off but he can't do anything, nobody wants to work for him. 17 Free translation: F: Bull. I don't want to hear stupid talk like that. Don't hurt Daddy for nothing. // S: I know. That's why I though maybe you could tell him. // F: No. Daddy has planned everything out and // S: But Mama... // F: Wait a little while and think some more. Then you can see what I mean. Don't spoil today for Daddy. 18 Free translation: Then Jimmy boy says, Eh I'm going to take // your nice down to your house // get her yearbook, okay? //1 shake my head behind Jimmy boy, No, no. // My uncle, he ignores me. // Sure, sure, Jimmy boy, he says. // Eh, he yells at me, // Jimmy boy's going to take you down to the house. // Move it before he makes you walk. 19 Free translation: Everybody will be looking for us. 20 In a couple of minutes // he was going to be wearing // the same sorry expression as Victor. 21 I use the abbreviation Matt, when referring to Matthew Tell Bout Jesus. This particular passage is taken from the short introductory preceding the actual Bible text. Free translation: "He says that Jesus is the one that takes us out ofthe bad things we are doing (i.e. frees us from our sins)." 22 Free translation: Thank God Donna Summer rescued me by releasing her latest album A Love Trilogy and her disco version of "Could it be Magic." Spirits move me, every time I'm near you. It's good, isn't it, my a cappella? Whirling like a cyclone in my mind. My father loves to whistle that song only 'cause he's a Barry Manilow fanatic, especially when he's sobering up. 23 Free translation: and somewhere in the sky Lady Luck was dancing around // and smiling like an upside-down rainbow // Lenny the Loser my friend // he's driving around town in a brand new Lexus. 24 Free translation: My sister, she's the best. // She caught chicken pox last week. // First she had it only on her underarm. // Every time I went in the living room, // she was suffering on the vinyl couch // with her hands behind her head // and her chicken pox underarms all showing. // My mother says to her that she may not scratch // otherwise there'll be scars. 25 Free translation: The light changed and Bobo, he was standing in the street yelling, "Fucker," until the cars behind started tooting their horns and the van driver only laughed and spit and then burned rubber away. 26 Free translation: Every time I've got to give Alfred a false punch because somebody plays Pass On, No Pass Back. They punch you in the arm and then say, "Pass on, don't pass back." So you can't punch it back, you've got to pass it on. I think Benjamen Funasaki's the one that always starts it. (...) I can tell there's a false punch coming when I hear somebody say, "Ow!" and then you hear, "Pass on, don't pass back." And when it comes to me, everybody's waiting. So I've got to punch Alfred and say, "Pass on, don't pass back."

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Aspectual Categories in HCE 107

27 Free translation: Nights were safe then, until I saw Linda Blair as Regan in The Exorcist. Gee, that movie freaked me out so badly that I turned super-religious, I started to attend mass every Sunday, and I even signed up to be Father Pacheco's altar boy and enrolled in Mr. Lee's catechism class every Wednesday after school. I didn't want to end up an atheist like Linda, that was why. I mean, I wouldn't mind seducing a hot-to-trot priest in Latin, but not while my head's doing three-sixty and my eyes are green. 28 Free translation: The Bag Man was looking through the rubbish can, eating the leftovers. Yeah, the kind that was already thrown away. Mostly he was looking for the plate lunches, for the extra rice. He didn't care, that guy. We were looking at him from our table and the girl behind the counter was shaking her head watching the Bag Man. 29 Free translation: "Wyatt said he's starting the two birds the Honolulu guys brought in on Sunday. Are they thawing or what?" 30 Pre-Christian place of worship (Elbert&Pukui 1986). 31 Free translation: When Auntie Sadie passed out the song sheets after everybody had finished eating, that meant that pretty soon Firecracker Uncle was going to come. 32 Free translation: His wife had sliced up the orange //1 had in my bag for us to eat. 33 See Marantz (1982).

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108 Hawai 7 Creole English

6

In this section I will deal with the various modality markers in HCE, using a framework almost exclusively based on Palmer (1986, 2001) as described in 3.3 above. HCE has two forms for request, the iMPERative and try VB, a POLiter form of REQuest. In 2.2.2 I discussed the need for sampling in a way that will make it possible to check for variation with respect to register (see Biber 1986 for methodological considerations in such issues). We have already seen in 5.2 that such a consideration is motivated by the fact that different types of language may need to employ different types of grammatical markers (see Biber 1988 for a thorough discussion on the differences between spoken and written language). The reason for such a possible variation is hardly surprising: language is used in context and specific contexts may elicit specific needs. When we write we are in a different situation from when we are speaking. A written text needs to circumvent unnecessary misunderstandings given that readers are not able to resort to requests of clarification. The text will therefore have to be arranged in such a way that the reader gets the message as it was intended to be understood by the writer. In contrast, when we speak we are able to see straight away whether or not our message is getting across. We are typically immersed in a physical context, with immediate co-presence of sender and receiver, something which may or may not affect our language. An intermediate category is performed language, which refers to the type of language we tend to use orally in a less flexible situation than an ordinary conversation. When performing, we formulate our language in such a way that we need not be interrupted during the flow, if the addressee is in front of us, or in such a way that distant listeners (for instance TV audience) will understand what we are saying. I have included elicitation language in this category, since the social context involves an audience, i.e. the linguist and his/her equipment (see 2.2.2.4). 109 10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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Modality in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

In HCE the highly specialized stay VB-ing (INTRAterminal IMM) is found mostly in narratives. If our data had been based on only one of the four types (written, performed, spoken or questionnaire language) we would have risked getting a skewed view of the use and limitations of this form. We will now see that there is a similar discrepancy with respect to the use of certain grammatical markers in the modal system. The written language data shows no difference in neither meaning nor use between the forms no can and cannot, both are employed in free variation for deontic negative PROHlBition and dynamic negative INABility. However, in the spoken language there is a clear tendency towards an obligatory use of cannot in INABility contexts as opposed to no can in PROHlBitive contexts. These two NEGative forms have the single positive form can VB, which denotes both ABility and PERMission. HCE has a further set of deontic directive markers, each with their own specialized function. The construction have to (which may be inflected to had to) denotes DiSASSociative OBLlGation whereas gotta (gaDa) indicates Associative OBLlGation. A related Associative directive is should VB, which represents a subjective CONDitional. The construction ought to serves as a stylistic alternative of should with one of the written source authors. The ADMONitive, better (beDa), issues a warning to the listener. In addition to the deontic and dynamic markers, there are two types of epistemic JUDgements in HCE, the SPECULative might and the DEDUCTive must. Furthermore, there is a DESlDerative marker like. 6.1

Imperative versus try VERB

In my data there are two different types of requests that do not appear to have exactly the same meaning. One is a straightforward IMPERative, expressed by the bare stem. The other is a weaker type of request, more polite, marked by try VB. Consider examples (103) and (104) where the two forms are employed in slightly different contexts, or, to be more precise, in slightly different tones. In (103) try VB is used to address an elderly lady (Dane to Aunty Ester: try ask), while the base suffices for the younger relative (Ester to Ricky: come here).

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110

Modality in HCE 111 (103)

DANE: Aunty Esther, you try ask Ah Po for me ... C'mon Aunty. No tell me she no talk anykine stuff with you.

(...) Ah Po: Ah Jiu, where Ah Jiu? Ester: Ricky, come. Ah Po like talk to you]

In (104) all the characters are of about the same age. Nevertheless, try VB is used, and in this case suggests a milder tone than the more brusque command clean up. (104)

JOJO: BEAR: JOJO:

Look, dis flag get fifty stars. YOU shuwa? Yeah, try count 'urn.

(...) MANNY: YOU see wat I mean. Wat da hell you hit me fo'? And clean up da way you talk, eh, you sound like one guy. JEANIE: Yeah? I look like one guy too?2 (Sakamoto 1980:29)

Similarly, in (105) the request made is politer than a base form imperative command, and would allow an answer No without hard feelings. (105)

A: J -noise- tfrai ged mi da glu | J POL.REQ get me the glue J! Could you fetch me the glue? B: glu glue

okaeOK

glue? OK. (A=MC79Mo; B=FH58Mo)

Note that you use try VB with your seniors, as shown in example (103) above, a context in which it would strike one as rather impertinent to use the ordinary iMPERative. When asked, at the elicitation sessions, about the difference between just a simple VB! and try VB, the informants had some trouble explaining it, though five out of six agreed, independently of each other, that the two constructions did not mean the same thing. Most of them tried to explain the difference by illustrating that they would not use VB! to their colleagues, but would have to use try VB. The simple base form is perceived as "ruder" and as being more of a straightforward order. I will therefore consider try VB a construction for POLite REQuest, a feature

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(Lum 1980b:50)

112

Hawai 'i Creole English

(106) Ji she

we— waz ae? PAST:AD what's that

| tfrai ripildl POL.REQ repeat

da kwejen the question

"she wen" what's that? Could you repeat the question? (MH24K)

This was during the first five minutes of the session, so we had hardly had time to get aquatinted, although, of course, we had been introduced. It also happened quite often that I was asked to try VB in shops where I had never been before.

6.2

can VERB

There are two separate uses of can in my database. The vast majority, 622/656 (95 per cent), of the instances denote dynamic ABility (root possibility in the terminology of Bybee et al. 1994), announcing the existence of wider and general, both internal and external, conditions enabling the completion ofthe action. In the remaining 34 cases (5 per cent) can is used as a directive PERMissive. In addition to this, I am grateful to Miriam Meyerhoff for pointing out the existence of canrequests ofthe type Can ask your mother 'Ask your mother!' (cf. Try ask your mother) on O'ahu (personal communication). However, there are no attestations of that in my database. 6.2.1 Ability As already mentioned, the overwhelming majority of can VB instances are used in a dynamic context, synonymous with SE be able to. Consider example (107) where the speaker is annoyed about the high prices in Hawai'i and argues that if it is possible to have a certain price for an item in California {can cost and can sell), then it should cost the same in Hawai'i. (107)

nau dae[d] de[i]invalv az now that they includeus

aes a pad ov | amerka| wai don dei as a part of America why don't they

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not unknown in the languages of the world. This analysis is supported by the fact that you may use try VB with strangers, as for instance when one of my informants asked me to repeat the question, example (106). In SE he would probably have said something like could you read the question again (please).

Modality in HCE 113

tog da gai a dala in cost the guy a dollar in

aen ah and ah

| -DG: ahja- | daed if it ten that if it AB

kaelifonja daed wi jud pei de California that we should pay the

dala hsa tu | -DG: mm- | aen | if dollar here too and if

dei they

ten AB

seo gaes sell gas

dea fo | dala daed wi Jud bai um fo a dala tu | there for dollar that we should buy it for a dollar too Now that they include us as a part of America, why don't they just pro rate the stuff and ah... DG: ah yeah. <So> that if it can cost the guy a dollar in California, we should pay the dollar here too. And if they can sell gas for dollar, we should buy it for a dollar too. (MP50K)

In (108) the speaker is reassuring the hearer that he will be able to walk by himself later on. (108)

Later on you can walk again by yourself to the dining room. (Lum 1990f:121)

In both of the examples above the speaker refers to general enabling conditions. I will term this ABility. Consider, for instance, example (109), where the speaker points out that the groans she makes when she gets up from a chair would be suitable to make a song of. (109)

awi awi | oh mai gunes meik aokain sorjz aud a ouch ouch oh my goodness make allkind songs out of ten AB

meik son. make song

dae? | eh | that eh

aud a awi awi awi awa | -chair scraping-] out of

autj | ouch Aui, aui. Oh, my goodness, can make all kinds songs out of that, eh? can make songs out of aui—aui—aui—aua. Ouch. (FH77Mo)

In (110) the speaker is explaining that if you leave small parts of your body around (such as nails and hair) evil people will be able to get hold of them and send spells on you. (110) naeoz was if a rimemba rai[d] da neioz waz bikaz | if | sambadi nails was if I remember right the nails was because if somebody

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d38s proreifd] da staf just pro.rate the stuff

114 Hawai 'i Creole English faun da neioz | aen daets a ps^sono pad of jo found the nails and that's a personal part of your

iuz daed if dei no laik da p^sen | use that if they NEG like the person

tu laig meik ivol agens to like make evil against

ju kahuna you

wi kal we call

kahuna

[When asked why you weren't supposed to cut your nails at night] Nails was ... if I remember correctly ... the nails was because if somebody found the nails and that's a personal part of your body - the can use that if they don't like the person, to, like do evil against you. Kahuna, we call
To mark ABility in the PAST could VB may be used, as in example (111), where the speaker is describing how she was able to hear the noise of a fireball. The general enabling conditions lie primarily in the ruckus made by the fireball, and, of course, her physical hearing ability. (111)

da hawaiens justu ge? faiabal | je samtaims ju the Hawaiians PAST:HAB POSS fireball yes sometimes you kud b[i] in jo jad aen ju si samtin go JHI:U: could be in your garden and you see something ACT (mimics) aes wan bai a faia natin bat faiabal d3es that's one ball offire nothing but fireball just

ova over

wen kam PAST:AD come

intu jo la? | POOF | eh wad is daet | ai kud hea mai into your lot (mimics) eh what is that I PAST:AB hear my daed— mai fad[a] aoweiz justu swea laik hel | dad my father always PAST:HAB swear like hell swea-swea-swea swear. INTENS The Hawaiian used to have fire balls. Yes. Sometimes you could be in your garden and you saw something go SHUIUUU over . That was a ball offire, nothing but fire ball just came into your lot. POOF. "Eh, what is that" <we used to think>. I could hear my dad— my father, always used to swear like hell, swear-swear-swear <when these things happened>. (FH61H)

In (112) the narrator describes how easy it was to scare Nasubi. The general enabling conditions lie in Nasubi's insecure nature. (112) Na-na-nasubi was kinda tilly so could make him scared kinda easy.3 (Lum 1990e:60)

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- W : je- | dei ten they AB

bari | body

6.2.2 Permissive The common way to mark PERMissive is to use can. This meaning is comparatively rare compared to the ABility sense and it makes up only 5 per cent of all instances of can VB in the database. Consider the difference between the examples below and those above. In (113) A is letting B know that I may use a certain lauhala ('pandanus') leaf for my weaving. It could be glossed either as can or may in SE. (113)

A: okae | ji nid okay you need

nara wan | ojae | another one oh.yeah

dad that

wan one

ten—| PERM

OK, you need another one ... Oh, yeah, <she> can that one— B: dis Ji wen meik— this she PAST:AD make Did she make this— A: jae yeah

| Ji ten iuz da? shi PERM use that

|

Yeah, she can use that . (A=MC79Mo; B=FH70Mo)

In (114) the narrator is granting someone permission to feed her baby. (114)

"Go get me his bottle from the refridge. Yeah - you can feed him, this bottle, the next bottle, every time if you like - but only 'cause I trust you."4 (Yamanaka 1996:127)

In other words, in both examples above the speaker grants someone permission to do something. This use can also be found in interrogative forms, as in (115), where can call would probably be best translated into SE may call. (115)

I can call you Vinny?5 (Sakamoto 1992:24)

In (116) we again have an occurrence where we would use may in SE. The speaker is politely asking permission to ask a certain question, in a way we commonly do when we wish to ask something but do not want to offend the hearer. (116)

I can ask how much?6 (Sakamoto 1988:46)

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Modality in HCE 115

116 Hawai 7 Creole English

6.3

cannot versus no can

In five out of six7 elicitation sessions informants independently of each other agreed that there is a difference between cannot and no can, the former denoting the dynamic modal INABility and the latter meaning what Hawaiian calls kapu, i.e. directive PROHlBition. In example (117) the speaker is describing how he and his friends disobey their grandparents' instructions. (117)

\z gud is good

ove over

h& hantin here hunting

iz gud | jeee | mi kapo (o)ra braraz is good yeah me couple ofthe boys

wi go | ap | bai ra war^ taerj we go up by the water tank

rait right

bihain behind

hsa here

|

from wen wi waz jan kid taim | jarj kid taim | aen | no from when we were young young and no masra matter

| no masra if no matter if

aua our

graenmara grandmothers

tol told

as nocaen | us PROHIB

wi went aeniwae we went anyway It's good over here, hunting is good. Yeah. Me and a couple ofthe boys, we go up by the water tank right behind here, since we were really young, very young. And no matter— no matter if our grandmothers told us we weren't allowed to, we went anyway. (MH24Mo)

By contrast, in (118) the speaker, using cannot, is explaining that doors in a room should be placed in a way that the night marchers will not be able to walk through them. (118) ji you fo for

na(t) not

supos tuhaev supposed to have

ra naid martjerz the night marchers

gara haev ASS.OBLIG have

wan a

dor door

doz laig dis | feisir) itjara | as doors like this facing each.other that's kaen AB hea here

wak walk

al ova all over

hsa here

aen hea | so and here so

dei they

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These examples do not invalidate the notion of "deontic directive", instead the interrogative simply projects this notion onto the addressee. In all cases permission is asked from the addressee, making way for a deontic reply, either an okay or a refusal.

Modality in HCE wak rai[t] tjru walk right through

You're not supposed to have doors like this, facing each other, because of the night marchers. They can walk all over here. You have to have a door here and here, so that they aren't able to walk right through. (MH22H)

In (119) the two forms appear in the same interview. First A remarks that she is unable to see {cannot see) B and therefore she wishes to change seats. She then resumes her musing that her mother had not allowed her to wash {no can wash) her hair after she had given birth. (119)

A: a tena? si aenti I INAB see Auntie

wen a tak... when I talk

I can't see Auntie when I talk... {A movesfromnext to B to opposite B} A: a laik sid ova I DESID sit over

her here

| a tena? si ju(...) I INAB see you

I want to sit over here. I can't see you. (...)

C) A: jean | aen den ji no for a— | da wahine jea aenti yeah and then you know for the the woman yeah Auntie da wan daed d3es pau hanau | dei no laik ju waj* the one that just COMPL give.birththey NEG DESID you wash jo hea | ja? | kaz mama sae(d) a no tenwaf ma hea your hair yeah 'cause mama said I PROHIB wash my hair Yeah, and then, you know, for the— the woman, yeah Auntie, who just finished giving birth; they don't want you to wash your hair, yeah? 'Cause mama said that I wasn't allowed to wash my hair... (A=FH50Ma; B=FH71Ma)

The database shows no consistency in making this distinction in the written language data; in fact, in the written language there seems to be free variation of the two forms. As mentioned both in the introductory remarks to this chapter and in section 2.2.2 I have tried to sample HCE as broadly as possible, allowing not only for ethnic, geographical or age variation, but also for variation across register. Language is used in a context and the same person may use his/her language differently depending on various circumstances. Even a monolingual speaker might be said to have different languages, or at least language varieties, for

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teno? INAB

117

different situations. I will undertake to decide if any of these language varieties is more "true" or more representative of a speaker's "real" language - that will have to be left for future research. I have therefore not filtered out written material, which, as far as I am concerned, is as much an expression of the language as spoken data. Furthermore, the tools a linguist has to access a language are a questionnaire, a controlled interview, recordings of naturalistic speech (which involves a multitude of ethical considerations) or written material. Sampling from all of these domains increases the likelihood that we may arrive at a reasonably accurate analysis ofthe various devices, and their uses, in a language. Variation in the material among the different types of language, or register, does not invalidate the need for sampling as broadly as possible. On the contrary, it allows us to draw conclusions as to the influence of extralinguistic factors on language. In reality, what we see here is that, in order to understand the language we are dealing with, as well as language and its development in general, we need to factor in such considerations. Examples (120) through (124) illustrate the seemingly free variation between no can and cannot with respect to PROHlBitive and INABility. In (120) no can is used for PROHlBition. (120)

"He no can come wit us if he going be one tilly."8 (Lum 1990e:64)

In example (121), the same form, no can, is used for the narrator's INABility to take a bite ofthe shave ice (which she usually enjoys). (121)

Then he treat me ice shave from the truck but I no can take even one bite.9 (Yamanaka 1993:105)

In (122) the same author as in (120), here describing how you are not allowed to pass a blow back, uses cannot to express PROHIBlTive. (122)

So you cannot crack um back, you gotta pass um on.10 (Lum 1990b: 11)

Similarly, in (123), the same author as in (121) uses cannot to describe how the narrator is unable to stand it when animals suffer. (123)

"You know what I mean, how they cry like that, eh, Lovey? Me, I cannot stand when they suffering like that. Like your Nanny. Their faces burning like that, the tongue all hanging out. All the babies burning and melting away."11 (Yamanaka 1996:263)

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118 Hawai 7 Creole English

Example (124) shows that the two constructions can be used for both meanings respectively in the same text. The first cannot (Ii) expresses INABility {cannot dance '(am) unable to dance'), whereas the second (Pi) signifies PROHlBition {cannot look '(shouldn't) be allowed to look'). The first no can (I2) denotes INABility {no can cook '(is) unable to cook'), while the second (P2) indicates PROHlBition {no can get 'not allowed to get') (124)

You tink da girls going laugh if dey find out I cannot dance? Ii

C) Da bugga no can cook. I2

(...) Dey cannot look as good as you. P, (...) I no can get some fun 0' wat? 12 P2

(Sakamoto 1988:4, 7, 10, 38)

We may thus conclude that, while the spoken language differentiates between no can and cannot (see Appendix 1, Menehunes for an exception; the speaker uses no can in an INAB context), the written language apparently does not. 6.4

have to and gotta (gaDa)

Neither have to VB {had to VB in the PAST) nor gotta {gaDa) VB are uncommon in HCE, but they are used somewhat differently from each other. Consider the following two examples from the same informant during one single interview: (125) aen and

de waz dis biudifu dog on a said a da rod | aen a there was this beautiful dog on the side ofthe road and I

sxd ah mai | soaisaed ai gara rap him ap bikaz its gona said oh my sol said I ASS.OBLIG wraphim up because it's FUT rein iven rain even

do hi though he

ded bad a fio sori kaz ai dead but I feel sorry 'cause I

lav love

dogs dogs

... and there was this beautiful dog on the side ofthe road, and I said "Oh, my," so I said "I've got to wrap him up because it's going to rain, even though he's dead", I felt sorry because I love dogs. (FP39H)

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Modality in HCE 119

In (125) the speaker associates herself with an obligation to go back and fetch the dead dog. The obligation is primarily due to her moral values; another person may not have seen it as his/her responsibility to turn back. Thus the use of gaDa suggests that the obligation is somehow associated with the subject. The same speaker later used have to (inflected to had to) with a slightly different, less subjective sense, as shown in (126). She is describing how a priest is called to remove the evil that has happened to the family, and he asks them what new items they have in their household. (126)

hi saed jes ju du | tink wi haed tu tin. aen wi o wi he said yes you do think we DISASS.OBLIG. think and we oh we ga? got

| brae[n] brand

niu new

frnit[u[e] furniture

... he said "yes, you do, think." We had to think and we <said> "oh, we got brand new furniture". (FP39H)

Here the obligation was not so much prompted by subjective values, but by external necessity. The priest must know which items are new in the house to be able to do anything about the family's problems. The construction gotta/gaDa VB in (125) expresses the deontic directive meaning, roughly equivalent of SE MUST (Palmer 1986:98ff), imposing an OBLlGation on the agent. Like SE MUST, gotta/gaDa VB somehow involves the speaker. I will therefore term gotta/gaDa VB Associative OBLlGation, by which I mean that the subject associates himself with the obligation he utters. We would not expect to be able to find gotta/gaDa in the PAST, since the speaker can not very well impose obligations on actions already done. In (127) the speaker is reporting what her mother used to say to the boys when they came round for dates. Although the 62-year-old speaker is talking about her teenage years, the obligation {gaDa mceri) is uttered as a quotation of what her mother said. The obligation thus refers to a relative FUTure (i.e. E after R). (127)

aen and

wen haev deits ji haev ma mads when EXIST dates you POSS my mother

aowei[s] saed | ma always said my

mads Ji Ji haev patjagis weis kos | h& hasben mother she she POSS Portuguese ways 'cause her husband au our

fader | ji no was— ju—13 ju kis ma daro^ ji father you know was you you kiss my daughter you

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120 Hawai 7 Creole English

Modality in HCE 121

Ji she

maeri har daets da patjagi[s] staio| -laughtermarry her that's the Portuguese style

wud aoweis would always

tel dagais— | -laughter- | shid aoweis tel say the guys she'd always say

a gais daed yu kis ma daDr yi gara maeri ho^ | the guys that you kiss my daughter you ASS.OBLIG marry her -chuckles-1 no | -laughter- | Jid sae dae[t] tu no she'd say that to boiz daed kam araun fo faiv af boys that come around for five of sei say

dae[t] tu that to

as us

al al

of of

as | 6e us the

go^-ls | Ji wud aowei[s] girl she would always

dem | them

And when there were dates you had my mother, <who> always said - my mother, she had Portuguese ways 'cause of her husband, our father (see footnote 13), you know, was - " you— you kiss my daughter you've got to marry her", that's the Portuguese style. She would always say the guys. She'd always say the guys that: "if you kiss my daughter you've got to marry her". No? She'd say that to all of us, all of the boys that came around for the five of us girls. She would always say that to them. (FP62H)

In (128) B is explaining to A that she has to punch holes in her lauhala leaf before she dyes it. Here the Associative quality lies in the subjectivity which is a matter of taste: it is possible to dye a lauhala leaf without punching holes in it first, but the result will be different from dyeing a punched lauhala. (128)

A: ai si ai I see I

si aenti ah Xs wan— see Auntie ah Xs one

I've seen, I've seen Auntie Xs one— B: ji no watju you know what.you

gara— ju no nau fo ASS.OBLIG you know how to

ji gara | pantj um aen den you ASS.OBLIG punch it and then

du om ah do it ah

dai um | dye it

You know what you've got to— you know how to do it, eh? You've got to punch and then dye it. A: jeah | Yeah Yeah.

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gara ASS.OBLIG

122

Hawai 7 Creole English

B: gara pantj um f^s— ASS.OBLIG punch it first got to punch it first— wei— way

Auntie, because that way— B: ju pantj um fo^s den you punch it first then

tjro um in throw it in

de dai | the dye

You punch it first, then throw it in the dye. (A=FH64Mo; B=FH40Mo; C=FH58Mo)

In (129) the narrator describes what his father said to him about joining the Boy Scouts. The father will allow him to join if he takes care of his uniform and does his homework. In other words, the father and his subjective values impose the obligation. (129)

"(•••) If you be good you can join. You gotta take care your uniform and do all your homework, though."14 (Lum 1990c:82)

In all of the examples above the speaker associates him/herself with the obligation. By contrast, have to VB allows the subject to disassociate him/herself from the obligation. I will therefore term it DISASSociative OBLlGation. Consider (130) where B informs A that the lauhala she is using needs to be soaked before it can be worked properly. (130)

A: dis lauhala i[s] so this lauhala is so

had hard

is is

laig— like

This lauhala is so hard it's like... B: eh| eh Eh? A: dis lauhala i[s] so had— this lauhala is so hard This lauhala is so hard— B: is is

bir[a] alredi— spoilt already

It's spoilt already—

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C: aenti bikaz daed auntie because that

Modality in HCE 123 A: so had— so hard So hard—

um in it in kaen can

haes tu go in DISASS.OBLIG go in da wara aen den the water and then

da wara | samtaimz ju | sok the water sometimes you soak led um | ged ap aen den ju let it get up and then you

du | do

That one has to go in the water. Sometimes you soak it in the water and take it up and then you can work <with it>.

(A=FH58Mo; B=FH77Mo) In contrast to gaDa, DlSASSociative OBLlGation may be inflected in the past tense, for the simple reason that the external factors that prompt the obligation can be referred to at a later stage, i.e. can be referred to with past time reference. As expected we do find have to VB in the PAST {had to VB) as, for instance, in example (131), where the narrator describes what his teacher made them do every year (cf. also example (126) above). (131)

J'like da pumpkin we had to make out of da paper bag.] 5 (Lum 1990e:59)

In (132) the narrator feels compelled by Erwin's ignorance (a factor beyond her control) to provide an embarrassing explanation. (132)

I was so humiliated, and even more humiliated when I had to explain to Erwin what one bastard was.16 (Linmark 1995b:74)

We may therefore conclude that the difference between the two types of OBLlGation, have to and gaDa, lies in a different amount of association from the part ofthe subject. 6.4.1 should VERB The construction should/shud VB is not uncommon and is, like gotta/gaDa an associative directive. However, it is not an OBLlGation, but rather a subjective CONDitional, in that the speaker allows the possibility that the event, that (according to the speaker) should take place, might in fact not come about. Consider for instance example (133).

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B: daed wan that one

124 Hawai 7 Creole English Ah Po say you should braid your hair into a queue like the old Chinese plantation workers.17 (Lum 1980b:48)

In (134) the speaker indicates that, according to him, he and his brother-in-law should fish where they live. It might be that his brotherin-law will go somewhere else and fish; the speaker is merely stating his opinion of how it ought to be. (134)

das we wi kam from das we wi Cud frj that's where we come from that's where we COND fish That's where we come from, that's where we should fish. (MH29Ma)

We see here that the construction refers to "what would occur or would have occurred" (Palmer 2001:74) if the agents had fulfilled the obligation. Note, however, that it is the speaker's attitude that is reflected, which is what makes the expression subjective. The construction may be used for PAST events; the speaker announces what should have been, even though it wasn't fulfilled, as in (135). (135)

Maybe I should have told him I seen Benjamen by his bug place las time.18 (Lum 1990b: 14)

Likewise in (136) the narrator reflects on what she should have done, but (alas) didn't do. (136)

I kinda stay thinking maybe I should have wore my yarn wig, too.19 (Yamanaka 1993:84)

6.4.2 ought to VERB There are three examples in my written database, and none in my spoken, of ought to VB, all from the same author: (137)

Maybe you ought to give this to the kitchen.20 (Luml990f:118)

(138)

You oughta try one piece.2' (Lum 1980b:58)

(139)

Dey oughta replace all you guys with a bunch of birds.22 (Lum 1980b:53)

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(133)

Modality in HCE 125

6.5

better VERB

The construction better/beDa VB is consistently used in a context of warning, where the speaker has an undertone of "or else", similar to the SE construction had better VB. In example (140) the speaker is warning me to keep my eyes on the sea while picking opihi (a type of shell on ocean rocks) and that I better hurry up away from the wave when I can see the swell building up, or else I might get killed. (140)

oni da bes wei ju tun laig dis | ji pik only the best way you turn like this you pick

opihi ju watj| opihi you watch

wen da sweo kam ap wsn daet sweo kam ap | when the swell come up when that swell come up rimemba ju beda gfol ove remember you ADMON go over

dea | daet sweo gointjripju there that swell FUT trip you

Only, the best way you turn like this, you pick opihi, you watch. When the swell comes up, when that swell comes up, remember, you better go over there that swell will knock you down. (FH95H)

In (141) we find the same element of "or else" in the warning: (141)

So you guys betta do everyting dey tell you guys.23 (Matt. 23:3)

We will regard this as a deontic directive and term it ADMONitive in accordance with the definition in Bybee et al. that "the speaker is issuing a warning" (1994:179). In example (142) the informant considers my suggestion that try VB may be a form of politeness and pictures what would have happened if she had not obeyed her parents when they said try go get... to the children. (142)

a I

min wen au paerent[s] mean when our parents

sa? said

tjrai POL.REQ

go ACT

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ged get

ju you

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The construction is does not seem to be common and is probably best interpreted as a lexical alternative to should VB. Since all instances come from the same author, it seems reasonable to assume that this is simply a stylistic variation of should VB.

126

Hawai 7 Creole English bera

go

ged

ADMON ACT get

id | -laughsit

I mean, when our parents said "try go get" you had better go get it!

Note that the addressee ofthe warning may be the speaker him/herself, as in (143) where the speaker describes a nightly and not too pleasant excursion. When she sees something strange on the side ofthe road she doesn't stop to investigate, but then thinks better of it and turns around. She tells herself that she had better check what that is, in case somebody is in trouble. (143)

was was

reli dark| kol | ae[n] really dark cold and

no no

jtjri?laits | aen wen ai street.lights and when I

kamin daun | aen ai coming down and I

luk | aen de look and there

blu blue

on on

| tinz laig raid things like right

aen ai and I aen and

sae? oh said oh ai | ai kep I I kept

de[a] ai there I tjrab[o] o trouble or

is daed aen ai is that and I

goin | aen den going and then ai I

laig diz | tu ahm like these two ah

a said a da rod | tu dats | the side ofthe road two dots

mai gad wad my God what

saed | wei? said wait

waz was

was was

d3es just

wen ai when I

kain kind

a glaens of glance

wen ge[d] PAST.-AD get

daun down

bera Urn araun | meibi sambadfi] ADMON turn around maybe somebody

samtin kaz wai something 'cause why

wu[d] daed bi would that be

in in

laig dae? | like that

was really dark, cold, and no streetlights. And when I was coming down and I looked - and there was like these two, ah, blue things, like right on the side ofthe road. Two dots. And I said "Oh my God, what is that", and I just, kind of, glanced, and I— I kept going. And then, when I got down there [the destination], I said "Wait, I had better turn around. Maybe somebody in trouble or something, 'cause why would it be like that." (FP39H)

In (144) the speaker tells herself that she should probably remove her things from the table (or else the cookies she is organizing will soil them). (144)

wi ao we all

tjipt in aen | ga? kukiz | -crackling-1 hmm chipped in and got cookies

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| aibsda I ADMON

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(FP62H)

Modality in HCE 127 |

[announcing as she opens a bunch of cookie cartons] We all chipped in and got cookies. Hm, I should probably move my stuff... [or else her things might get soiled] (FH77Mo)

In example (144) I translated beDa as SE "should probably" in order to show that even though beDa should presumably be seen as deriving from SE had better VB, it does not necessarily have to the exact equivalent of it in contemporary HCE. In the following written examples the element of threat or warning is not particularly strong - although the undertone of "or else" is still there - and better/beDa could well be translated into SE "should probably". (145)

I guess I betta tell you.24 (Sakamoto 1988:21)

In (146) somebody is reflecting that it would be unwise to let "the other guys" know who he is. (146)

He tell dem dey betta not tell da odda guys who him.25 (Matt. 12:16)

The fact that better/beDa can be translated into two separate forms in SE merely indicates that SE has a distinct form for the weaker nuance and HCE does not.

6.6

must and might

The constructions must VB and might VB are not particularly common, though by no means scarce in the database. Although the two forms convey similar notions of epistemic judgement, might VB is more speculative in its nature than must VB, much like the SE equivalents MAY26 and MUST respectively (see Palmer 2001). Consider (147), where the speaker is deducing that the reason her relative was so light coloured was that some white person had got mixed in with the family. (147)

mas bi mai— mai DEDUCT.JUD be my my wen PAST:AD

luk look

ah—sambadi wi[d] da wait blad | ah somebody with the white blood

mo laik on a | more like on the

wait sai | wi[d] da kain white side with the kind

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skaedy mai staf move my stuff

128 Hawai 7 Creole English ah blon ah blond

hea hair

|

Must have been my— my— ah, somebody with the white blood. looked more, like, on the white side, with the, ah blond hair.

In example (148) the narrator describes how he and his friends were carefree until they realized that there probably were toads in the grass. Their reasoning is based on reality and the world as they know it. (148)

(...) and we was hiding and laughing until I went tink of da toads dat must stay inside da grass (...)27 (Lum 1990e: 65)

In (149) the speaker deduces that the haole he is referring to (who lives in the US West coast) probably watches in the morning what the speaker is now seeing on TV, given the time difference between Hawai'i and the mainland. (149)

This what the haole must watch in the morning before he go school. That's what I think.28 (Yamanaka 1999:288)

Observe that we are not dealing with any kind of obligation here, as is also made clear by the added "That's what I think". The above examples have shown that must is used when a speaker is expressing a qualified opinion based on known facts of the real world, when they utter a DEDUCTive JUDgement. By contrast, might is less certain in its tone. It is used when the speaker speculates on possibilities, as in (150). Here the speaker speculates on the tradition that says that you should not wash your hair just after having given birth to a child. She tries to explain why the listener was told not to wash her hair with anything else than dry shampoo for a month after child birth. (150)

d3es fom just from

duin daed | ju—ju don waj* jo doing that you you don't wash your

maid fal af SPECUL.JUD fall of

hea | kaz id hair 'cause it

| aen ahm | daes wad wi lo^n | wi lo^n and ahm that's what we learn we learn

in a kantjri | wi lo^n al a in the country we learn all of

um it

Just from doing that - you— you don't wash your hair, 'cause it might fall of. And, ahm, that's what we learned— what we learned in the country. We learned all of it. (FH71Ma)

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(FH61H)

Modality in HCE 129

(151)

And no follow us if he like go cruising 'cause somethiq might happen in the car.29 (Yamanaka 1993:42)

Again, in (152), we are told that "something might happen" as far as the speaker knows. It is not a certainty that something will happen if we swear at a certain place, but there is a risk for it given that spirits don't like human swearing and given that they tend to hang around the particular place the speaker is talking about. (152)

ah seikred ah Sacred

fals don't swer aed seikred Fallsdon't swear at Sacred

don swer in don't swear in

der | -VV: waithere

maid

haepen

SPECUL.JUD

happen

fals daeds in Fall that's in

oahu | O'ahu

| bikaz | samtin because something

|

Ah ... Sacred Falls. Don't swear at Sacred Falls, that's in O'ahu. Don't swear in there. -VV: why? -Because something might happen. (MH22H)

In example (150) through (153) the speaker is less committed than with must, and only offers a speculation as to the truth ofthe statement. Again following Palmer (2001) we shall term this SPECULative JUDgement. Since these notions are highly subjective, we do not expect them to have past tenses: the subject is in a simul S situation and can only offer judgements in the present time.30 Consider example (153) below, where the speaker is describing how the older generation had urged her generation to believe the legends. The time reference is clearly past tense, but when she remembers that a person she knows might have a book about the legends we had been talking about the tense shifts to present. The speculation obviously refers to the present world; the speaker is wondering whether I will be able to get hold of even more information than what she has been able to give me. (153)

...so dei justu aoweiz so they PAST:HAB always

tel as ji no samtaimz ju gaiz tell us you know sometimes you guys

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In (151) somebody is told not to follow the speaker if her companion wants to go cruising. "Something might happen" is the reason given. The speaker does not know what the intentions of the companion are, but she has certain hopes and speculates on the possibility of them coming true.

Hawai 7 Creole English

tig daets na[tj] tjru o think that's not true or

is d3es is just

wan led3en | ji gaiz gara a legend you guys ASS.OBLIG

beliv bikaz | ji no da kam believe because you know the kind.of

sprit[s] spirits

stil exist jea | still exist yeah

pleni stio jet led3en in faek | aenti X maid haev riten aenti Xz plenty still legend in fact Auntie X SPECUL.JUD have written Auntie X's wan a one of

mai my

dae? aeria that area

kupuna | Ji wen raid wan buk tu abau? Kupunas she PAST:AD write a book too about

we Ji liv where she lives

(...) So they always used to tell us, "You know, sometimes you guys think that's not true or it's just a legend. You guys have got to believe , because you know, those spirits still exist, yeah." -VV: yeah. -There are still plenty of legends. In fact Auntie X might have written - Auntie X's one of my seniors - she wrote a book about the area where she lives. (FH51H)

By contrast, in (154), must is used when the informant is using his knowledge of unpolluted Pacific islands and their reef life to ponder about how Hawai'i probably used to be. (154)

aen and

ho wa— | wen ju g[o] oh wo(w)... when you go

-VV:jeahhawai Hawai'i

| a min ji— I mean you

mas haev DEDUCT.JUD have

ovasi dae[s] so overseas there's so

matj fij] much fish

| aen wen ju tin. we and when you think well bin been

wa[h] wow

laig dis bifo like this before

And oh, wow— when you go overseas, there's so much fish! - W : yeah. -I mean— and when you think— well wow, Hawai'i must have been like this before. (MH64K)

In (155) we can follow the reasoning of A and B when they try to arrive at the correct date when a member of the extended family passed away. When they arrive at a qualified guess, a DEDUCTive JUDgement, based on known facts, they use must. (155)

A: je a tin a wen kaun ei[d] deiz | aefta | o yeah I think I PAST:AD count eight days after or bifo | a tirj ei[d] deiz before I think eight days

aefta— after

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ei[d]deiz eightdays

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130

Modality in HCE 131 Yeah, I think I counted eight days after. Or eight days before. I think eight days after— B: was kapol was couple

a of

deiz days

aefta after

ho* bo^dei— her birthday

A: wad— wad what what

waz h& bo^dei | da dei of was her birthday the day of

ho^ bo^t her birth

|

What— what was her birthday. The day of her birth. B: mas haev DEDUCTJUD have

bin— been

Must have been— A: da tOMtin | the thirteenth The thirteenth? B: Ji daido— | Ji daid she died ah she died

sametaim do— summertime though

She died ... ah— she died during the summer though— A: noo-o | no No-o! B: matj March

a tin. matj— I think March

March, I think March— A: id waz matj | it was March It was March. (A=MP50K; B=MP85K)

The highlighted forms of the above examples are, as expected, not judgements in the past, but judgements in the simul S (i.e. at the moment of speech) of past events.

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was couple of days after her birthday—

132 Hawai 7 Creole English

like (VERB)

Throughout the material, both written and spoken, like VB is the common DESlDerative marker, denoting "internal volitional conditions in the agent with respect to the predicate action" (Bybee et al. 1994:178). In example (156) the speaker says that she thinks she wants to go and SQQpapa. (156) ji you

no ai know I

tin a laig go si papa think I DESID ACT see papa

wen hi kamz | when he comes

You know, I think I want to go and see papa when he comes. (FH50Ma)

In (157) we are told that the narrator wants to jump out of his bed (when he sees that two aliens are in his room). In this case a certain inability to do what is wished is conveyed: why not simply jump out of the bed instead of lying there and wishing for it? The overall context tells us that he is paralyzed by the fact that a couple of aliens are in his room. (157)

I like jump outa bed ...31 (Oribio 1999a:l)

In example (158) we have a NEGated DESlDerative. (158)

My fahdah stay so tight, so pa-ke. He no like buy firecracker, man.32 (Lum 1990a:99)

The speaker in (159) is describing how a person intended to make trouble and how the speaker prevented it by proving that he was stronger. (159)

ash da gai laig meig hambag so eh the guy DESID make trouble so

| a wen lik da gai eh I PAST:AD hit the guy eh

Eh, the guy wanted to make trouble, so I hit him, eh. (MH29Ma)

6.8

Summary

In this chapter we have seen that HCE has a fairly complex modal system. We have seen that there are two separate forms for expressing a request, the IMPERative and try VB, the latter being a politer form than

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6.7

133

a direct command. Such a device is not unheard of cross-linguistically (cf. Palmer 2001 for some examples). HCE has a variety of deontic markers with specialized functions. The DlSASSociative have to (which may be inflected in the PAST to had to) denotes OBLlGation with which the subject is not directly associated, such as in when the lauhala is hard it has to soak in water. With the Associative gotta (gaDa), on the other hand, the subject is somehow connected with the OBLlGation, such as in, for example, you gotta play hard to get. A related Associative directive is should VB, which denotes a subjective CONDitional, where the subject expresses what should or ought to take place (according to him/her), but might not happen, such as in you should braid your hair properly. The construction ought to appears to serve as a stylistic variant for this with one of the written source authors. HCE also has the ADMONitive beDa, which allows the speaker to issue a warning. Furthermore we have two negative modals, cannot and no can. In the written material they are in free variation, each apparently denoting both the dynamic INABility and the deontic directive PROHlBition. In the spoken material, on the other hand, the two forms seem to represent one function each: cannot is limited to denoting INABility and no can is limited to indicating PROHlBition. Both of these forms may contrast with the single positive can, which conveys either an ABility or a PERMission meaning, in spoken as well as written language. In addition to the deontic and dynamic markers, there are two types of epistemic JUDgements in HCE, the SPECULative might and the DEDUCTive must. The latter lets the speaker express a qualified opinion based on evidence available in the real world. In contrast, might allows the speaker to express a less certain conjecture of what could possibly, but does not necessarily have to, happen. Finally, HCE has the DESlDerative marker like, well attested in the whole database, for all registers, areas, ethnic groups and ages, and for both males and females.

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Modality in HCE

134

Hawai 7 Creole English

1

2

3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11

12

13

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Free translation: D: Auntie Esther, could you please ask Ah Po for me... C'mon Aunty. Don't tell me that she doesn't talk about anything with you. // (...) // AP: Ah Jiu, where's Ah Jiu? // E: Ricky, come here. Ah Po wants to talk to you. Free translation: J: Look this flag has fifty stars. // B: Are you sure? // J: Yeah, count them. //(...)// M: You see what I mean. What the hell did you hit me for? And clear up the way you talk, eh, you sound like a guy. // J: Yeah? Do I look like a guy too? Free translation: Na-na-nasubi was kind of sissy so you could scare him kind of easily. Free translation: "Go get me his bottle from the fridge. Yeah - you can feed him, this bottle, the next bottle, every time if you like - but only 'cause I trust you." Free translation: May I call you Vinny? Free translation: May I ask how much? The sixth being the session described above (see 2.2) where the informant disassociated himself from anything he felt was too SE like. He rejected cannot as too "proper", even though he himself used cannot (during that very session) in an INABility context. Free translation: "He can't come with us if he's going to be a sissy". Free translation: Then he treated me to a shave ice from the truck but I couldn't even take one bite. Free translation: So you can't (you're not allowed to) hit back, you've got to pass it on. Free translation: "You know what I mean, how they cry like that, eh, Lovey? Me, I can't stand it when they're suffering like that. Like your Nanny. Their faces burning like that, their tongues hanging out. All the babies burning and melting away." Free translation: Do you think the girls are going to laugh if they find out that I can't (= am unable to) dance? // (...) // The guy can't (is unable to) cook. // (...) // They can't (aren't allowed to) look as good as you. // (...) // Can't I (= am I not allowed to) have some fun or what? The speaker interrupts herself but from what had previously been discussed it is clear that she is alluding to the fact that her father was Portuguese and that her mother had adopted his ways. Free translation: "(...) If you're good you may join. You've got to take care of your uniform and do all your homework, though." Free translation: Just like the pumpkin we had to make out ofthe paper bag. Free translation: I was so humiliated, and even more humiliated when I had to explain to Erwin what a bastard was. Free translation: Ah Po says you should braid your hair into a queue like the old Chinese plantation workers. Free translation: Maybe I should have told him that I had seen Benjamin by his bug place last time. Free translation: I was kind of thinking maybe //1 should have worn my yarn wig, too. Free translation: Maybe you ought to give this to the kitchen. Free translation: You should try one piece. Free translation: They ought to replace all you guys with a bunch of birds. Free translation: So you had better do everything they tell you. Free translation: I guess I'd better tell you. Free translation: He told them that they probably shouldn't tell the other guys who he is. The exceptionally few occurrences of may VB in my database all point to "haolified" talk: they all occur in written data and are all found in contexts where the narrator indicates how somebody is trying to "talk proper" (i.e. speak SE or at least SE-like).

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Notes

27 28 29 30 31 32

135

Therefore I am not including them in the discussion. A typical example is "you may wear this snake around your neck." (Yamanaka 1996:187). This is said by an elegant girl who knew how to talk and behave. Free translation: (...) and we were hiding and laughing until I thought about the toads that had to be in the grass (...) Free translation: This is what that haole must watch in the morning before he goes to school. That's what I think. Free translation: And don't follow us if he want's to go cruising // 'cause something might happen in the car. The HCE form might should not be seen as a MAY in the past tense (cf. note 26 above). Free translation: I wanted to jump out of bed. Free translation: My father is so tight, so mean. He doesn't want to buy firecrackers, man.

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Modality in HCE

7

The aim of this study was to provide an in depth analysis of the TMA system in HCE. This section will give a summary ofthe findings as well as place HCE in a global perspective and return to the issues raised in Chapter 1.1 will leave it to further research to comprehensively discuss what light the results of this study may throw on the genesis of HCE. As we shall see, the TMA system of HCE is not crosslinguistically unique or even unusual and we may ask ourselves whether or not that is a surprising finding. If Creoles do not form a structural type of language, then it is not surprising to find that the HCE TMA categories are well represented in the languages ofthe world. As was discussed in Chapter 1, HCE was the main trigger for the LBH (Bickerton 1980[1974]). This study shows that the TMA system of contemporary HCE does not conform to the LBH predictions. It could be argued that the reason for that is decreolization (Sato 1993), i.e. that HCE is gradually merging with its lexifier. That would suggest a drift towards the SE system, with which HCE is in constant contact. However, that is contradicted by the fact that the HCE TMA system differs from the SE system too, in spite of a century's coexistence of the two varieties and the stigmatized status of HCE (see Chapter 1 above). As this study is strictly synchronic it therefore does not allow for a proper discussion of such issues as decreolization, since that would also require analyzing diachronic data. However, it seems unlikely to me that the TMA system of HCE shows any evidence of decreolization, as I will discuss further in the following sections. My basic argument is that if HCE were becoming decreolized we would expect its various grammatical categories to correspond more and more closely to the SE ones, but there are at least two possible instances of ongoing grammaticalization which moves the TMA system of HCE away from that ofthe SE one: bumbye as REMOTE.FUTURE and hadVB 136

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

137

as a POSTterminal. This ongoing grammaticalization (if that is indeed what it is), together with the various TMA categories that HCE does not share with SE (see section 7.2.1) seems to exhibit a development independent of SE, despite a century of intensive contact.1 The present study thus brings together a multitude of issues. We have here a language that emerged recently through a certain sociopolitical situation, which does not have the predicted creole prototype system, nor is converging towards the lexifier system, nor differs all that much from other non-creole languages in the world. The findings of this study will in this way serve as a contribution to the discussion of whether Creoles form their own structural type of language. Another issue that the present study of HCE addresses in general is how a Low (L) variety language may well continue to exist and follow its own paths of grammaticalization despite external efforts to undermine its use. We have seen in previous sections that HCE does not enjoy a high status in society. As such, this survey offers a case in point in the discussion ofthe adequacy of L variety languages (cf. Ryan 1979). Seeing that we are focussing exclusively on contemporary HCE, there has been no means for tracing the paths of grammaticalization for the various features discussed. However, in presenting an in-depth analysis ofthe present state of affairs, the study provides a synchronic basis for diachronic analyses of the internal development and grammaticalization processes in HCE. I also suggest that further research examine possible substrate or areal features in the data presented here. Furthermore, it would doubtless be worthwhile to look closer at the topic of variation in HCE. We have seen that there is a degree of geographical variation between the islands, as well as variation across register. Future studies might find it useful to examine possible variation patterns relating to gender, age and ethnicity. The purpose of this study was precisely to provide in depth material for such investigations.

7.1

Summary of the HCE TMA system

In the following I will give a brief overview of the tense, aspect and modality categories of HCE. The findings are summarized in 7.1: the features ofthe HCE TMA system are listed together with their respective formal realisations.

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

FEATURE

CONSTRUCTION

CROSSLINGUISTIC STATUS

COMMENT

ErelR

base form

common

the base form is used when the temporal setting is known

PRES PAST FUT REM.FUT

common inflected common go(i)n(g)lgonna VB common bumbye uncommon -S

PASTIAD

INTRA

INTRALF INTRAHF INTRA™™

POST PASTIHAB COMPL IMPER POL.REQ OBLIG

DISASS.OBLIG ASS.OBLIG

(ASS)COND ADMON PERM AB INAB PROHIB JUD DESID

DEDUCT.JUD SPECUL.JUD

wenVB

uncommon

stay VB VB-ing stay VB-ing hadVB yustu VB pau base form tryVB have to VB gotta/gaDa VB should VB betterIbeDa VB canVB canVB cannot VB no can VB must VB might VB like VB

common common uncommon common uncommon common common uncommon common common ? ? common common common ? common common common

note that having a PFV/IPFV distinction is common

7.1 The TMA features of HCE in a cross-linguistic perspective

The overwhelming majority ofthe TMA categories in contemporary HCE are common tense, modality or aspect categories in the languages of the world. The following will place each marker in a global perspective, to the extent that crosslinguistic data is available for that category. The crosslinguistic status given for each feature is based on data available in van der Auwera & Amman {forthc. a, b), Brown & Levinson (1987), Bybee et al. (1994), Comrie (1985), Dahl & Velupillai (forthc. a, b, c, d), Dahl (1985), Johanson (2000), and Palmer (2001). I have given a "?" for

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

139

7.1.1 Tense Tense locates an event (E) at a specific point in time in relation to a certain reference point. It may be either absolute, in which case the E is relative to the moment of speech (E relative S) or relative, in which case the E is relative to a reference point (E relative RV These distinctions may be further specified as to the relative distance from the S or R, and indicate the remoteness inherent in the tense category. As with many languages ofthe world, HCE does not need to repeat a temporal marking throughout a narrative. Instead the base form may be used once the event has been located on the time line. See Chapter 3 ( The Framework of this Study) for an in-depth discussion of the framework I use to analyse my data, and Chapter 4 ( Tense Categories in HCE) for details on the findings. The base form The base form may refer to anything up to the moment of speech and is the common form once the context has demonstrated the temporal location of E. We find that the base form is used less often for FUTure, since it generally, but not exclusively, refers to anything up to the moment of speech. It may also reflect reported speech, in which case the utterance quoted is Actively transported to the moment of when it was expressed. A large number ofthe languages ofthe world use the unmarked verb forms in narratives (Comrie 1985:102ff). In fact, as Dahl (1985:113) points out it is more common not to repeat the tense marking in narrative contexts than to keep repeating them once the temporal location on the time line has been specified. HCE thus conforms to the common cross-linguistic pattern. The -sform In addition to the base form, HCE has an -s form occasionally used for the present tense. The existence of this form for the present tense could conceivably lead to the assumption that it is used specifically to denote an E simul S meaning. The data does not, however, show that the -s form is obligatory for E simul S, which may also be expressed by the base form, especially after the temporal setting has been specified (see above). Other (non-obligatory) uses for the form include generics, and

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features where cross-linguistic data was not available to me. The characteristics of each feature are further summarized below.

140

Hawai 7 Creole English

The PAST tense The grammatical way of locating E prior to S is regularly marked by inflecting the verb, as in [hi keim horn (jestadae)] 'He came home (yesterday)' or [it haepend (jestadae)] 'It happened (yesterday)'. Merely inflecting the verb thus transports the event to a location prior to the moment of speech on the time line. There are no aspectual connotations involved, as would have been the case if wen VB had been used instead ofthe inflected form. The common way to express NEGated PAST is to use the construction neva VB, as in [hi neva kam horn (jestadae)] 'He didn't come home (yesterday)'. The majority (142 of 223 or ca 64 per cent) of our WALS map languages mark PAST tense grammatically (Dahl & Velupillai forthc.b; cf. also Dahl 1985:155ff). Of those, 100 languages do not have grammatical marking for remoteness. This means that HCE conforms to the majority ofthe languages in our sample. The FUTure tense

The general difficulty with analyzing FUTure (E after S) tense is that it tends to have some modal connotations, since the event hasn't taken place yet. However, the constructions go(i)n(g)/gonna VB are used only for clear predictions, as in [da san goi stio jet gona raiz tumaro] 'The sun will rise tomorrow anyway'. The predictions are based on the present state of the world and can be tested later. In other words, there is no subjectivity to the truth of the facts, which means that go(i)n(g)/gonna VB only carry information as to the temporal location ofthe event, and do not specify any kind of modality. The FUTure is a well-represented category in Dahl's 1985 database (cf. also Table 7.1 in Bybee et al. 1994:252f). Half (112 of 223) of our WALS map languages mark future other than through inflection (Dahl & Velupillai forthc.d). HCE thus conforms to a common cross-linguistic pattern with respect to its future tense. bumbye It might be that bumbye, which is predominantly found on Kaua'i and Hawai'i, is in an early or initial stage of grammaticalizing into a REMote FUTure.2 It is not interchangeable with go(i)n(g)/gonna, and is

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historical present readings, though, again, the use of the form is not limited to either of those meanings.

141

limited to expressions referring to events at a certain distance away in time. It is revealing that, while go(i)n(g)/gonna can combine with time expressions like, for example, 'in a while', 'tomorrow', 'next year' or 'when I retire', bumbye can only combine with the latter two. All informants immediately rejected a sentence like [*bambai tumaro ai gon pik opihi], whereas [bambai neks jea ai gon pik opihi] was accepted. It remains to be seen whether bumbye will grammaticalize into a tense marker. Although REMote distinctions are fairly common in the languages of the world (cf. Dahl 1985:121f and Dahl & Velupillai/ort/jc.b) it seems much more common to have grammatical REMote distinctions in PAST than in FUTure; Bybee et al. (1994:247), for example, have only one instance of REMOTE.FUTURE in their database, in contrast to a number of REMoterPAST. HCE thus conforms to the common cross-linguistic pattern in that it has a REMoteness marker, but falls in the class of typologically rare languages in that it is the FUTure and not the PAST that has this distinction. goVB A discussion on go VB is warranted simply because it has often been assumed to be a FUTure marker (cf. for instance Bickerton 1977, Roberts 1998a). However, the data show that it rather marks ACTion or intended action (such as [go s^f] or [go rait 9m daun] 'write it down'), without reference to time (but see Sato 1985 on the possibility of it being a MOTion marker). It is often used when a speaker wishes to induce action, as in [go tjek ova dea] '(I suggest that you) go and check over there'. However, it is not confined to any particular modality, as, for instance, imperative (hence the translation '(I suggest ...)'). The construction go VB can combine with any temporal reference, for example the FUTure: [ai gonj go tjek 9m aut fo ju] 'I'll check it out for you'. Also, it is often used in narratives clearly placed in the past when the speaker refers to actions that took place before the moment of speech. Moreover, it can also combine with different types of aspect, and frequently occurs with PAST:ADterminal wen VB or PAST:HABitual yustu VB. 7.1.2 Aspect I have used the general terminology and definitions presented in Johanson (2000), for which I have given a summary in section 3.2. The framework consists of the perspective taken on an E - through the so

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

called viewpoint operators. If we imagine an E as having a starting point {initium), an ending point (finis) and an intermediate course {cursus), the viewpoint operators will set the perspective in relation to the relevant limits of the E. They then will either view an E within the relevant limits (INTRAterminal); or they will view the E after the transgression of one ofthe limits (POSTterminal); or they may view the E at the very attainment of one ofthe limits (ADterminal). In the first case we have an internal perspective on the E, viewing it while it is under way, i.e. during the course or part ofthe course ofthe event. Note that an INTRAterminal in itself is not implying that the E necessarily must have a long duration, since even an event of comparatively short duration can be viewed from within, during the progression of it. In other words, although the duration of He was studying for several years is longer than He was reading for a couple of hours, the perspective taken on the respective events are the same, namely viewing them from within. Likewise an event of a comparatively short duration, as While he was falling from the ladder his life passed in review, can also be viewed from within the relevant limits. The second type of viewpoint operator in our framework, POSTterminal, views the E after the transgression of one ofthe relevant limits. The perspective may be taken either with respect to the initium, the starting point, or the finis, the end point. In the first instance we may have an event such as It had started to rain when I came home, where the perspective is set after the transgression ofthe starting point of the event "raining". The equivalent perspective on the finis would, for instance, be, It had stopped raining when I came home. In both cases the crucial information is that the viewpoint is set after the transgression of one of the endpoints of the event. We are thus placing the perspective after the event had started or after the event had finished. It is at this point important to note that the aspectual POSTterminal is not synonymous with tense, although SE has portmanteau markers placing POSTterminal in various temporal strata, such as have + past participle for PerFeCT (/ have written) and had + past participle for PLuPerFeCT (/ had written). In other words, POSTterminal does not per se give any information on the temporal location of an event, only the perspective taken on it - unless, of course, there are specific portmanteau markers adding information on the tense. The third viewpoint operator in ourframework,ADterminal, views the event at the very attainment of its relevant limit. That means that the perspective is set at either the starting point or end point of the event. In

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142

143

other words, we view the E just as we reach one of the limits, either the initium or thefinis.Observe that just because one ofthe limits ofthe E has been reached, it does not follow that the whole action itself is completed; we may have the viewpoint on the starting point of an event, leaving us without information as to the possible completion of an event. It should also be noted that ADterminal is not equivalent to RESULTative, in that the information given by the viewpoint operator is only that we are viewing the E at the reaching point of one of the crucial limits, irrespective of whether that will lead to a result that holds at the moment of speech or not. We may, for instance, want to put the perspective on the attainment ofthe starting point of an event, thereby leaving it open what the results of the action might be. Conversely, we may choose to put the perspective on the end point of an E, without giving further information about possible results of the action. Finally it should be mentioned that ADterminal is not necessarily confined to events of very short duration; an E of long duration may, just as an E of short duration, be viewed at the attainment of either the starting point or end point of it. Thus It fell and It burned are events of different duration, but we may choose to place the perspective on the initium or on the finis on either of them. In other words, ADterminal does not give information on the overall duration ofthe E, it merely tells us that one ofthe relevant limits has been reached. Aspect should not be confused with actionality, which is only concerned with the internal structure of an E. Viewpoint operators tell us which perspective is taken on an E, whereas actionality gives us information on the internal properties of an E. In other words, aspect does not concern itself with the inherent properties of an action, it simply deals with the perspective taken on it. Although there are certain restrictions as to which types of actionalities can combine with which viewpoint operators, the viewpoint operators do not in themselves give us any specifications as to what kind of internal structure an action has. Actionality, on the other hand, indicates whether or not the E is transformative [±t], i.e. has a natural turning point. For instance, the difference between congeal and dwell is that the former has a natural course leading up to a turning point (when the item is congealed) and is thus transformative, whereas dwell is ^transformative in that it is a constant; there is no inherent turning point in the event. In both cases, however, we are dealing with inherent properties of the action, and not the perspective taken on it. Therefore, although viewpoint operators may interact with temporality or actionality, they do not have any of those features inherently.

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

wen VB is a PAST ADterminal The construction wen VB, a portmanteau marker for PAST:ADterminal, envisages the attainment of a relevant limit of an E located in the past. As already mentioned above, ADterminalis is not tantamount to COMPLetive, since it only gives us the information that the crucial limit of an E has been reached, but not necessarily that an action has been completed. Nor is it, as previously discussed, synonymous with RESULTative, since the circumstance in which an ADterminal may occur could either lead to a result that will hold at the moment of speech or not. Again, the only information an ADterminal gives us is that a crucial limit of an E has been arrived at. This is obviously equally true for an ADterminal in the PAST, which merely places the localization point (LP) to the left ofthe deictic centre, O, on a time line. The viewpoint A is placed at the LP, with which the crucial limit ® coincides. In other words, the fact that the location on the time line of the whole event stands in relation to the deictic centre (whether that is the moment of speech or some reference point) does not alter the perspective on E. Thus, a sentence like [hi wen du 9m] 'He did it' is, primarily concerned with aspect even though the E is placed prior to the moment of speech. On the other hand, the sentence [hi did am] 'He did it' has no aspectual connotations at all, but merely gives us temporal information (i.e. that it occurred in the past). It should be noted that the two sentences [hi wen du 9m] and [hi did om] are not interchangeable; although both the inflected form of the verb and the construction wen VB deal with events in the past, the aspectual nature of the construction wen VB is not mirrored at all in the inflected form of the verb. We will find wen VB only when the perspective is focussed on one ofthe limits, either the initium or the finis. It is revealing that wen VB commonly appears in narratives where only the base form is used (see section 3.1.2), since HCE does not need to repeat temporal marking throughout a narrative; once the context has been placed in time the base form suffices. However, even though a narrative may be using base forms for anything denoting the already known time reference, wen VB may still appear, since the aspectual nature of the construction can not be conveyed by the base form. Put differently, although the base form suffices once the time reference is known, is does not capture the aspectual information conveyed by wen VB, which is why the construction will have to be repeated each time that particular aspectual nuance needs to be expressed.

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There are certain limits to what kinds of expressions ADterminals can combine with. Negated Es, for instance, do not have an attainment of any limit to put the perspective on. If the limit was never reached there is nothing for an ADterminal to highlight. And, accordingly, wen VB does not combine with negated Es, as the negation voids the attainment of the crucial limit. A sentence like *[hi no wen du 9m] was ungrammatical to my informants and can not be found in my database. Also, an ADterminal would not be expected to be modified by, for instance, start and begin, since one can hardly begin an attainment of something. Again, the combinability (or non-combinability) of wen VB confirms its aspectual nature: *start wen VB and *'begin wen VB are ungrammatical and sentences like *[hi stat/begin wen du am] were immediately and unanimously rejected by my informants. Note that this should not be confused with wen start VB and wen begin VB, which denote the attainment of the initium and thus do not clash with the inherent values of an ADterminal. Consequently, sentences like [hi wen stat/begin du om] were accepted by my informants. The perspective is in this case placed at the starting point ofthe action. ADterminal is a subclass of PFV, and it is common for languages to have a PFV/IPFV distinction. Ofthe 223 languages in the World Atlas of Language Structures (WALS) map dealing with PFV/IPFV aspect (Dahl & Velupillai forthc.a), 108 mark such a distinction. The majority (53) have IPFV as the overtly marked member, whereas only 12 languages, including HCE, have PFV as the overtly marked member. In the remaining 43 languages either both members are marked or the marking relationship is unclear. Note, however, that in HCE the absence of ADterminal merely signifies that the PFV/IPFV opposition is ignored. Based on these figures, and placed in a global perspective, HCE falls in the big group of languages that have a PFV/IPFV distinction, but is typologically "exotic" in that it is PFV that is the overtly marked member. iNTRAterminals in HCE INTRAterminals view the E from within its limits. This concerns an ongoing E in any temporal stratum, as long as the course overlaps with O, which may be at any point on the time scale depending on given temporal indications. The INTRAterminal may be more or less focussed on the nunc, the core of O on the time scale. In other words it may have a certain Focality, i.e. a defined narrowness around nunc. This means that the perspective around the core of O, or the deictic centre,

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

varies with degree to its relative width in its range of view. The three basic distinctions High Focality, Low Focality and NonFocality more or less correspond to a narrow, expanded and open range of vision around O respectively. In HCE we have three distinct types of INTRAterminals: stay VB, VBing, and stay VB-ing. The construction stay VB denotes an INTRAteiminal^WFOcallty, with a very wide range of vision around O, and more or less encompasses both CONTinuous and HABitual. Consequently a sentence like [wi stae it] could be translated either into SE 'We keep on eating' or 'We usually eat'. What we have is an INTRAterminal with a very wide range of view around the O, both before and after it. VB-ing, on the other hand, indicates lNTRAterminalH18hFocallty, having a fairly narrow focus on nunc, and is roughly equivalent to SE PROGressive. A sentence like [wi itirj] would translate into SE 'We are eating' and would indicate a rather limited range of view, or focus, around O. The difference between stay VB-ing, which is also a type of iNTRAtemiinal^ 0 ^, and VB-ing, is that stay VB-ing has an even narrower perspective around O than VB-ing. Thus [wi itirj] and [wi stae itirj] do not have the same meaning, although they would both have to be translated into SE PROGressive 'We are eating' and 'We are eating (right now)' respectively, since SE does not have an equivalent grammatical marker. The construction stay VB-ing thus has a very narrow range of view around O, giving the whole event a very focussed status and conveys a sense of foregrounding. This highly specialized ]NTRAterminaP^^ltyIMM is, not surprisingly, found predominantly in narratives, where the need for grounding devices is higjier than elsewhere. INTRAterminal is the most widespread viewpoint operator not only in European languages, but also in Arabic and Turkic languages, as well as in several Iranian, Caucasian and Finno-Ugric languages (see Johanson 2000:76ff for language specific examples). Though we are dealing with three separate types of INTRAterminals in HCE, it is worth noting that PROGressive is a well represented category in Dahl (1985), as well as in Bybee et al. (1994; cf. their Table 5.1, pages 128-9, for a list of the sources and modes of expression in the languages of their database). Put in a global perspective, HCE conforms to the majority of the world's languages in having grammatical ways of expressing INTRAterminal.

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had VB is a POSTterminal POSTterminals envisage the E after the transgression of its limits. As discussed above, it is not equal to STATE, which rather has to do with focality (the range of view around the deictic centre), or RESULTativity, which has to do with actionality (the inherent properties of the action). The construction had VB denotes that the viewpoint is placed after the transgression of a relevant limit without placing the E at any particular temporal stratum. This is one of the differences between SE and HCE: both have grammatical marking for POSTterminal, but the SE constructions are portmanteau markers interacting with tense, whereas the HCE construction denotes nothing but aspect. That means that in an HCE sentence like [hi haed araiv] the orientation point may coincide with the moment of speech, 0 s , in which case had VB would be translated as SE PerFeCT 'He has arrived'. Or we may have a secondary orientation point, O2, placed prior to 0 s , in which case had VB would be translated into SE PLuPerFeCT 'He had arrived'. Finally we may place O2 posterior to 0 s , in which case had VB would translate into SE FUTure PerFeCT 'He will have had arrived'. The aspectual nature in the construction lies in the fact that the perspective of the E is invariable; only the location of the orientation point(s) is relative on the time axis. POSTterminal is also an extremely widespread category cross-linguistically (Johanson 2000:104). In the European languages, irrespective of language family, POSTterminal tends to interact with tense. Thus POSTterminal-lN-PRESent denotes PerFeCT, for instance has scribbled, which contrasts aspectually with NONPOSTterminal-iN-PAST, or simple PAST, scribbled (see Johanson 2000:104ff for language specific examples). Of our 223 WALS map languages 111 have some kind of PerFeCT (Dahl & Velupillai forthc.c), which means that HCE conforms to half of our cross-linguistic sample. The HABitual HCE has a specific marker for HABitual in the PAST, yustu VB. There is no special marker for PRESent or FUTure HABitual in the database. The data indicates a certain element of remoteness in yustu, and it seems somewhat less optional than the SE used to since it tends to appear among base forms in a narrative where the time reference has been set to the past (cf. the discussion on tense above). In other words, the aspectual element in yustu VB forces the form to appear in narratives although the base form is otherwise sufficient due to the context. It is doubtful whether we could, for instance, replace [smaokidtaim, ai justu

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

go s^f evri monin] 'When I was small I used to go surfing every morning' with ?[smaokidtaim, ai go ss^f evri monin]. The former expression is quite clearly the preferred one, especially if the speaker is of an advanced age, and it is mostly used to refer to the rather distant past. In Dahl (1985) HABitual met the criteria for 'major TMA category'3 in only 4 of 64 (6 per cent) languages (Dahl 1985: 96). However, Bybee et al. (1994:154, Table 5.5) list 17 of 95 (18 per cent) languages that have HABitual (no overlap with the Dahl 1985 list). The specific PAST:HABitual category "appears in 6-7 languages in the total sample and 4 (22 per cent) in the small sample [i.e. the sample of 11 languages used for statistical generalisations]" (Dahl 1985:100). However, Bybee et al. (1994: 155, Table 5.6) list 9 of 95 languages, where only one (Alawa) also appears in the Dahl 1985 list. The COMPLetive HCE has a COMPLetive marker, pau, which denotes that the E is finished, as in [ai pau it] T (have) finished eating'. It may combine with the HABitual, as an E may be completed repeatedly: [ai justu pau it eit aklak] 'I used to finish eating at 8'; it may also combine with the ADterminal, in which case therms ofthe E is highlighted: [ai wen pau it eit aklak] T finished eating at 8'. COMPLetive is represented in a number of languages, among which the most common known source is a lexical source meaning 'finish' and is expressed as an auxiliary (see Bybee et al. 1994:58, Table 3.2). In other words, HCE conforms to the typologically common pattern by having a COMPLetive marker. 7.1.3 Modality In defining the modal categories of HCE I use theframeworkas presented in Palmer (2001) and Bybee et al. (1994). The fundamental distinctions are between propositional modality (dealing with information) and event modality (dealing with action). The former type of modality thus deals with such connotations as the extent to which the speaker commits him/herself to the truth ofthe information given. Propositional modalities can be divided into two subgroups, evidential and epistemic modality. Evidentials specify the source of the information given (hearsay, eyewitnessing, etc.). They are not found in HCE and will thus not be dealt with here. Epistemic modalities make speaker subjective judgements as to

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the truth of the conclusions or opinions uttered, such as, for example, the DEDUCTive JUDgement He must be home, because the door is open. The event modalities, which have to do with action, can also be divided into two main subgroups, deontic and dynamic modalities. Deontics denote speaker imposed conditions on the hearer, such as the OBLlGation You must always lock the door when you leave. Dynamics imply that action is constrained by either internal or external conditions, such as the INABility He can't run faster than that or His car broke down, so he can't come. See Chapter 3 {The Framework of this Study) for an in-depth discussion ofthe framework I use to analyse my data and Chapter 6 {Modality in HCE) for details on the findings. IMPERative versus try VB HCE has two different kinds of REQuests (which both fall into the class of deontics, in event modalities), one expressed by the bare stem, denoting IMPERative, as in [brirj 9m ova hea!] 'Bring it here!', and one expressed by the construction try VB, like, for example, [tjrai brirj om ova hea] 'Could you bring it here (please)?'. The difference between the two lies in POLiteness: the base form (IMPERative) is used for a direct command and would not be appropriate for requests directed to elders or strangers. By using try VB, however, the sense of command is notably lessened, giving the utterance a polite tone. The IMPERative is present in most languages (Palmer 2001:80). HCE thus conforms to the majority of the world's languages. However, it does not seem particularly common to have a politer form of request, though politeness distinctions in general are not unique (Palmer 2001 and Brown & Levinson 1987). This places HCE in a cross-linguistic minority group of languages. Event modality in HCE In addition to the two forms for request there are several other event modalities in HCE, both dynamic (dealing with actions restricted by internal or external conditions) and directive (denoting conditions imposed on the hearer by the speaker). In the latter category we find two types of OBLlGation, have to and gotta/gaDa. They differ in the sense that have to VB does not associate the subject with the obligation, whereas gotta/gaDa VB does. In other words, Associative gotta/gaDa involves subjective values in its motivation for imposing obligations on the agent. Thus the difference between the two is that, on the one

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 'i Creole English

hand, a sentence like [ju hasftu put da lauhala in wara fo^s] 'You must soak the lauhala in water first' does not imply that the speaker is involving him/herself in the obligation {lauhala leaves are simply easier to handle if they have been softened first). On the other hand, an utterance like [ju gara dai om f>s den pantj am] 'You should dye them first, then punch (holes in) them' does involve the subject in the obligation (for instance, the speaker may be indicating that s/he personally finds that particular procedure to give a prettier effect). As expected we do not find gotta/gaDa in past time reference: it is hardly possible to impose obligations on actions that have already taken place. By contrast, DlSASSociative have to does not necessarily involve the subject in the obligation. Instead, the obligations are incited by external factors. DlSSassociative OBLlGation can thus be inflected in the past, since it is possible to refer at a later stage to the external conditions that prompt or prompted the obligation ([wi aoweiz hsed tu put da lauhala in wara f^s] 'We always had to soak the lauhala in water first'). A second Associative deontic modal is the construction should VB (with the stylistic variant ought to VB). This refers not to OBLlGation but to a subjective CONDitional, indicating that according to the speaker an event should, but might in fact not, take place, as in [ju shud breid jo hea] 'You ought to braid your hair'. It is subjective in the sense that it is the speaker's attitude that is reflected. This construction can be found with past time reference, in which case it simply expresses what should have been (according to the subject), but didn't take place. The deontic directive ADMONitive better/beDa VB lets the speaker express a warning, and conveys an element of "or else" to the hearer: [ju bera feis da wara wen ju pik opihi] 'You had better face the water when you pick opihi (or you might drown)'. The warning does not have to be very strong (the consequences need not be very terrible if the warning isn't heeded), and the expression can be translated into either SE 'had better' or 'should probably'. The construction can VB may express either a directive PERMissive, where the speaker grants someone permission to do something (—[ai kaen kam]? —[kaen]. '—May I come? —Yes (you may).'), or a dynamic ABility, which indicates that internal and/or external conditions exist which enable the achievement of an action ([$i kaen wiv lauhala] 'She can (knows how to) weave lauhala'). This single form has two negative forms, cannot and no can, which in the written language material seem to be in free variation and denote either INABility (the

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material seem to be in free variation and denote either INABility (the opposite of ABility) or PROHlBitive (the opposite of PERMissive) respectively. Thus in written language HCE both He cannot come and He no can come could be translated either into SE 'He is unable to come' or 'He may not come'. However, in the spoken language material the two forms denote one function each: cannot is consistently used for the dynamic INABility, whereas no can is used for the directive PROHlBition. Consequently, spoken language HCE [hi kaena? kam] could only be translated into SE 'He can't (= is unable to) come' whereas [hi no kaen kam] could only be translated into SE 'He can't (= may not) come'. This difference between the spoken and the written material suggests the relevance of sampling a language with respect to variation in register, as well as other domains. Both event modalities ABility and PERMissive are widely attested in the languages ofthe world (Palmer 2001:76ff and van der Auwera & Ammznnforthc.a; cf. also Bybee et al. 1994:188ff, for instance Tables 6.2 and 6.3). This is true also for general OBLlGation, as shown in Table 6.1 in Bybee et al. (1994:182f). Also PROHlBitive seems to be a fairly common category crosslinguistically (Palmer 2001). This suggests that the HCE system is cross-linguistically common with respect to these modalities. Epistemic modality in HCE There are two epistemic modalities in HCE, must and might. Both are JUDgements given about the likelihood of something, but they differ as to the extent the subject is committed to the expressed JUDgement. In order to express a qualified guess a speaker may use the DEDUCTive JUDgement must VB, which indicates that the opinion is based on known facts of the real world. A sentence liken [hi mas bi aedlis fifti jez] 'He must be at least 50 years (old)' suggests a qualified guess based on known facts - from the part of the speaker. On the other hand, if the speaker is merely speculating on possibilities, the SPECULative JUDgement might VB may be used, as in [aenti maid no wea ge?] 'Aunty might know where there are (such things)' (alternatively 'Maybe Aunty knows where there are (such things)'). Epistemic modality is very widespread cross-linguistically (van der Auwera & Ammznnforthc.b). Both DEDUCTive and SPECULative JUDgement seem to be fairly common cross-linguistically (Palmer 2001:24ff). This places HCE with the majority ofthe languages ofthe world.

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 'i Creole English

The DESlDerative The common HCE marker for DESlDerative is like VB, as in [wi laik go] 'We want to go'. This construction is prolific throughout both the written and the spoken language material. It seems to be common in the languages of the world to have a specific DESlDerative category (Palmer 2001), which suggests that HCE's behaviour is cross-linguistically common with respect to this modality. 7.2

HCE and creole studies

Having surveyed the TMA system I now turn to the issues raised in Chapter 1 with respect to the HCE data from the perspective of creole studies. Three issues were discussed there: (a) convergence with SE as the superstrate, (b) variation, in particular in terms of geography, and (c) whether HCE conforms to the LBH predictions. I will consider these in turn. 7.2.1 HCE and SE There is some overlap between the HCE and the SE TMA system, though it is not total. In 7.2, 7.3 and 7.4 below I give an overview of where the similarities of and differences between the two systems lie. Features found in HCE that SE lacks are marked with a "-" in the SE features column, such as the ADterminal {wen VB) or the COMPLetive (pau). Where HCE features denote a meaning expressed by more than one SE category both of the relevant SE categories are listed in the SE features column, such as the lNTRAterminalLF {stay VB) which is expressed by either CONTinuous or HABitual in SE. HCE features that have an SE equivalence are marked "=" in the "SE features" column, such as the PAST:HABitual {yustu VB; SE used to VB). If an HCE feature has a direct equivalence in SE, but it is obligatory in one language and only optional in the other it is marked "=" in the "SE features" column, with a parenthesis "()" added in the language where the feature is optional (see for instance the PRESent tense in 7.3 which is marked as optional in HCE but obligatorily in SE). Three features in 7.4 are marked with a "?" because, although there are ways of expressing these meanings in SE, it is beyond the scope of this study to provide a convincing analysis of whether or not they actually represent distinct modal categories in that language. This does not, however, affect the comparison between the HCE and SE modality systems, since a "?" merely denotes that this is

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not a distinct category in SE, while it is so in HCE. In other words, the "?" simply shows that the two modality systems to not overlap with respect to those particular features. As shown in 7.2, there are only two aspectual categories that HCE shares with SE. The first is the INTRAterminal"17, which is equivalent to SE PROGressive (the -ing form), as in He is running. The second is the PAST:HABitual, SE used to, for example We used to go to school by bus. Contrary to SE, HCE has a PFV/IPFV distinction, manifested in the PAST:ADterminal construction wen VB. HCE also has three separate INTRAterminal forms, lNTRAterminalLF {stay VB), INTRAterminal"17 (VB-ing) and INTRAterminal11171^ {stay VB-ing), of which the last is not to be found in SE at all and the first is manifested as two separate categories: CONTinuous, for instance It keeps/kept raining, and HABitual, for example We usually sit here and eat. Furthermore, SE has distinct forms for the various temporal interactions with POSTterminal, such as PerFeCT (/ have eaten) and PLuPerFeCT (/ had eaten), whereas HCE only has one, purely aspectual form had VB, which does not imply any particular tense. Finally, SE does not have a grammaticalized form for COMPLetive, while HCE has pau. The two aspect systems are contrasted in 7.2 below:

H C E FEATURE PASTIAD INTRALF INTRA

INTRAHF INTRA

POST

HF,MM

HCE

SE

CONSTRUCTION

FEATURE

wenVB

-

stayVB VB-ing stay VB-ing hadVB

COMMENT

no PFV/IPFV distinction in SE

CONT

SE differentiates between

HAB

CONT and HAB

= PFCT PLPFCT

PAST:HAB

yustu VB

=

COMPL

pau

-

SE has tense distinctions which HCE lacks

7.2 Differences and similarities between HCE and SE aspect

In the tense system there are more similarities, though again the overlap is not total, as shown in 7.3. For instance, though SE may use the present form instead of, for example, the past in narratives (such as the Historic

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The Basic TMA System in HCE 153

Present), it is more common to repeat the tense marking as the story unfolds. HCE, on the other hand, will consistently use the base form once the time reference has been established, unless there is need for any specific aspectual marking, i.e. portmanteau markers which in themselves interact with tense. Moreover, both languages have PAST (as in SE / came, or Ijumped) and FUTure, in SE marked by either going to VB {I am going to cut my hair) or will VB {He will show you how to do it). However, SE does not have grammatical marking for remoteness, while HCE possibly has a REMOTE.FUTURE marker in bumbye (as discussed in section 4.4.3). Also, unlike HCE, SE does not have a specific NEGated:PAST form, although it is quite common in colloquial English to express NEGated:PAST with never, for example / never said that T didn't say that' (Milroy & Milroy 1993:67f). The respective tense systems are compared in 7.3: HCE

SE

CONSTRUCTION

FEATURE

EreIR

base form

-

PRES

(-*) inflected go(i)n(g)lgonna VB bumbye

=

H C E FEATURE

PAST

FUT REM.FUT

COMMENT

SE needs to repeat tense marking in a narrative PRES marking is obligatory in SE but optional in HCE

= = -

7.3 Differences and similarities between HCE and SE tense

When it comes to the modal system, the most striking difference is that the SE forms for event modality and propositional modality overlap, whereas the HCE forms do not.4 Thus SE MAY denotes both epistemic possibility (SPECULative JUDgement), as in He may have done it, and deontic possibility (PERMissive), such as Yes, you may taste it. Similarly SE MUST indicates both epistemic necessity (DEDUCTive JUDgement), as in (Her hair looks different) she must have had a hair cut, as well as deontic necessity (OBLlGation), You must take bus 2 to get there. HCE, on the other hand, has distinct forms for each of these categories: epistemic possibility (SPECULative JUDgement) is expressed by might VB, but deontic possibility (PERMissive) is expressed by can VB. The two are not inter-changeable. As for necessity, the HCE must VB only denotes epistemic necessity (DEDUCTive JUDgement), while deontic necessity (OBLlGation) is indicated by gotta/gaDa VB or have to VB. The difference between gotta/gaDa VB and have to VB lies in the degree the speaker is associated with the obligation. See 7.4 below.

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154 Hawai 7 Creole English

The Basic TMA System in HCE 155 SE

CONSTRUCTION

FEATURE

base form tryVB betterIbeDa VB

= =

should VB

?

DISASS.OBLIG ASS.OBLIG

have to VB gotta/gaDa VB

OBLIG

DEDUCT.JUD

must VB

SPECUL.JUD

might VB

IMPER POL.REQ ADMON (ASS) COND OBLIG

JUD

EPIST NEC EPIST POSSIB

PERM

canVB

=

AB INAB PROHIB DESID

canVB cannot VB no can VB like VB

H

COMMENT

The same form (must VB) is used for both OBLIG and JUD in SE, whereas HCE has distinct forms. The same form (may VB) is used for both JUD and PERM in SE, whereas

HCE has distinct forms

9

?

-

7.4 Differences and similarities between HCE and SE modality

In addition to the abovementioned, HCE has a grammatical DESlDerative marker {like) whereas SE does not. The HCE ADMONitive better/beDa VB is comparable with the SE expression had better VB, as in You had better be back before midnight (or else!). Finally, both languages have an IMPERative (for example SE Come here!), but HCE also has a POLiter form of REQuest, try VB, which is not found in SE. Thus, of the 25 HCE TMA features discussed, only 7 have direct equivalences in SE; 2 have direct equivalences in SE but differ in obligatoriness and as such indicate only partial overlap between the languages; 10 have no grammatical equivalences in SE (including 3 marked as "?" in the SE column); finally 6 of the HCE categories fall into different types of SE categories, and therefore only overlap partially. Whether or not this indicates a convergence with SE, due to, for instance, contact, can only be established by comparing this synchronic data with older data. As my informants range from the age of 22 to 95, possible variation between generations might indicate paths of change. The next section will therefore deal with the variation patterns exhibited in my data.

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HCE

H C E FEATURE

Hawai 'i Creole English

7.2.2 Variation in HCE There are several factors that may produce variation within a language. Geography is an evident instance of possible dialect differences; communities separated from each other as a result of distance or topographical peculiarities tend to develop distinct language varieties which may diverge from each other due to lack of contact between the speakers. Gender, age and ethnicity ofthe speaker, individually or in combination with each other, are other factors according to which people tend to group together, and as such may give rise to different language varieties. Another typical domain of language variation is register; with the difference in use between, for instance, written and spoken language, various elements in the grammar of a language may be employed differently and may consequently develop or evolve differently. We have seen that HCE shows some geographical variation. The aspect marker POSTterminal {had VB) is vastly more common on Kaua'i than any other island. In the tense system we saw that bumbye was most common on Hawai'i, with 50 per cent ofthe occurrences, and on Kaua'i, with 30 per cent ofthe occurrences. Note that in both of these instances it is the peripheral islands that have the highest frequency of occurrences of the respective features. It is beyond the scope of this study to delve deeper into the possible reasons for these patterns, but I suggest that future research take the population history ofthe islands of Hawai'i into consideration when determining the various paths of grammaticalization and dialect variation of HCE. It seems to me that the fact that it was the peripheral islands (Hawai'i and Kaua'i) that were the first to be frequented by foreigners on a large scale might have an effect on the language. For instance, if HCE has existed longer on these islands, or has been used more intensively on these islands due to the heavy contact compared to the other islands, certain features may have had a chance to grammaticalize more on Hawai'i and Kaua'i. Also, the ethnic composition and the immigration history and subsequent demographic composition of the respective islands might serve as one ofthe explanations for variety between the islands. We have also seen that HCE varies with respect to register. In particular, the written material appears to show free variation between the forms cannot and no can, whereas the recorded material (both naturalistic and elicited) shows a distinction between the forms and tends to use cannot for INABility and no can for PROHlBition. Register variation may arise for a number of reasons: spoken language has immediate feedback from the audience/hearer, written language does not; spoken

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language can constantly be modified in real time, whereas written language can not; spoken language may make use of body language and gestures to modify or clarify a message, whereas written language can not, etc. Due to the different natures in use between spoken and written language, certain features may develop separate paths of grammaticalization in the two register varieties. It is beyond the scope of this study to provide possible explanations for these patterns in variations listed above, so I leave further discussion on this to future research. I have dealt exclusively with tense, mood and aspect in this study. However, there is no reason to suppose that other domains of HCE grammar will not display variation. The patterns we have seen in this particular analysis were confined to geographical dialects and variation in register. It should be noted that my data consists of informants of ages 22-95, both male and female, and from six different ethnic groups (Hawaiian, Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Filipino, and Korean; see section 2.2 for a detailed discussion on my choice of data and sampling methods). That we have not seen any variation in the TMA system with respect to age, gender or ethnicity of the speaker by no means implies that these factors are irrelevant for variation in HCE in other grammatical categories. It would in all likelihood be profitable to conduct further and more detailed research on variation in other domains of HCE grammar, such as plural marking or relative clauses, etc. 7.2.3 HCE and LBH: Some implications Bickerton (1980[1974]) bases his LBH to a large extent on similarities between HCE, Guyanese, Haitian and Sranan with respect to the TMA system. He lists the following characteristics as typically creole: a. the zero form marks simple past for action verbs and nonpast for state verbs. b. a marker of anterior aspect indicates past-before-past for action verbs and simple past for state verbs. c. a marker of irrealis aspect indicates 'unreal time' (= future, conditionals, subjunctives, etc.) for all verbs. d. a marker of nonpunctual aspect indicates durative or iterative aspect for action verbs, and is indifferent to the nonpast/past distinction; this marker cannot normally co-occur with state verbs. e. all markers can combine, but in an invariant ordering, which is: 1. anterior. 2. irrealis. 3. nonpunctual. (Bickerton 1980[1974]:5f)

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 'i Creole English

According to this prediction, HCE would have one anterior tense, one irrealis mood and one nonpunctual aspectual marker. However, HCE does not conform to this prediction. We have seen in Chapter 1 that the aspectual system in HCE is much more complex than the single predicted nonpunctual marker {stay). In addition to the construction stay VB, which specifically denotes INTRALF, there are also two other INTRAterminals, stay VB-ing (INTRAterminal^1^) and VB-ing (iNTRAterminar). There are also a number of other aspectual categories: the construction wen VB is a portmanteau marker expressing PAST:ADterminal; the construction hadVB (subject to geographical variation) denotes POSTterminal; the construction yustu VB expresses PAST:HABitual; and finally, pau indicates COMPLetive. The tense system in HCE is also more complex than the LBH predicts. Apart from the fact that the suggested anterior marked wen VB does not in fact express anterior tense (see section 5.1), HCE differs from the LBH prototype in its tense system in that there is a grammatical PAST (the inflected form, unless ADterminal aspect is indicated through wen VB), as well as a FUTure {go(i)n(g)/gonna). Furthermore, the latter, which is not modal in its nature, may have a possible REMoteness distinction in bumbye. There is also the option to use the base form once the temporal location of the event is already known through previous tense marking or through time adverbials. In other words, the meaning conveyed by the base form is not determined by whether the verb is an action verb or not (see (a) in the predictions listed above). When it comes to the modality system, there is no similarity at all between the LBH prediction and the actual system we find in contemporary HCE. We have seen that the suggested irrealis marker go/gon does not mark irrealis and that it is in fact two separate forms, go VB marking ACTion and gon VB marking FUTure. We have also seen that the HCE modal system is quite elaborate compared to (c) listed in the predictions above. Like most of the languages of the world, there is an IMPERative for direct commands. There is also a POLiter form of REQuest, try VB.5 Propositional modality and event modality are manifested as separate forms, and both categories have two further distinctions dealing with the relative subjectivity of the utterance. Thus epistemic (propositional modality) must VB denotes DEDUCTive JUDgement whereas might VB refers to SPECULative JUDgement, differing in the extent the speaker wishes to commit him/herself to he truth of the utterance. When it comes to event modalities, the deontics have to VB, expressing DiSASSociative OBLlGation, and gaDa VB, indicating Associative OBLlGation, differ in the extent the speaker involves him/herself with the obligation. A further

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deontic modality, should VB, denotes a subjective CONDitional. In addition to all this, there are the two negative forms cannot and no can indicating INABility and PROHlBition respectively (in free variation in written HCE, but not interchangeable in spoken HCE). Finally, HCE has a DESlDerative marker like. The fact that HCE does not conform to the LBH prediction is hardly surprising. In Singler (1990b), where the TMA systems of a number of pidgin and creole languages are described, we see that there is a considerable amount of discrepancy between the LBH assumptions and the actual findings. For instance, Andersen (1990) notes that the tense system of Papiamentu is rather close to the LBH, but that the aspect system conflicts with it "in the way Papiamentu maps meaning onto form" (Andersen 1990:89). Spears (1990) concludes that the Haitian markers have functions different from those listed in the LBH, and that the zero form has a broader use than predicted. Silva (1990) notes that Capeverdean Crioulo not only has a more refined system and features with different functions than assumed in LBH, but also that the anterior marker is postverbal instead of preverbal. He concludes that "the explanation provided in Bickerton (1981) does not adequately deal with the data" (Silva 1990:163). Similarly, the tense/aspect system of Kituba is rather more complex than the LBH gives room for (Mufwene 1990), with its three basic tenses (Anterior or E before R, Concomitant or E simul R, and Subsequent or E after R\ its Narrative tense, as well as its four basic aspects (Perfect, Durative, Habitual and Perfective/Completive). There are, needless to say, numerous other studies with similar results of which I will mention only a couple. Shnukal (1998) shows that Broken has two distinct tense markers, bilbin (Past) and go (Future). It also has six core aspect markers kip (Iterative), nomo (Cessative), oltaim (Habitual), pinis (Completive), stat (Inceptive), and stil (Continuative). Furthermore there are six modal verbs, kan 'can't', kin 'can', mas 'have to, must, etc.', spostu 'ought to, should, etc.', sud 'ought to, should', and kasa 'just, with no purpose'. Huber (1999) shows that Ghanaian Pidgin English only has one optional tense (Sequential), has six modalities (Irrealis, Ability, Permission, Deontic, Intentionalis, and Imperative), and has three aspects (Nonpunctual, Ingressive/Sequentialis6 and Completive, the latter being postverbal). Though this obviously is no exhaustive list of creole languages that do not conform to the LBH predictions, it serves as an illustration ofthe fact that HCE is not unique in differing from the system set up in the hypothesis. I can think of three possible implications of this discrepancy.

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

Hawai 7 Creole English

One, that my data or my analysis ofthe data is wrong. I will leave that for future research to establish. Two, that Bickerton's data or his analysis of the data that led him to form the LBH is wrong. I will comment on that below. Three, that Bickerton's data or his analysis of the data that led him to form the LBH was right and that HCE has changed radically in the last 30 odd years. We would then have an instance of decreolization, given that HCE has been in very close contact with SE at all times, or we would have what Bickerton (1980) calls 'spontaneous change', i.e. internally motivated change. Decreolization is commonly defined as the process by which a basilect moves towards the acrolect. What we have seen, however, is that HCE is not very similar to SE in its TMA system. In fact the dissimilarities are rather noteworthy, since they range from one system having obligatory categories that are only optional in the other, to differences in function of the various categories in the respective languages, and even further to one language having categories that the other completely lacks. If the reason for the discrepancy between the LBH predictions and the TMA system we find in contemporary HCE were due to decreolization, we would expect the present system to be closer to the acrolect (SE) than the HCE data that the LBH was formed on is. Since this is not the case, as shown above, I find it unlikely that we are dealing with decreolization. As this is a synchronic description, my only means for checking whether HCE has undergone a drastic 'spontaneous' or internally motivated change is the so called "apparent time" approach, where data from the older speakers are compared with that from the younger ones.7 We have already seen that data variation in the TMA system does not depend on age; the speakers from those areas that use had VB and bumbye are of different ages (in fact, my youngest speaker, the 22-year old, comes from the same town on the same island as my oldest one, the 95-year old). Given that neither decreolization, nor internally motivated change serve as adequate explanations for the discrepancy between HCE and the predictions ofthe LBH, the general implication of my study is that the LBH needs revision. A further general implication, at least when it comes to the TMA systems, is that we still do not have valid typological parameters to group creole languages as a structural type of language. As argued in the Introduction, in order to be able to single out a group of languages as a structural type of languages, we need to show that they behave a certain way with respect to a given set of parameters. If a language merely behaves as the majority of all other languages in the

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world, then we have no specific characteristic by which to single out this language. The fact that the HCE TMA system behaves in a typologically common way does not justify us to claim that this is what makes it a 'creole' system - in that case all those non-creole languages in the cross-linguistic studies which fall in the same group and thus make up the majority of languages in those particular studies would also have to be said to show a typically 'creole' system. As I have already stated, I do not necessarily reject the notion of Creoles forming a certain type of language. I am merely claiming that the necessary parameters for doing so have not been defined yet.

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The Basic TMA System in HCE

162

Hawai 'i Creole English

1 2 3 4

5 6 7

It is beyond the scope of this study to address the issue of the extent of influence there has been from SE during the emergence and existence of HCE. See Section 4.4.3 for a discussion of why this is, if anything, a recent phenomenon on those islands. See Dahl (1985:52ff) for a definition of 'major TMA categories'. Note that it is more common cross-linguistically not to have overlap between grammatical epistemic modality and event modality (van der Auwera & Ammann forthc.c). HCE thus conforms to the globally more common pattern, whereas SE falls into the globally more uncommon pattern. Cf. Meyerhoff (2000:114) for an example of 'try' being used as a politeness marker in Bislama. See Huber (1999) for a discussion on how to interpret kam VB. This is, incidentally, the method Bickerton (1977) used to arrive at his conclusions.

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Notes

This section gives a few samples of longer texts, one narrative from each island, except O'ahu (see 2.2.5), as well as one dialogue passagefromKaua'i. The code for each speaker is given at the beginning ofthe text, but proper names and place names have been replaced by a letter code. Needless to say, opinions or beliefs uttered do not reflect my personal opinions or beliefs. The choice ofthe texts is based not only on my wish to give samplesfromas many islands as possible (and to cover some interesting topics), but also on such considerations as whether the session was relaxed. The various texts also allow for different narrative techniques and illustrate the TMA categories discussed in this study. The first text (Face to face with a shark) describes a past event that contains a lot of action. The second text (Menehunes - the little people) tells us stories about the "little people", the menehunes. In the third text (Traditional Medicine) the speaker describes what she was taught to do in certain situations. The fourth text (Politics: the year 2000 election) is a friendly debate about a coming election, and the speakers are making predictions of what they think will or ought to happen, based on what has already happened. In the last text (How to choose a poi stone) the speaker is describing the procedure he was taught to go by in choosing a stone, what to expect and how to behave.

FACE TO FACE WITH A SHARK (MH29MA) Jaks jae ge? big kainjaks big kain sharks yeah EXIST big kind sharks big kind

| a kaem akras | wan I came across a

priri big wan | -laughs- | in W wsa wi liv | pretty big one in W where we live Sharks? Yeah, there are big sharks , big sharks. I came across a pretty big one laughs- in W where we live. VV:jea| Yeah? jea yeah

wi wn go lei ne? wan nai? we PAST:AD ACT lay net one night

ne? da neks net the next

mornin wi leid ova morning we laid over

nai? night

wi wn go pik ap da we PAST:AD ACT pick up the |

Yeah, we went and laid nets one night and we picked them up the next morning we had laid over night. 163 10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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Appendix 1: Texts

164 so so

Hawai 7 Creole English wi wz goin pikin we was go.lNTRAHF pick.INTRAHF

ap up

da ne? | the net

haed

samtin

reo big in da

EXIST something wi

kaetj

we catch

ne? so

real big in the net so

wan big ulua o

samtin

a

something

big ulua or

a wz lukin

laik o

meibi

I was look.lNTRAHF

like oh

maybe

| -cough- |

There was something really big in the net, so I was looking like, oh, maybe we had caught a big ulua [a type of fish] or something -coughso so

he here

ai am ai

pikin

da HF

I am I

pick.iNTRA

ne? laik o

the net like ah

jea

am ao

haspi

yeah

I'm all

happy

So here I am, I'm pulling the net like ah, yeah, I'm all happy. so so

wi wn ge? we PAST:AD POSS

ao

kain

lai

all

kind

like that

rat

ao all

dis kain this kind

labste3 lobsters

wi get we POSS

aweaweo kumu aweaweo kumu

|

So we had got all these lobsters, we had aweaweo [red fishes], kumu [Haw. goatfish], all sorts of things like that. so so

a luk e I look eh

raid on right on

wi ge? we POSS

samtin something

big ulua big ulua

so so

a go go go I go.INTENS

|

So I look, eh, great, we have something big, ulua, so I go, go, go. da

wara

kam

ao

ma^ki |

da

water

become

all

murky

The water became all murky. asn 3^1 [i]

in

da

and early

in

the morning well

manin

we —s | weo faiv siks okbk well five six o'clock

in

da

in

the morning

manin

And early in the morning well ...well five, six o'clock in the morning. so so

| h^

a kam

here I come

a gerin

klose

aen klose

meibi fro[m] mi

tuju

I get.lNTRAHF closer and closer maybe from me to you

So here I come, I'm getting closer and closer, maybe like from me to you.

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|

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So we were going picking up the nets.

Appendix 1: Texts di3 ne? kam3 ap this net comes up

mi raid me right

in in

| di3 b— di3 big Ja[k] this this big shark

kam come

raid right

ap up

in in

fran front

ma feis | my face

So this net comes up, this— this big shark comes right up in front of me, right in my face. ad I'd

sae abaut meibi | meibi eit say about maybe maybe eight

plas da jak | plus the shark

I'd say about maybe— maybe eight plus, the shark. na? reo big ba mei[bi] not real big bat maybe

aba about

ei? | meibi ei? eight maybe eight

tweo mem twelve

ei[t] eight

ten ten

tut Jak | foot shark Not very big, but maybe about eight, maybe eight, twelve— an eight, ten foot shark. a tjrap I drop

eritin everything

rai[d] dea | right there

I dropped everything right there. a tjrap I drop

eritin everything

ma haed my head

mi a tjro raid me I throw right

ma fins in my fins in

on on

a bitj a haed ma gagolz the beach I had my goggles

on on

ma haend lai? | my hand like

I dropped everything, I threw right on the beach, I had my goggles on my head, my fins in my hand. m[a]

arjko

jeo ee

d3aekaes a

baga

my

uncle

yell eh

jackass

bugger you pick up

net a aent

go[in]

in

net I ain't

go.lNTRAHF in

swim swim swim

ah a

ji

wara

| so

the water

so

pik ap

ji

on

frikifn]

your

on

freaking

a kam

slo

a kam

a

I come

slow

I come

I

| -cough- |

swim.lNTENS My uncle yelled "Eh jackass!" "Ah, bugger you pick up your own freaking nets! I ain't going in the water!", so I come slowly, I come, I swim, swim, swim, -cough-

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so so

165

166

Hawai 7 Creole English

da Jak the shark

waz in da ne? stio friski da Jak | was in the net still frisky the shark

The shark was in the net still lively, the shark <was>. wan big kumu in

da

a

the mouth

big kumu

in

maut

|

had a big kumu in the mouth. so so

m[a] my

anko uncle

wen hemu PAST:AD pull.out

aen hi

wen

and he

PAST:AD swim

swim da

da—| hemu the pull.out

da fij* n da Jak the fish and the shark

J— |

the

So my uncle pulled out the— pulled out the fish and the shark, and he swam <with> the— he

waz raid

ontop da

he

was right

on.top the shark

Jark

da

baek ov

da

the back of

Jak |

the shark

He was right on top ofthe shark, on the back ofthe shark. hi he

wn swim da Jak PASTIAD swim the shark

raid right

ontu onto

ra bitj | the beach

He swam <with> the shark right onto the beach. s laik wo | wan priri haevi wanji no is like wow a pretty heavy one you know It was like, wow, a pretty cool thing, you know. JU30H wan Jak

wuden

usually a

wouldn't let

shark

let

ju

d3amp on

you jump

on

hi3 baek

|

his back

Usually a shark wouldn't let you jump on his back. m[a]

anko

waz raid

ontop hi3 baek

swimin

my

uncle

was right

on.top his back

swim.lNTRAHF with

wi[d] di[f] this

My uncle was right on top of his back, swimming with this shark. go

ontop on

a

go

on.top on

the beach

bitj |

They went right onto the beach.

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Jak shark

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haed POSS

Appendix 1: Texts wz laik wan wz da fs'-s taim was like one was the first time

167

a eva so wan Jak I ever saw a shark

MENEHUNES - THE LITTLE PEOPLE (MJ50K) de menehunis | a rono the menehunes I NEG.know The menehunes ... I don't know. de justu tel mi wan stori they PAST:HAB tell me a story ra | kamiunitihal the community.hall

(a)baut about

de | rait the right

bai Wskul | ap by W.school up

ore ji no goin ap HF over.there you know go.lNTRA up

ba by

ba by

ra X ove dea the X over there

They used to tell me a story about them, right by W school, up near the community hall over there, you know going up by the X over there. waz wn menehunetjreol | was a menehune.trail It was a menehune trail. asn den has da ol infask get stil ast and then PAST-.EXIST the old in.fact EXIST still at neks next

tu tu

ra X the X

da X ove the X over

rea there

raid right

justu get da faiasteijen | PAST:HAB EXIST the fire.station

And there was the old— in fact it's still there at the X over there, right next to the X, there used to be a fire station. was wan smaol bilin | was a small building It was a small building. asn den | evritaim and then every.time hea [ samtin hear something

da faiamasn the firemen

wakin walking

ova over

justu teol PAST:HAB say

| naitaim | de ken night.time they AB

ra ruf | asn den justu the roof and then PAST:HAB

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tel ass say that

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was like a— was the first time I ever saw a shark.

168

Hawai 7 Creole English

was da menehune was the menehune

tjreol | trail

And the firemen always used to say that they could hear something walking over the roof in

raid right

ova over

da ruf the roof

de teol they say

|

Right over the roof, they said. dass

da

kain

| menehune

that's the kind

stori

|

menehunes story

That's a menehune story. infask | mai nebo

ris

in.fact

this old Japanese.guy

hi he

my neighbour

ol

d3aspenigai

| sked scared

laig

hel ji

like

hell you know

no

was was

In fact my neighbour, this old Japanese guy - you know he was scared like hell. bat | evritaim but every.time

hi he

ah ah

| hi he

go go

askras da riva across the river

ba by

Psai je | P.side yeah

fijin | aet fishing at

hi he

justu PAST:HAB

go go

fijin fishing

But , every time he, ah, he went fishing, at— he used to go fishing across the river, near P, yeah. tjro

hiz lain | weit

throw his

line

| kam

wait

become

dak

laig rast

dark

like that

throw his line and wait <even till> it became dark. aefta

ra

after

the sunset he

sanset hi

ste ova re

fijin

LOC over there

fishing

After the sunset he was over there fishing. wan taim

hi

saed | hi

wa[s] sidin

one time

he

said

was

he

daun

hi

sit.lNTRAHF down he

tat

hi

wa[s]

thought

he

was

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the night, and they used to say that that was the menehune trail.

Appendix 1: Texts sidin daun sit.iNTRAHF down

on on

169

wan kokonat | a coconut

aen wen and when

hi he

wan

skal

a

skull

bin luk | hi PAST:AD look he

wen Jam PASTrAD shine

his flaejlait | waz his flashlight was

|

And when he looked, <when> he shone his flashlight, it was a skull. hi

was— hi

wen

get so—so

sked

he

was

PAST:AD

get

scared PASTIAD

he

so

so

liv

his poi

in

a

leave

his pole

in

the water

wara

bin

dig aut hi

bin

run

PAST:AD

out

he

evritirj everything

He was— he got so, so scared he ran off, he left his pole in the water and everything. hi

d3es

wen

he

just

PAST:AD run out

dig aut |

He just ran away. asfta

rast pau

after

that COMPL he

hi

go

hi

no

NEG go

no

he

NEG go

go

| fiji[n] nartaim fishing night.time

asfta

das |

after

that

After that, he stopped, he didn't— he didn't go fishing in the night. wen when

da san ste go raun the sun .go down

pau hi COMPL he

go go

horn horn

|

When the sun goes down, he stops and goes home. bat hi

was telin

but he

was tell.lNTRAHF us

ra the da

| s win in

in

W

swinging bridge in

W

ditj

the ditch

brid3

as

wen

hi

wa[s] smao

kid | hi

waz ap

ba

when

he

was

kid

was up

by

| asn ass and that's

small we

de

he

menehuniz haed

meig

where the menehunes POST

make

je yeah

But he was telling us, that when he was a small kid he was up by the swinging bridge in W, and that's where the menehunes had made the ditch, yeah.

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Once, he said, he was sitting, and he thought he was sitting on a coconut.

170

Hawai 7 Creole English

da menehuneditj the menehune.ditch

je yeah

ove over

rea | there

The menehune ditch, yeah, over there. hi

waz raidin

so

hi

was ride.iNTRAHF his bike he

hiz baik hi

tu

Jeik

to

shake

tel

al

af

a saden de

said all

of

a sudden the bike

baik

sta[t] start

So he was riding his bike, and he said that all of a sudden the bike started to shake. hi he

no kasn INAB

rai[d] da baik | ride the bike

He couldn't ride the bike. asn den al

af

a saden hi

saed | hi

wen

and then all

of

a sudden he

said

PAST:AD fall down

he

fal

daun

fom

da

from

the bike

baik|

And then all of a sudden, he said, he fell from the bike. aen den and then

a rono I NEG.know

if if

was tel in az was tell.iNTRAHF us

bulai lie

o or

wat what

| da baik bin end ap the bike PAST:AD end up

on on

wan tjok plamtjri a huge plum.tree

da kain hi wachamacallit hi

saed ah said ah

ove over

re swirjin brid3 | the swinging bridge

re there

ba by

bat but

And then - I don't know if he was lying to us but, wachamacallit, he said, ah that the bike ended up in a huge plum tree over there near the swinging bridge. hi saed | sam

ol

hi said

old Hawaiian lady PAST:AD say him oh

some

hawaien laedi wen

ste matjin ju no kasn march you PROHIB

ste in LOC in

tel

him oh

get— da

menehune[s]

EXIST the menehunes

a we | the way

He said that some old Hawaiian lady said to him "Oh, there are the— the menehunes are marching, you can't be in the way". so so

| ass that's

wad what

hasd POST

haspen happen

tu to

hiz baik his bike

|

So that's what had happened to his bike.

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so

Appendix 1: Texts eh eh

171

bat da baga wa[s] sked laik hel | but the bugger was scared like hell

Eh, but the bugger was scared like hell. aut naitaim out night.time

|

They come out in the night. du

re

do

the job

d3ab

finij

de

finish

the job

d3ab

| pau

|

COMPL

Do the job, finish the job. Pau. a

rono

I

NEG.know

|

dekain

naudeiz

de

tel

nowadays

they

tell us

de

f^s

wachamacallit the

first

az

dekain

da

menehunez

wachamacallit the menehunes

gais

fo

kam

guys

COMPLEM

come

| asn da kain

|

and wachamacallit

I don't know ... nowadays they tell us - wachamacallit - that the menehunes, ah, were the first guys to come, and so on. so

| a

so

I

rono

|

NEG.know

So I don't know. bikaz | ass because that's

wa re hasd wat they POST

da fi^s gais the first guys

fo COMPLEM

la-fn] nau— naudeis learn now nowadays

kam come

d[a] arid3inol the original

| da | the

was | de gais | was da menehunis | was the guys was the menehunes

Because, that's what they've learned now— nowadays, that the original, the— the first guys to come were those guys, were the menehunes. asfta

rem

keim

da

after

them

came

the wachamacallit Tahitians yeah

dekain

tahijens je

|

After them came the, ah, Tahitians, yeah. de

tahijens

the Tahitians

was | big bagas

tu

was

too them

big buggers

dem

|

The Tahitians, they were big buggers too.

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dei kam they come

172

Hawai 7 Creole English

de—de they they

was faidez was fighters

je | yeah

They were fighters, yeah. waz was

|

Well, ahm, the menehunes, they were ... VV: smalij... Smallish je

de

was

leiba

yeah

they

was

labour eh

eh

Yeah, they were labour, eh. de

meik

walz

de

gaiz

they

make

walls

they

guys

kantjra—dakain

kanjtrakjerjaiz

dem

wachamacallit construction.guys

them

They make walls, those guys were, wachamacallit, construction people. da ara the other

gaiz guys

waz were

| wariez eh warriors eh

|

The other guys were warriors. tahijens ass Tahitians that's bil build

al all

di[s] this

wai why staf stuff

de wen dakain | juz da menehunez fo they PAST:AD wachamacallit use the menehunes COMPLEM |

The Tahitians. That's why they, ah, used the menehunes to build this stuff. ass

wa

re

gais

that's

what

the guys

hasd

akarin

tu

ra

storiz

POST

according

to

the stories

je yeah

That's what the guys had <done> according to the stories, yeah. ji

no

da

you know

gaiz

the guys

haid

in

a

PAST.AD run out ACT hide

wen

in

the mountain

de

neva

laik

they

NEG:PAST

DESID work

wa^k

dig aut go

maunten | bikaz because

|

You know, the guys ran away, hid in the mountains, because they didn't want to work.

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wel dekain menehunes de well wachamacallit menehunes they

Appendix 1: Texts fos wa^k— forced work

fos w&k forced work

je yeah

de gaiz the guys

mo more

173

big | big

bamba REM.FUT

ged likin get punishing

boi | -chucklesboy

Eventually they would get punished, boy.

TRADITIONAL MEDICINE (FH51H)

Banana shoot for coughs da

basnasna

the banana

da

ara

the other

das

ws

takin

abaufd]

da

day

was

ta!k.iNTRAHF

about

the banana

benena

The banana, the other day <we> were talking about the banana. ji

ge[d]

da

sasp | brin

you POSS

the sap

je

da

larj |

yeah

the lung

bring

de

miukes

the mucus

aud a

de

out of

the

| 6a

de

tjest

the the chest

You have the sap, it brings the mucus out from the chest, yeah, the lungs.

Lantana for the skin justu

juz da

laentena

PAST-.HAB

use

Lantena

the

<We> used to use the Lantena. ahm

da

ahm

the Lantena

lantasna

da

kaleful

the colourful

| flauaz

wid

livz

flowers

with

leaves

|

bari

| wi justu

Ahm, the Lantena, the colourful flowers with leaves. asn wen

ju

and when

you have

in

a

in

the

ste

| hat wara

haev

wen

hot water when

itj

on

itch on wi

meikin

da

the body au

we PAST:HAB

tjro

um

throw it

tab |

we make.lNTRAHF our tub

And when you have a rash on the body, we used to throw it in the hot water when we were filling our tub.

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forced to work— forced to work, yeah, those guys were bigger.

174

Hawai 7 Creole English

aen den and then

wi we

liv leave

om al it all

in in

de there

asn da wara tun al and the water turn all

braun | brown

an

justu

beid

and PAST:HAB bathe

in

a

in

the water

wara

| fo COMPLEM

teik awas

da

fom

as

take away

the itch from

itj

us

And we used to bathe in the water to take away the rash from us. wi

haed

wan

boi daed

haed

wan itj

wi

POSS

a

boy that

POSS

a

justu

alwei3

go

PAST:HAB

always

ACT pick

pik

on

hi3 badi

| so

itch on

his body

so

lantasna

fo

him

Lantena

for

him

ma ha3ben my husband

|

We had a boy that had a rash on his body, so my husband always used to go and pick Lantena for him.

Huli stomach mos

a

ra

most

of

the time

taim

no NEG

waz was

stamakeik stomachache

hulistamak huli.stomach

| as

gais

justu

tjek

us

guys

PAST:HAB

check

f^s first

if if

|

Most ofthe time, with stomachaches, we used to first check if it wasn't huli stomach. asn so and so

aenti Auntie

justu PAST:HAB

wen

ged

when

EXIST huli.stomach

hulistamak

tel as tell us

go meik ACT make

da tu legs tugera je the two legs together yeah

wan leg aoweiz

larja

one leg always

longer then

den

da

neks

|

the next

And so Auntie told us to put the two legs together, yeah, with huli stomach one leg is always longer than the other. Ji

justu

tel

she PAST:HAB bitwin

da

samtaims

open

da

leg asn

fain

da

tell me sometimes

open

the leg and

find

the ball

groin

between the groin

mi

asrifa] area

She used to tell me to sometimes open the leg and find the ball in the groin area.

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bai

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And then we left it there and the water turned all brown.

Appendix 1: Texts a - a i - ai I I

gara ASS.OBLIG

rab asn ai rub and I

fain find

175

wan bai | a ball

so so

Ji gara she ASS.OBLIG

kam come

kuz because

JI ka[m] masa3 | she come massage

So she's got to come because she comes to massage . Ji

masa3

da

stamek

wi[d] da

she massage the stomach with

| aliv oio

the

aen en

JI

rasp

|

olive.oil and then she wrap

She massages the stomach with olive oil and then she wraps it up. tjri

deis

Ji

gara

du

rast bambai

three

days

she ASS.OBLIG

do

that REM.FUT you go

nomo

da

bai |

NEG.EXIST

the

ball

ji

go

da

ta^d]

the third

dei day

She's got to do that three days and eventually you go the third day, and there isn't any ball anymore. wan taim

wi

one time

we took our I think

tuk au

a tink

diz was dis was bifo weneva this was this was before whenever

wz mai ah

| mai san ai

was my ah

my son I

hi he

haed had

hulistamak huli.stomach

tin

wen

think

when

|

Once we took our - I think it was my son, I think ... when was this ... - it was before whenever he had huli stomach. wi tuk we took

him him

asn a dakta wz gon and the doctor was FUT

du do

sa^ri surgery

|

We took him and the doctor said he was going to do surgery. hi

sas o dass

a ha-nja wi

he

say o that's

a hernia we DISASS.OBLIG do

hasvtu

du

sa^ri

|

surgery

He said "oh, that's a hernia, we've got to do surgery". aen so

hi

skediul

and so

he

schedule the surgery

da

sa-^ri

asn ai

wen

wen

and I

when

PAST:AD tell someone said

tel

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I—I've got to rub and I'll find a ball.

Hawai 7 Creole English

mi | teik me take dis these

him him

go si wan paragi leidi ACT see a Portuguese lady

patjagiz leiri Portuguese lady

dei they

du do

tins je | things yeah

And so he scheduled the surgery, and when I told someone said to me "take him to see a Portuguese lady, the do these things", yeah. so

wi

teik

him

| from

so

we PAST:AD take

wen

him

from

Ji da wan she the one

hu who

Jo

mi

show

me about

ebaufd]

da fa^s the first da

sambadi

ast

a

somebody

at

the church

wen Jo PAST:AD show

leg aen watnat

tj^tj

asn and

mi we da bai | aen me where the ball and

|

the leg and whatnot

So we took him to somebody from the church and she was the one who was the first to show me where the ball is, and to show me about the legs and whatnot.

Watercress for asthma aezma asthma

dei they

justu | aszma | ahm PAST:HAB asthma ahm

| waz | wi[d] de | warekres was with the watercress

|

Asthma, they used to ... asthma, ahm, was with the watercress. mai | graenpa justu my grandpa PAST:HAB de

warakres

the watercress

tel mi | ahm tell me ahm

smasj al smash all

a d3us the juice

aur out

a of

| aen d3rink om | and drink

it

My grandpa used to tell me, ahm to smash all the juice out ofthe watercress and drink it. daed

i[s] so

bira

that

is

bitter

so

|

That is so bitter. so-laughs- | hi so he

tel mi d3rink om ju laik stap say me drink it you DESID stop

wizin wheezing

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d3rink drink

om it

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176

Appendix 1: Texts asn ai

| oh

and I

oh

ai

rade

I

rather go

go

177

-wheezes- |

naudeiz

ju3 da

nowadays

use the pump

pamp eh

| -laughs-1

Nowadays I use the pump, eh. -laughs-

POLITICS: THE YEAR 2 0 0 0 ELECTION (A=MP85K; B=MP50K) A:

hau Gju tin how you think

hi he

get POSS

tjaens | wit chance with

eh eh

B

|

How about G, do you think he has a chance with B? B:

je

a tin—

yeah

I think

Yeah, I think... A:

a tirj

B no

I think

no NEG

gon bi

NEG FUT be

du do

gud hi good he

goin FUT

falo da fade rid lips ( asn hi follow the father read lips and he

natin | nothing

I don't think B is going to be good. He's going to follow the father "read lips" and he's not doing to do anything. B:

bat G hi

oni kasn staen

in

frant

a da

mira

but

only AB stand

in

front

ofthe

mirror and he NEG do

he

asn hi no

But G, he can only stand in front ofthe mirror and he's not doing anything. A: je yeah

bat his de

vais pre— hi

but he's the vice

he

no

du

natin—

NEG

do

nothing

Yeah, but he's the vice pre— he doesn't do anything.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

du

natin nothing

|

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So -laughs- he said to me "drink it. Do you want to stop wheezing? Drink it" and I, oh, I'd rather go -wheezes-.

178 B:

Hawai 7 Creole English hi he

neva NEG:PAST

dui[n]

du do

natin nothing

wa-di worthy

bifo | so before so

a no I NEG

si um see him

nau |

He hasn't done anything worthy before, so I don't see him doing now A:

wel

nau

hi

bin praim— hi

In

fom

da

well

now

he

been

learn

from

the president

he

preziden |

Well, not he's been prime— he's learned from the president B:

je

bat | wi[d] d[a] amaund o

skasndoz haed

yeah

but

scandals PAST:EXIST with

with

a rono | I NEG.know no

the amount

of

si aen den | hi see and then he

lai[k] kal om a kruk

wi[d] diz gai |

wz takin abaut | Jeidi | ju was talk.lNTRAHF about shady you

jet

| ji

no

wen

hi

wz ju3in was use.lNTRAHF

NEG DESID call him a crook yet

you know when he

da gavemenstaf tu the government.stuff to

mani dei go ged om fom money they ACT get it from

tjainiz Chinese

| so so

go go

| a rono | I NEG.know

dae[t] tin[g] goin wid that things go.lNTRAHF with of of

this guy

reiz raise

si | aen iven see and even

wen when

him him

ju sae de fo fadez you say the four fathers

| s[i] if see if

amerka | dei faunefd] de kantjri America they founded the country

| neva NEG:PAST

C wz haevin was have.iNTRAHF

ro[d] de wrote the

konstitujen to go wadeva daed skaendo haed wi[d] de women constitution to ACT whatever that scandal EXIST with the woman je ye

| bad wen

ju

rid abaufd] doz

but when you read about

biginin beginning

those

gai daed-unintelligible- in

de the

in

wud ta would tar

gai | hi

wuden

aev

guy

wouldn't have

has

| a sae I say

guy that

if dei wz livin wid C dei if they was live.iNTRAHF with they

he

da the

gad of

dei wud

got of

they would have

aen feda de and feather the

ta

aen fede

tar

and feather him

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him

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do.lNTRAHF now

Appendix 1: Texts 1 wi[t] with

ta asn fera tar and feather

Yeah, but, with the amount of scandals there was with this guy ... I don't know. See, and he was talking about... shady. You don't want to call him a crook, yet. You know when he was using government stuff to raise money, they got it from the Chinese. So, I don't know. See and even when C was having that thing going with him ... See if you say the four fathers of America, they founded the country, didn't write the constitution to <do> whatever that scandal was with the woman. I say, yeah, but when you read about those guys that -unintelligible- in the beginning, if they were living with C they would tar and feather the guy! He wouldn't have got off. They would have tar and feather him and paraded him down P. With tar and feather. A:

eh

bat | bat mi

eh

but

aez a maen

but me as

ass

he

that's

her fault

no

a man

folt

bleim— a

NEG blame

no NEG

I

bleim blame

a no

bleim him

hiz

wn masn

laig

I NEG

blame him

he's

a

like

man

asnibadi els | anyone

else

Eh, but— but me as a man, I don't blame— I don't blame C. That's her fault. I don't blame him. He's a man like anyone else. B:

je

| bat | hi

da

preziden of

yeah

but

he

the president of

no know

hau how

tu to

eksplem | hi explain he

de

junaidedsterts aen

the United States supos tu supposed to

bi be

and

hi

neva

he

NEG:PAST

wn smat a smart

gai | guy

Yeah, but, he's the president ofthe United States, and he didn't know how to explain. He's supposed to be a smart guy. A:

da da maen the the man natin

| Ji

nothing

masn man went

she went

da wahine the woman

no go NEG go

bigos

JI

because

she DESID

laik

wid with

| Ji

bin

him him

hi he laik

no kasn PROHIB mani

du do tu

|

she PAST:AD DESID money too

The—the man—man, the woman didn't go with him, he wasn't allowed to do anything. She went because she wanted to, she wanted money too. B:

asn | hi

bin

and

PAST:AD provide

he

provai

da

rum -laughs-

the room

And he provided the room.

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asn perei him daun P and parade him down P

179

180 A:

Hawai 7 Creole English so so

a rono I NEG.know

a no I NEG

bleim him blame him

| mi am me I'm

fo for

him him

|

| de

gai wa[d]

B:

aen

hi

bin—

and

he

PAST:AD

And he— A:

wai why

Ji go she go

|

Why did she go? B:

asn

hi

bin

and

he

PAST:AD provide

provai

da

rum—

the room

And he provided the room. A:

nat oni

him

bin

not only

him

PAST:AD do

das? that

| de J wad the what

dei they

de they

du

daet | wi—

ah

dakain

that

nat J de are not the other

who.was.it bage | wat bugger what

the guy what

was de presden was the president

bin kil om | PAST:AD kill him

Not only he did that, ah what's-his-name, the guy, what was it, J— no not J, the other bugger. Who was the president they killed? B:

de R—

R? A:

no

| eh—

No, eh.... B:

lets

pud

i[d] dis was

let's

put

it

this way

| dei prabobli

al

baed—

they probably

all

bad

Let's put it this way: they're probably all bad. A:

al

dem—

all

them

All of them

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So I don't know. I don't blame him, me, I'm for him.

B:

hi he

Appendix 1: Texts

181

in in

a the

da wan get kot -laughs- | the one get caught

A:

get— haed wan gai rea EXIST PAST:EXIST a guy there ofis

| haed

office

POSS

| eh

wan

wahini

fo

a

woman

for his

haed

wan

gap]

PAST:EXIST

a

guy

his | hi he

juz ha^ | ass

hi[s]

use her

his

ass

sekrederi dass gavm— ji no da steit pein ha^ | fo secretary that's you know the state pay.lNTRAHF her COMPLEM

bi be

sekreteri | fo

bi

his hasfmeit | dei ne—hi

nad

ran

secretary

be

his half.mate

NEG

wrong he

COMPLEM

nad

ran | pein

NEG

wrong pay.lNTRAHF her wage

bi be

he

they

weid3 kauntimani

he bu

Ji

nat supos

hi

tu

counti.money but she NEG supposed to

dea— there

There's — there was a guy there, eh, there was a guy in the office that had a woman for his ... he used her as his secretary. That's gover— you know the state is paying her, to be a secretary, to be his mistress they didn— wasn't he wrong, wasn't he wrong? Paying her wage but she wasn't <even> supposed to be there? B:

so so

bad— but

So but... A:

fo

ste

COMPLEM

LOC

wid with

him— him

To be with him. B:

si

asn hi—

see and he See and he A:

aen hiz rai?

| no

and he's right

no

ass

rorj

that's

wrong

And he's right? No, that's wrong.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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<But> he was the one who got caught

182 B:

Hawai 7 Creole English je yeah

id it

wz rarj bad hi was wrong but he

neva NEG:PAST

ge kot | C hi get caught he

get kot— get caught

A:

KK

| hi he

hd

d3raun

wan wahini | eh

POST

drown

a

| K d3raun

woman

wan wahini—

drown

a

woman

K, K. He drowned a woman. K drowned a woman. B:

bat | asn wen

de

but

the Americans

and when

asmerikenz wen

hi

wz wan plasboi | si C wen

he

was a

daes

de

the difference

dei

niu knew

they

difrens

K

| dei nu

supos

aredi

they knew

tu bi kamin

already

skwikiklin |

see PAST:AD supposed tobecome.lNTRAHF squeaky.clean

playboy

that's

ilefk]

PAST:AD elect

| de

K

the

daet da

gad elekted

hi

wz aredi

wn plasboi |

got elected

he

was already

a

gav— de they

that the

kam

in

laig hi

wz wan pris—

come

in

like he

was a

playboy

daed

bin

ilek

om | C wen

that

PAST:AD

elect

him

PAST:AD

priest

But — and when the Americans elected K, they knew already he was a playboy. See, C was supposed to be coming squeaky clean. That's the difference. <When> K got elected he was already a playboy, they knew that the gov— the ones who elected him. C came in like he was a priest. A:

aen dis K K o and this or om in her in

wat what

a nva the river

hi he

bin d3raun PAST:AD drown

aut | asn wai | go

fom

de

him

out

from

there

and why

go

C

| a

I

neva NEG:PAST

d3raun drown pud put

no

bleim him

NEG

blame him

|

go-

for

it

| wai

wai

Ji

she asked for

it

why

why

she go

ass

wahini | hi woman he

| asn his renlein— hi— | dei and he's he they

om

Ji

wan a

And this K, K or what, he drowned a woman. He drowned her in the river. And he's rem— ne— they didn't put him out. Then why does C have to go from there. I don't blame him. She asked for it. Why— why did she go?

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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Yeah, it was wrong, but he didn't get caught. C, he got caught.

Appendix 1: Texts 183 si aen | da ga-r keim see and the girl came w^k work

in in

in in

aez wan peid3 | okas as a page okay

da kaspidol da palitijens the capitol the politicians

dei ge[t] tugo they get to ACT

brirj om— bring them

See, and the girl came in as a page. OK, they get to work in the capitol, the politicians bring them. A:

je—

Yeah B:

so

| his pad o

so

de

he's part of

Ji

neva—

if

insaigrup

the inside.group de

bin

PAST:AD bring

brirj

if

hi

neva

she NEG:PAST if

they NEG:PAST if

he

NEG:PAST allow

in

Ji

hasv

in

she wouldn't have

wuden

neva

hi he

bin

dea |

been

there

elau

om in

dea |

her in

there

om fo

kam

her COMPLEM come

So, he's part ofthe inside group. He brought her in there. She didn't— if they hadn't— if he hadn't allowed her to come in, she wouldn't have been there. A: je

| bat eh

yeah

but

ass that's

wat what

| na

eh

bat wat

Ji

but what

she PAST:AD DESID was money

bin

laik

was mani

Ji bin laik— she PAST:AD DESID

Yeah, but eh, nan, eh, but what she wanted was money, that's what she wanted. B:

asn bad—

And but A:

Ji

bin

she

PAST:AD DESID him pay her

laik

hi

pas ha^—

She wanted him to pay her. B:

da

ara

the other

hasf of

da

half of

the equation was

wz wn sinomasn was a

ikweijen wz | hi he

haed

wan

waif

| if

hi

POSS

a

wife

if

he

|

single.man

The other half of the equation was that he had a wife. If he'd been a single man.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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B:

184

Hawai 7 Creole English

A: tek om— Take her. | hi

haed

wn waif

he

POSS

a

da baibo in

hiz hasn

i

the Bible

his hand

go

for id

go

for

it

in

wife

| asn asn

hi

waks

and and

he

walks around with

araun wi[d]

Go for it. <But> he had a wife. And— and he walks around with the Bible in his hand. A:

-laughter- |

B:

je

hi

wak

araun wi[d] da

yeah

he

walk

around with

wz atendin

sam

ekras

| hiz

den then

he's hi he

stat start

ass da kasmra as the camera ai

| laig hi

eye

like he

| aen den

funeral

and then

laefm

awas

laugh.iNTRAHF away waipin wiping Jo show ws

in

fiunerol

was attend.lNTRAHF some

across

baibo in

the Bible

krain

was cry.iNTRAHI

aen den dei and then they

de

skopin

kasmra

the camera

SCOpe.INTRA HF

asn as[s]

sun

hi

siz de

and as

soon

he

sees the camera

hiz aiz | kam his eyes come do hi though he

hiz hasn his hand

an on

gimi a breik gimme a brake

aredi already

waz kat | den hi was caught then he

bat hiz but he's

lasfin | so— laugh.lNTRAHF so

kasmra

| sun soon waip wipe

hiz his

Yeah he walks around with the Bible in his hand. They were attending some funeral and the camera was scoping across and he's laughing away, and as soon as he sees the camera, then he starts wiping his eyes. Come on, give me a break. As soon as the camera showed, even though he was already caught. Then he wipes his eyes, like he was crying, but he's laughing! So... A: B:

-tut-tuts-

|

nau nau | faesfowar now now da

da

de

eit

fast.forward the eight vaisprezden

the the vice.president

| nau hi now he

jez

diz ada

gai ranin

years

this other

guy run.lNTRAHF there's

dez

gada

tjrai

diol wid

al

das?

ASS.OBLIG

try

deal with

all

that

|

Now—now, fast forward those eight years, this other guy running, there's the—the vice president. Now he's got to deal with all that.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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B:

Appendix I: Texts A:

nau now

hi he

hd POST

bi be

put dis ga[i] put this guy

in in

185

basdjeip nau— bad shape now

B:

hi

put diz ga[i]

in

wan—

he

put this guy

in

a

He's put this guy in a— A:

pu[d] dis ga[i]in

hat wara

nau | a ron

tin

put

this guy in

hot water

now

think

fara

no

father NEG

I don't

B wud

bi

would be

gud

da

good

the

was gud | asn wad

hi

so—wad

hi

bin

was good

he

so

he

PAST:AD learn

and what

neva

le[n]

natin

NEG:PAST

learn

nothing

what

len

hi he

|

Put this guy in hot water now. I don't think B would be good, the father wasn't good. And what's he— what has he learned, he hasn't learned anything. B:

a wud | a wud reid I would I would rate

| B

bera den C better than

|

I would— I would rate B better than C.

HOW TO CHOOSE A POI STONE (MJ75Mo) mai kupuna my kupuna

tat mi hau taught me how

tu to

pik pick

ap up

de rak the rock

fom from

da Jtrim | the stream

ji no | you know My Kupuna [Haw. senior relative] taught me how to pick the rock from the stream, you know. asn waft]

tu

luk

an

da

and what

to

look

on

the rock

rak |

And what to look for on the rock.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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Now he's put this guy in bad shape, now.

186

Hawai 7 Creole English

asn brirj and bring

id it

horn home

| asn kip and keep

it it

|

don

wok

an

id

kip it | ji

don't

work

on

it

kip it

no

you know

antil

de

taim

is

rait | ju

until

the time

is

right

si |

you see

Don't work on it, keep it, you know, until the time is right, you see. so

in

ara

tupik ap

e

so

in

order

to pick up

the stone

de

rulin

is

| ju

the ruling is

ston

hasvtu

you

fo

|

meik

a poipaundinston | eh

COMPLEM make

a poi.pounding,stone eh

luk

Jtrim

DISASS.OBLIG look

in

de

in

the stream

|

So, in order to pick the stone to make a poi pounder stone, eh, the rule is that you have to look in the stream. de

Jtrim

is

the stream is

fri

givin

ass

wa[d]

dis kupuna

tol

mi

free

giving

that's

what

this kupuna

told

me

|

The stream is free, that's what this kupuna told me. eh

| ju you

bat nau but now

kasn AB ji you

go go

de Jtrim the stream

kasnat INAB

bikos because

asn pik and pick de there

is is

ap up

de rak the rock

aen and

wadnat whatnot

laenone | ji no | land.owner you know

Eh, you could go to the stream and chose the rock and whatnot, but now you can't, because there are land owners, eh. bifo

is

before is

fri

|

free

Before it was free. tu

re

hawaien

to

the Hawaiians

was fri

|

was free

To the Hawaiians it was free. so

dei

pik ap

is

laik de

so

they

pick up

is

like the stone

ston

ju

luk

you look

de

ston

| de

the stone

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

grein

on

the grain

on

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And to bring it home and keep it.

Appendix 1: Texts de ston the stone

187

| ju si | you see

aen

if

ju

and

if

you see

si

| dis | kraskgrem this

grein

ranin

grain

run.INTRAHF over

de

ove

| daed | tirj

there

that

wi

thing

| wi

crack.grain

sae id— | d3es

de

we FUT

gon

say it

the

just

de

so

ji

no

if

ju

hi[d]

daet

rak

there

so

you

know

if

you

hit

that

rock

raifd] daun

|

splid

FUT split

right

down

And if you see this crack grain, we're going to say it's—just the grain running over there so you know that if you hit that rock there, that thing will split right down. so

dass

wad

ju

so

that's

what

you look.lNTRAHF

lukin

fo

an

a

for

on

the rock

rak |

So that's what you're looking for on the rock. so

wen

ju

luk

a rak

widau

da

so

when

you

look

a rock

without

the grain

saiz wat

ju

size what

you want

wan | ji

no

| aen da

you know

grein

weit

asn eritin

|

and everything

wad

and the weight what

ju

wan

asn da and the

|

you want

So when you see a rock without the grain and everything, and the size that you want, you know, and the weight that you want. so so

ji you

gon FUT

get POSS

raun Ion | wadeva | round long whatever

So, you're going to have a round, long, whatever <stone>. so so

watj what

u you

wana want.to

Jeip

laik a poiston

shaped

like a poi.stone

luk look | ji

fo for

is is

| da rak the rock

is is

oredi already

amo[s] almost

no

you know

So what you want to look for is that the rock is already almost shaped like a poi stone, you know. so

ji

so

you don't

don

wok

on

om | ah

tu

DISASS.OBLIG work

hasvtu

on

it

too much

matj

|

So you don't have to work on it, ah, too much.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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So they chose it, it's like the stone, you look at the stone, the grain on the stone, you see.

Hawai 7 Creole English

wen ju fain when you find ada other

a a

rak rock

rak orea | rock over.there

laig like

id it

pul id pull it

aufd] out

da riva the river

aen on and on

da the

ji no | you know

When you find a rock like that take it out of the river and on the other rock over there , you know. asn te—

tel

a

and

tell

the rock

rak

|

And tell the rock: wen

ai

rita^n ail

when

I

return I'll pick

ju

pik

a poipauninston

ju

ap

| aen

you up

and

al

tek

ju

I'll

take

you home

horn

aen meik and make

|

you a poi.pounding.stone When I return I'll pick you up, and I'll take you home and make you into a poi pounding stone. aen if and if

ju haev you have

asni any

ail tek I'll teik

ju you

horn home

fai reis five days

wadeva whatever

abd3ekjen objection

| tu to

| asn ju and you

ai I

giv give

let let

war what

am duin | eh I'm doing

mi no me know

in in

daed that

| ju—| you

| fo for

reis days

ju | you

And if you have any objections to what I'm doing, eh, you— I'll take you home, and you let me know in those four days, five days, whatever I give you. ji

no

you know

am | mai pramis

ture

I'm

to the stone

my promise

ston

ass

wa[d] de

that's

what

hawaien

the Hawaiians

dan | done

You know. I'm ... my promise to the stone, that's what the Hawaiians did. ju

pur id

in

jo

ka

teig

id

horn

you put it

in

your

car take

it

home

|

You put it in your car and take it home. den

ju

then

you

| pur i? put it

| wan

pojen

of

ji

haus

a

portion

of

your

house

| ji

no

you know

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

we where

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188

Appendix 1: Texts ful fool

eraun | liv around leave

i[d] dea | aen | wen ju liv it there and when you leave

agen

ju

eksplem tu

ra

again

you

explain

the stone

to

ston

i[d] de[a] it there

|

Then you put it in a part of your house, you know, where nobody fools around. Leave it there, and when you leave it there, again you explain to the stone: ai

gona

liv

id

he

I

FUT

leave

it

here for

fo

seven deis faiv deis wadeva jo

ra

ston

|

pomis

tu

seven days five days whatever your promise

to

the stone I'm going to leave it here for seven days, five days, whatever your promise to the stone is. aen | wen and when

das[d] dei pau that day COMPL

meikin

devil

tu

ju

make.lNTAHF

devil

to

you

if if

| o or

i[d] dazn it doesn't | sam some

kepalo kepalo

-unintelligible-

kain

witjkrasf

tu

ju

kind

witchcraft

to

you

|

And when that day has passed, if it doesn't kepalo — haunting you, or some kind of witchcraft to you... ju si das[t] tirj you see that thing okiupai areri occupied already

wi ged bask FUT get back

tu to

ju if you if

daed that

ston stone

daed that

is is

|

You see that thing will get back to you if that stone is occupied already. da

mana de

the mana

paua

in

the power in

de

ston

| eh

| hi

the stone

he

wil

kepalo

ju

FUT

kepalo

you

|

The mana the power in the stone, eh, will kepalo you. hi

wil

devil

ju

he

FUT

devil

you in

alkain

eh

in

a

nai?

the night

| eh

| giv ju give you

| sliples

d3rim asn

sleepless dream and

|

all.kind He will haunt you in the night, eh, give you sleepless dreams, and all sorts of things, eh.

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nobadi nobody

189

190 den then

Hawai 7 Creole English ju you

no kasn PROHIB

slip sleep

den then

ju no | is e ston you know it's the stone

|

den

wen

ju

then

when

you

| ah

| natin nothing

bara

ju

den

bother you then

ju

si[d]

you sit

daun down

Then when you, ah, when nothing has bothered you then you sit down <with it>.

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

|

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When you're not allowed to sleep , then you know, it's the stone.

1 VERB

TYPES

1 tell ('say; tell') go say come goVB make do I get I look put give take ask; try happen send see run; talk hear bring; start; teach show; stay make ('die') call; stop catch; kill fall sleep; yell grab; know; move; work chrow ('throw'); die; graduate; pick 1 get up; walk blow; dig; foget ('forget'); jump; pull; spock ('see'); tink ('think'); win 191

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

TOKENS

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 l 1 2 1 1 1 2 1 3 2 1 2 2 1 2 4 4 2

180 98 92 1 90 70 62 56 49 48 45 40 39 37 34 32 31 28 25 20 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11

8

10

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Appendix 2: Verbs Occurring with wen: Types & Tokens

VERB

broke ('break'); open; shake; touch; turn; write buy; eat; live; meet build; hit; leave; like; pass; plant; rip; sell; wait cry; figure; find; hide; learn; marry; pick up; push; show up; split; take off; wave born; burn; cut; finish; force; loose; pau (COMPletive); practice; scold; sing; smile; steal; stick; watch; wear; wipe change; check; dye; fly off; let; miss; point; press; reach; shoot; study accept; apply; bag; bless; clean; come by; fall down; feed; get out; invite; knock; lay; let go; light; make like ('pretend'); pay; play; pop; punch; remember; scatter; set; shine; stand; swear; use backfire; bang; baptize; beef ('argue'); beg; bend; blass ('blast'); bother; bounce; bury; bust out; carry; carve; close; crack; cross; disappear; draw; dry; dump; explode; feel; find out; fire; flunk; give up; grow; hang up; hemorrhage; hemu ('scare away'); hold; jam up; kick; lick; line up; listen; nab ('catch'); name; paint; poke; pound; pray; prepare; promise; quit; raise; razz ('tease'); recognize; rent; rest; ring; roll; save; scratch; ship; shut; signal; sit; slap; sqwak ('sqweak'); stand up; step; struggle; suck; swallow; swing; swipe; take out; taste; trace; warm up; whispah announce; answer; arrange; arrest; back off; bake; beat up; beat; bite; blackmail; bleed; borrow; bowl; break up; cancel; capture; cheat; choke; choose; chop; come off; concentrate; convince; cook; copy; cover; crawl; cruise; date; devil; divorce; dress up; drink up; drink; drop; earn; elect; end up; escape; evacuate; experience; explain; fence; fight; file; fish; fit; fix; float; fold; fool around; fool; grill; grow up; handle; hang around; hang; hapai ('lift onto back'); help; hope; hug; huki ('pull'); hula ('to dance the hula'); huli ('turn'); hurt; inject; join; keep (here: 'pocket'); kid; kiss; knife; knock up; laugh; lean; level; lie; look at; look up; make up; melt; misfire; murder; nod; notice; overdrive; penetrate; piss; poison; preach; put down; read; realize; recoil; return; reveal;ride;rumble; rush; saipe ('know'); serve; sew; shout; size; slide; smash; smoke; snort; space; spin; spit; spoil; start up; stuff; suffer; support; sweep; swim; transfer; trap; treat; trick; trust; turn around; unbutton; understand; untie; 1 wake up; whack; whip; worm; wrinkle

TYPES

TOKENS

6 4 9

9 8 7

12

6

16

5

11

4

26

3

72

2

149

1

A2.1 Verbs occurring with wen sorted by frequency

10.1057/9780230505858 - Hawai'i Creole English, Viveka Velupillai

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192 Hawai 7 Creole English

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A ABilitive 42 ABility xi, 34, 42, 48-9, 58, 64, 76, 79,89, 110,112-16, 130,133, 138, 150-1, 155, 165, 167, 171, 173, 177-8, 186, 188 Absolute tense 8-9, 32-3, 45, 52, 71, 106, 139 Acquisition 194-5 Acrolect 30, 160 Action marker xi, 4-5, 9, 11, 15, 18, 36-9,41-2,45,51,59-61,67,71, 74-5,79-80,86,93,97, 112, 114, 125-6, 132, 141, 143-5, 147-50, 157-8, 163, 172, 174, 176, 178, 183,196 Action verb 4, 157 Actionality 36-9, 74-5, 77, 79, 99, 106, 143, 147 Finitransformative 37 SERiality xiii, 38-9 Transformativity 37-40, 73, 143 Adjective 7 ADMONitive xi, 10, 41, 110, 125, 133, 150, 155 ADterminal x-xi, 9, 36, 39-40, 48, 53,60-1,63,70-8,80-1,98-9, 103-4, 110-15, 126-7, 129-30, 132, 138, 141-2, 144-5, 148, 1523, 158, 163-6, 169-70, 172, 1756, 179-80, 182-3, 185

Adverbial 5,63,95,158 Agent 41,44,120,132, 149 Ancestor 6, 14-15 ANTerior x, xi, 4-5, 9, 70-1, 73, 106, 157-9 Aowe 150 Argument 136 Article 7 Definite 7 Indefinite 7 Aspect ix, 4, 7, 9, 19, 30, 33, 36, 38-40, 42-3, 53, 61, 66-7, 70, 735, 77-8, 82, 91, 96, 99-100, 1035, 137-8, 140-7, 153-4, 156-9, 193, 195, 199 ADterminal x-xi, 9, 36, 39-40, 48, 53, 60-1, 63, 70-8, 80-1, 98-9, 103-4, 110-15, 126-7, 129-30, 132, 138, 141-2, 1445, 148, 152-3, 158, 163-6, 16970, 172, 175-6, 179-80, 18283, 185 COMPLetive xi, 5, 9, 40, 70, 73, 75,81,97,99,105,144,148, 152-3, 158, 192 CONTinuous xi, 68, 82, 84-6, 104, 146, 152-3 HABitual xii, 9, 35, 43, 52, 61, 66,70,82,84-6,95-7, 104-5, 114, 129, 138,141, 146-8, 152-3, 158, 167-8, 170, 173-4, 176 Imperfective 104, 145, 153, 194

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General Index

General Index

B Background 5, 8, 12 Base form 4-6, 9, 33-4, 45-9, 51-4, 65,67-8,71,73,96,99, 110-11, 124, 138-9, 144, 147, 149, 154-5, 158 Basilect 160 Bias 15 Bilingual 14 Bimorphemic 7 Bounded 36, 38, 78-9 bumbye 9,21,45,62-3,67,69, 136, 138, 140, 154, 156, 158, 160

c Camcorder 27 Category 1, 5, 8-10, 15, 17-18, 22, 28-30,32-3,36,38,41-3,45,67, 73,75,82,102-5,109, 136-40, 146-9, 151-5, 157-8, 160, 162-3, 193-4,216 Causality 106 Change 15, 34, 38, 40, 47, 92, 107, 117, 155, 160, 192,195, 198 Character 11 Characteristic 37, 95, 97, 161 Clause 157 Code 28, 30, 73, 163 Cognate 69 Colloquial 67, 154 Combinability 145 Combination 11, 28, 36, 39, 43, 63, 87, 100-1, 156 Combine 3, 27, 36, 61-2, 89, 97, 99, 141-3, 145, 148, 157 Command 41, 111, 133, 149, 158 Commissive 41-2 Common 1-3, 7, 13-14, 24, 33, 54, 64,66-8,87,95, 104, 115,125, 127, 132, 138-41, 145, 148-9, 151-2, 154, 156, 161-2 Communication 14,17,112 Community 11,24, 156 Completed 40, 73, 76, 97-9, 112, 143-4, 148 COMPLetive xi, 5, 9, 40, 70, 73, 75, 81,97-9, 105, 117, 138,144, 148, 152-3, 158, 169, 171, 189, 192 Component xi Conclusion 2, 4, 11, 41, 73, 77, 94, 118,149,162 CONDitional xi, 110, 123-4, 133, 138, 150, 155, 157, 159

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INTRAterminal 9, 39, 70, 82, 94, 104, 138, 145-6, 153, 158 Nonpunctual 4, 5, 39, 84, 157, 158 Perfective 104, 145, 153 POSTterminal x, xiii, 5, 9, 36, 40, 99-102, 104, 137-8, 142, 147, 153, 156, 158, 169-72, 182, 185, 198 PROGressive xiii, 5, 82, 86, 90-2, 104, 146, 153 Punctual 39, 73, 75 RESULTative xiii, 33, 37, 40, 73, 75-6,99,121, 143-4,147,156 Associative xi, 10, 110, 120-1, 123, 133, 149-50, 158 Associative OBLlGation xi, 10,34, 51,54,59,61,75,93, 110,116, 119-22, 130, 138,155, 158,175, 184 Attainment 39, 74, 80 Attitude 16,41, 124, 150 Audience 20,22, 109, 156 Author 10,28,118, 124-5 Auxiliary 55, 148

2 01

General Index

Conform 10, 136, 139-41, 146-9, 152, 158-9, 162 Consistency 10, 33, 117, 125, 151, 154 Construction 9, 10, 16, 18-21, 24, 42-3, 53-4, 56, 59-62, 67, 70-3, 75-8,80-1,83,85-7,89,91-6,99, 102, 104-5, 110-11, 119-20, 1235, 127, 133, 138, 140-1, 144, 1467, 149-50, 152-5,158,172,213 Contact 4, 13, 22, 136, 155-6, 160, 193 Contemporary 1, 14, 127, 136-8, 158, 160 Context 3, 6, 14-15, 17, 22-3, 27-9, 33, 40, 45, 52, 60, 66-7, 75, 7780,87,89,91,93,99, 101-2, 10912,117, 119,125, 132, 134-5, 139, 144, 147 CONTinuous xi, 68, 82, 84-6, 104, 146, 152-3 Continuum 193, 198 Convention 11, 18 Convergence 19, 152, 155 Conversation 20, 22, 47, 89, 106, 109 Cook, Captain 78, 106, 119, 134, 192 Coordinating 194-5 Copula 7,9,34,45,47,51-2,55, 64-5, 67, 90 Locative xii, 7, 23, 34, 45, 49, 54,64,66,68,93, 168, 170, 181 Zero 7 Core 82, 145, 159 Creole 1-3, 6-11, 19, 26, 32, 67, 69, 70, 103, 136-7, 152, 157, 159-60, 193, 195, 197-9 Genesis 1, 6, 11, 136, 198

Creolization 7, 11 Criteria 3,6,78,106, 148, 199 Crosslinguistic ix, 1-2, 10-11,32, 67, 104-5, 133, 138-41, 147, 149, 151-2, 161-2 Crucial limit 37, 39, 73-5, 77-8, 80, 104, 143-5 Culmination 37-8, 75 Current 39 Cursus 37, 40, 142

D Data 2, 8, 10, 14-20, 24, 26-9, 32, 37, 62, 68-9, 75, 77, 84, 87, 92, 101,104,110,117,135-9,141, 147, 149, 152, 155, 157, 159-60 Oral 8,21 Spoken 8, 18,20,87, 118 Writtem 19, 62, 69, 99, 124, 135 Database 8, 10, 18, 22, 25, 27-8, 31,55,59,62,77,79-80,84-5, 87,93,95,99, 105, 112, 115, 117, 124, 127, 133, 135, 140-1, 145-7 Day,R.R. 19,21,48,57,95,97, 131, 173, 175, 189 Declarative 7 Decreolization 10, 136, 160, 198 Deduct xi, 127, 130-1, 138, 155 Deductive xi, 10,41-2, 110, 128, 130, 133, 149-51, 154, 158 DEDUCTive JUDgement 128,130, 149, 151, 154, 158 Default 15 Definite article 7 Deictic centre xii, 38, 73-4, 100-1, 104, 144-5, 147 Demand 13 Demographic 156

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202

Deontic 9, 41-2, 44, 110, 116, 120, 125, 133, 149-50, 154, 158 DESlDerative xi, 10, 23, 61, 81, 90, 98, 110,117, 132-3,138, 152, 155, 159, 172, 176, 178-9, 183 Develop 4,6, 11, 14-15,24-5, 1567 Development 5, 14, 38, 118, 137 Deviation 8 Diachronic 5, 136-7 Dialect 156-7, 199 Dialogue 17-18,21,31,47,59,66, 84, 88-9, 94, 163 Differentiate 19,69, 119, 153 Diffusion 6, 196, 198 Dimension 8 Direct 22,75, 133, 149, 152, 155, 158 Directive 41-2, 110, 112, 116, 120, 123, 125, 133, 149-50 DiSASSociative xi, 10, 50, 110, 120, 122-3, 133, 138, 150, 155, 158, 175 Discourse 47, 193 Diverge 106, 156 Diversity 14 Domain 6, 11, 24, 64, 67, 104, 118, 151, 156-7 Drama 17-18,88-9 Dual 9 Duration 37-9, 82, 142-3 Durative 39,73,75, 157 Dynamic 19,22,38,40-2,44,74-5, 77-9,110, 112,116,133,149-50

E Education 4, 13 Elicitation 16-17,20,22,27,63,801,89,93-4,109,111,116,156 Emigration 30

203

End 83, 142 Endpoint 83, 142 Entry 216 Environment 14,25,27 Epistemic 9,41-2, 110, 127, 133, 148, 151, 154-5, 158, 162, 199 Equipment 17, 20, 27, 30, 109 Ethnicity 8, 10, 14, 24-5, 28, 30-1, 117, 133,137, 156-7, 194,216 Interethnic 14 Event 9, 32-3, 36-2, 45, 49, 52, 55, 58-60, 67, 70-80, 82, 84-6, 91-4, 97-101, 104-6, 123-4, 131, 13944, 146, 148-51, 154, 158, 162-3 Subevent 38, 106 Evidential 41-2, 148 Examination 30 Exclamation xii EXlSTential xii, 7, 24, 36, 54, 71, 102, 120, 130, 137, 150, 163-4, 167, 170, 174-5, 178, 181 External factors 41-2, 123, 150 Eyewitnessing 42, 148

F Factors External 41-2, 123, 150 Internal 41-2 Female 29, 157 Fieldwork 15-16,18,31,195 Final point 37, 40, 74, 100, 142-4, 148 Finding 10,95,136-7, 139, 149, 159 Finis 37,40,100, 142-4, 148 Finitransformative 37 Focality xii, 9, 23, 38-9, 70, 82-3, 89, 91, 94, 99, 104, 145, 147 IMMediate now x, xii, 87, 91, 94, 104

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General Index

General Index

NonFocality 38, 82, 146 Foreground 92, 146 Foreign 13, 64 Foreigner 13, 62, 156 Foreman 13 Framework 8, 11, 15, 17, 32, 36, 44-5,70, 109,139, 141-2, 148-9 Free morpheme 7 Free speech 20 Frequency ix, 87, 89, 156, 192 Function 9, 17, 22, 24, 39, 76, 78-9, 100, 110, 133,151, 159-60 FUTure xii, 5, 9,21, 24, 33, 45-6, 49, 50, 53, 55-67, 89, 90, 95, 1.001, 118-20, 125,136, 138-41, 147, 154, 156-8, 160, 165, 173, 175, 177, 187, 189 REMote xiii, 9, 26, 33, 63, 66-7, 95-6, 136, 138, 140-1, 154, 173, 175, 182

G gaDa VERB 34, 184 Gender 8, 10,28-9,137,157,216 Generation 11, 14, 57, 129, 155 Generative 2, 11 Generic 139 Genesis 1, 6, 11, 136, 198 Genre x, 87-9 Geographic 8-9, 14, 24-5, 30, 62, 64, 117, 137, 156-8 GERund xii Gesture 15,27, 157 Global 2, 38, 106, 136, 138, 145-6, 162 Gloss 43, 74, 97 go(i)n(g)/gonna VERB 45, 56-7, 59,67, 138, 140,154,158

gotta/gadaVERB 21,92, 110, 11819, 120, 122-3, 133, 138, 149-50, 154-5 Grammar 3, 6, 11, 69, 156-7, 194-5 Grammatical 1, 3, 5, 15, 20, 29, 323,43,52,63,67,100,104,10910, 136, 140-1, 146-7, 154-5, 157-8, 162, 194 Grammaticalization 62, 141, 156 Green, L. 85-6,93, 108 Grounding 5, 8, 12, 89, 91-2, 104, 146 Background 5, 8, 12 Foreground 92, 146 Group session xi, 20, 195 Guideline 75 Gustafsson, D. xi, 113

H HABitual xii, 9, 35, 43, 52, 61, 66, 70,82,84-6,95-7, 104-5, 114, 129, 138, 141, 146-8, 152-3, 158, 167-8, 170, 173-4, 176 Haole 13-14, 18,25, 128, 135 Haole-Yikz 18,135 haolified 135 Hawai'i 30, 194 Hawaii Creole English 45, 70, 139 History 11,43,156 Hearer 22,41, 113, 115,149-50, 156 Hearsay 42, 148 Heterogenized 38 High Focality x, xii, 23, 38, 70, 823, 104, 146 Highlight 37-8, 74-5, 77-9, 81, 107, 131, 145, 148 Homogenization 38 Homogenized 38 Homogenous 38

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204

Homophonous 76

I Identity 15,18,24,30,31 IMMediate now x, xii, 87, 91, 94, 104 Immigrant 14 Immigration 156 IMPERative xii, 8, 10, 41-2, 61, 67, 109-11,132,138, 141,149,155, 158 Imperfective 104, 145, 153, 194 INABility xii, 9, 24, 48, 110, 116-19, 132-4, 138, 149-50, 155-6, 159, 170, 186 Indefinite article 7 Inflection 3, 52, 140 Informant xiv, 10, 16, 18-20, 22-3, 25,27-8,30-31,55-6,58,63,76, 80-1,89,93-4,111, 116,119, 125, 130, 134, 141, 145, 155, 157,216 Inherent 39, 53, 99, 102, 139, 143, 145, 147 Initiotransformative 37 Initium 37,40,74,77,80, 106, 142-5 iNTENSive xii, 13,83, 137 Interethnic 14 iNTERJection xii, 48, 61 Interlinearization xi, 196 Internal factors 41-2 Interview 16, 20, 27-30, 102, 11719 Interview session 20, 27 INTRAterminal x, xii, 9, 23, 36, 39, 70,82-4,89,91,94,104,138, 142, 145-6, 153, 158

205

High Focality 48, 55, 61, 70, 76, 90-91, 138, 153, 164-70, 173, 178, 181-2, 184, 187 High Focality IMMediate now 91, 93, 138, 153 LOW Focality 70, 138, 153, 158, 169, 173 iRRealis xii, 4-5, 9, 157-8 Iterative 157

J JUDgement xii, 10, 41-2, 76, 99, 110,127-31,133, 138,148, 151, 154-5, 158 DEDUCTive 128, 130, 149, 151, 154,158 SPECULative xiii, 10, 41-2, 76, 110,127-30,133,138,151, 154-5, 158

K Kupuna 149

L Labour 13-14,30, 172 Language Elicited 16-17,20,22,27,63, 80-81,89,93-4, 109, 111, 116, 156 Naturalistic 16-17, 19-20, 118, 156 Performed 17, 109 Questionnaire 17, 110 Spoken 10, 17-20,22,28,55, 85,93, 110, 119, 151-2, 156 Written 10, 17-18,22,30,88, 93,109-10, 117,119,133, 150, 156

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General Index

General Index

Language Bioprogram Hypothesis xii, 4, 7-8, 10, 136, 152, 157-60, 194 Lexeme 40 Lexified 69 Limit Crucial 37, 39, 73-5, 77-8, 80, 104, 143-5 Lingua franca 13 Listener 106, 110, 128 Literacy 13, 18,30, 198 Literarization 30 Localization point 73-4, 144 LOCative xii, 7, 23, 34, 45, 49, 54, 64,66,68,93, 168, 170, 181 LOW Focality x, xii, 38, 70, 82-3, 104, 146 Luna 13

M Mainland 55, 128 Male 29, 157 Menehune 65, 163, 167, 169-72 Minidisk xii Minority 149 Missionary 13 Modal 9, 42, 49, 55-6, 58-61, 66, 110, 116, 132, 140, 148,150, 152, 154, 158-9 Modality ix, 7, 9, 40-2, 47, 61, 667, 109, 137-8, 140-41, 148-9, 151-2, 154-5, 158-9, 162, 199 ABility xi, 34, 42, 48-9, 58, 64, 76,79,89,110,112-16,130, 133, 138, 150-1, 155, 165, 167, 171, 173, 177-8, 186, 188 Associative OBLlGation xi, 10, 34,51,54,59,61,75,93, 110, 116,119-22, 130,138,155, 158, 175, 184

CONDtitional xi, 110, 123, 133, 150, 157, 159 DEDUCTive JUDgement 128,130, 149, 151, 154, 158 Deontic 9,41-2,44,110, 116, 120, 125, 133, 149-50, 154, 158 DESlDerative xi, 10, 23, 61, 81, 90,98, 110, 117, 132-3,138, 152, 155, 159, 172, 176, 1789,183 Directive 41-2, 110, 112, 116, 120, 123, 125, 133, 149-50 DiSASSociative OBLlGation xi, 10, 50, 110, 120, 122-3, 133, 138, 150, 155, 158, 175 Dynamic 19,22,38,41-2,44, 74-5,77.9,110,112,116,133, 149-50 Epistemic 9,41-2, 110, 127, 133, 148, 151, 154-5, 158, 162, 199 Event 9, 32-3, 36-42, 45, 52, 56, 59-60,67,70-1,73-80,82,846,91-4,97-101, 104-5,123, 139-40, 142-4, 146, 148-51, 154, 158, 162-3 Evidential 41-2, 148 IMPERative xii, 8, 10, 41-2, 61, 67, 109-11, 132, 138, 141, 149, 155, 158 INABility xii, 9, 24, 48, 110, 11619, 132-4, 138, 149-50, 155-6, 159, 170, 186 iRRealis xii, 4-5, 9, 157-8 JUDgement xii, 10, 41-2, 76, 99, 110, 127-31, 133, 138, 148, 151, 154-5, 158 OBLlGation xii, 10, 34, 41-2, 501,54,59,61,93, 110, 116,

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206

119-24, 128, 130,133,138, 149, 150-1, 154-5, 158, 175, 184 PERMissive xiii, 112, 115, 138, 150-1, 154-5 POLite REQuest 43, 111 PROHlBitive xiii, 9, 35, 50, 110, 116-19, 133, 138, 150-1, 1556, 159, 170, 179, 190 Propositional 9, 40, 42, 148, 154,158 REQuest xiii, 10,43, 109-12, 125, 132, 138, 149, 155, 158 REQuest, POLite 43, 111 SPECULative JUDgement xiii, 10, 41-2,76, 110, 127-30, 133, 138, 151, 154-5, 158 Volitive 42 Modifier 106 Momentaneous xii, 37 Mood 4,9,61, 157-8,196, 199 Necessity 2, 8, 120, 154 POSSiBility 18,30,42,56,59,67, 112, 123, 129, 141, 154-5 Morpheme Free 7 Morphemic 196 Morphological component xi MOTion verb xii, 59, 141 Movement rule 7

N Narrative 9, 16, 18, 33, 45, 52, 65, 67-8, 77-8, 87, 89, 91-2, 96, 1046, 110, 139, 141,144,146-7,1534, 163 Narrator 55-6, 62-3, 78-9, 84, 92, 114-15,118, 122-4,128,132,135 Naturalistic language 16,17,19-20, 118, 156

207

Naturalistic speech 20 Necessity 2,8,120, 154 NEGated PAST 9, 45, 54-5, 140 NEGation xii, 7, 19, 74, 79, 110, 133, 145, 150, 159 Neutralization 5 neva VERB 9, 45, 54-5, 67, 71, 75, 80, 140 NonFocality 38, 82, 146 Nonpast 4, 157 Nonpunctual 4-5, 39, 84, 157-8 Nunc 145-6

o OBLlGation xii, 10, 34, 41-2, 50-1, 54,59,61,93,110, 116,119-24, 128, 130, 133, 138, 149-51, 1545, 158, 175, 184 Associative xi, 10, 34, 51, 54, 59,61,75,93, 110,116,11922, 130, 138, 155, 158, 175, 184 DiSASSociative xi, 10, 50, 110, 120, 122-3, 133, 138, 150, 155, 158, 175 Obligatoriness 5, 10, 45, 47, 50-3, 65,67,73,77,90,95-6,105,110, 139, 152, 154-5, 160 Oral 8,21 Orientation point x, 39-40, 73, 82, 100-2, 104, 147

P Paradox 30 Participation 15 Participle 142 PAST x, xiii, 4-5, 9, 32-4, 39, 43, 45-6, 48, 50, 52-5, 60-1, 64-7, 707,80-1,86-7,89-91,95-105, 112,

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General Index

General Index

114-15, 119-20, 123-4,126-7, 129-33, 135, 138, 140-2, 144, 147-8, 150, 152-4, 157-8, 163-4, 166-70, 172-6, 178-83, 185 Past-before-past 70, 77, 157 pau 5,9,70,81,97-9,105,138, 148, 152-3, 158, 192 PerFeCT xiii, 27, 37, 44, 48, 100-2, 106, 142, 147, 153 Perfective 104, 145, 153 Performed language 17,109 PERMissive xiii, 112, 115, 138, 1501, 154-5 Phonological 69 Pidgin 4,7,11,30,69-70, 159, 193, 194, 197-9 Pidginized 14 Plantation 13-14, 30, 62, 64, 124, 134 PLuPerFeCT xiii, 27, 100, 142, 147, 153 Plural 65, 157 POLite REQuest 43, 111 Politeness xiii, 16,43, 110-11, 125, 149, 162 Portmanteau 9, 53, 61, 70, 74, 95, 97, 105, 142, 144, 147, 154, 158 Positive 9, 19, 110, 133 possessive xiii, 7, 46, 56, 58, 72, 81,95,98,101-3, 114,120, 164, 166, 173-4, 177, 181, 183-4, 187 POSSlBility 155 POSTterminal x, xiii, 5, 9, 36, 40, 99-102, 104, 137-8, 142, 147, 153, 156, 158, 169-72, 182, 185, 198 Postverbal 159 PRESent 1, 6, 8, 14, 20, 32-3, 39, 45-6, 49-52, 55, 62, 64-5, 67-8,

82,89-91,95,98,100, 129, 13740, 147, 149, 152-4, 160 Prestige 13, 15,22 Preverbal 4,7, 159, 199 PROGressive xiii, 5, 82, 86, 90-2, 104, 146, 153 PROHlBitive xiii, 9, 35, 50, 110, 116-19, 133,138,150-1,155-6, 159, 170, 179, 190 Pronoun 66 Propositional 9, 40, 42, 148, 154, 158 Prototype 137, 158, 195, 197 Proximity 8, 33 Punctual 39, 73, 75

Q Question words 7 Questionnaire 16-17, 19,30, 110, 118

R Recording session 20 Reduplication 103, 193, 197, 199 Reference point 5, 9, 10, 22, 32-4, 36,43,46,50,52,54,59-61,65, 67, 70-2, 74-5, 77-8, 89-91, 95-6, 104, 106, 123, 129, 139, 141, 144, 147, 150, 154, 193, 197 Register 8, 14, 17, 20, 30, 109, 117, 137, 151, 156-7 Relative xiii, 46, 138, 154 Relativization 7 REMote xiii, 9, 26, 33, 63, 66-7, 956, 136, 138, 140-1, 154, 173, 175, 182 REMote FUTure xiii, 9, 26, 33, 63, 66-7,95-6,136,138, 140-1,154, 173, 175, 182

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Remoteness 45, 62-3, 95, 105, 13941, 147, 154, 158, 195 Reported speech xiv, 47-8, 106, 139 REQuest xiii, 10,43, 109-12, 125, 132, 138, 149, 155, 158 REQuest, POLite 43, 111 Restructuring 14, 30 RESULTative xiii, 33, 37, 40, 73, 756,99,121,143-4, 147,156

s -s form 2,4,7,17,28,43,49,71, 77,93, 108, 114, 138,154 Sampling 8, 109, 118, 151, 157 Scope 21,44,47,80-1,99,152, 156-7, 162, 184 Semantic 8, 56 Sequential 38 SERiality xiii, 38-9 Session Group xi, 20, 195 Interview 20, 27 Recording 20 Setting Temporal 138-9 Settlement 14,26,64 Simple past 4,53,73,147,157 Simultaneous 9, 32-5, 46, 52, 67-8, 71,90, 129, 131,139, 159 Speaker 10, 12, 14, 17, 19,20-2, 24-6, 28, 30, 33-4, 40-2, 44, 46-9, 51,56-61,63-7,69,71-2,79,83, 85-6,91,95-9,101-2, 112-17, 119-20, 122-9,132-4, 141, 14851, 154, 156-8, 160, 163 SPECULative xiii, 10,41-2, 76, 110, 127-30, 133, 138, 151, 154-5, 158 Speech Free 20

209

Naturalistic 20 Reported xiv, 47-8, 106, 139 Speech moment 9, 37 Spoken data 8, 18, 20, 87, 118 Spoken language 10, 17-20, 22, 28, 55,85,93,110,119,151-2, 156 Stabilization 14 Standard English 19, 53, 72, 99, 110-11,142,154,173 State verbs 4, 157 STATIVE 22, 70, 74, 77-9, 97

Stigmatization 16, 22 Stratum 39, 60, 62, 82, 100, 142, 145, 147 Subevent 38, 106 Subjunctive 157 Substrate 3,6, 14,25, 137 Superstrate 6-8, 18, 25, 27, 152 Synchronic 1, 136-7, 155, 160 Syntax 196

T Tabouret-Keller, A. 8, 24, 196 Telic 75 Temporal setting 138-9 Temporality 5, 9, 33-4, 37, 39, 45, 51-2,59-60,62,65,67,78,82, 96, 99-100, 104-5, 138-45, 147, 153, 158 Tense ix-x, 4-5, 7-9, 19, 30, 32-4, 36-7, 43, 45, 48-9, 52, 55-6, 60-2, 64-71,95-6,100, 102,106, 123, 129, 135, 137-42, 147, 152-4, 156-9, 193, 195 Absolute 8-9,32-3,45,52,71, 106, 139 ANTerior x-xi, 4-5, 9, 70-1, 73, 106, 157-9 Base form 4-5, 9, 33-4, 45-9, 514,65,67-8,71,73,96,111,

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General Index

General Index

138-9, 144, 147, 149, 154-5, 158 FUTure xii, 5, 9, 21, 24, 33, 45-6, 49-50, 53, 55-67, 89-90, 95, 100-1, 118-20, 125, 136, 13841, 147, 154, 156-8, 160, 165, 173, 175, 177, 187, 189 NEGated PAST 9, 45, 54-5, 140

Nonpast 4, 157 PAST x, xiii, 4-5, 9, 32-4, 39, 43,

45-6,48,50,52-5,60-1,64-7, 70-7,80-1,86-7,89-91,95101, 103-5, 112, 114-15, 11920, 123-4, 126-7, 129-33, 135, 138, 140-2, 144, 147-8, 150, 152-4, 157-8, 163-4, 166-70, 172-6, 178-83, 185 Past-before-past 70, 77, 157 PerFeCT xiii, 27, 37, 44, 48, 1002, 106, 142, 147, 153 PLuPerFeCT xiii, 27, 100, 142, 147, 153 PRESent 1, 6, 8, 14, 20, 32-3, 39, 45-6, 49-52, 55, 62, 64, 65, 678,82,89-91,95,98, 100, 129, 137-40, 147, 149, 152-4, 160 REMote FUTure xiii, 9, 26, 33, 63, 66-7,95-6, 136, 138, 140-1, 154, 173, 175, 182 -s form 2,4,7,17,28,43,49, 71,77,93, 108,114,138, 154 Simple past 4, 53, 73, 147, 157 Terminum 39, 73 Transcription 11 Transformative Fini- 37 Transformative Initio- 37 Transformativity 37-40, 73, 143

Typological 1, 3, 8, 141, 145, 148, 160, 197 Typology 1-2

u Ungrammatical 16,51,74-5,80, 145 Universal 1-2, 6, 11, 15, 193 Unreal time 157

V Variation 2, 4, 7-9, 14, 16, 18-22, 24-6,30,39,62,68,72-3,10910, 117-18, 125, 133, 136-7, 150, 152, 155-60, 199 Age 8,10,14,24,28-30, 111, 117, 137, 148, 155-7, 160,216 Stylistic 18,94,110, 125, 133, 150 Viewpoint 37-9, 70, 73, 75-6, 82, 91,99, 104-6, 142-4, 146-7 Viewpoint operator 37, 39, 70, 82, 91,99,104-6,142-3, 146 Volitive 42

w Whaling 13 Wh-questions 7, 193 Written data 19, 62, 69, 99, 124, 135 Written language 10, 17-18, 22, 30, 88,93, 109-10,117, 119, 133, 150, 156

z Zero copula 7 Zero form 157, 159

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210

Numbers in bold italics refer to example numbers, numbers without formatting refer to page numbers. Grammatical constructions are written in Standard English orthography and not in IPA, except for the flap (D). coMPLEMentizer 17,57, 62, 64, 78, 5 5 , 9 5 , 1 ^ , 171-2, 174, 181, 183, 185 COMPLetive 68, 94-6,119, 169, 171, 189 CONDitional 133-9 could VERB 62,111-12

ABility 8,14-5,17, 36, 43, 46, 59, 66,107-10,114-16,118,129, 153, 165, 167, 171, 173, 177-8, 186, 188 ACTion 11, 37-43, 55, 62, 74, 84, 87,95, 111, 142,156,163, 172, 174, 176, 178, 183 ADMONitive 140,141-6 Associative 40,42 Associative OBLlGation 8,20, 27-8, 39-40, 84, 87,118,122,125,1279,153, 175, 184

D DEDUCTive JUDgement 147-9,154-5 -deml-gaiz 40, 42 DESlDerative 4, 40, 54, 68, 70-1, 79, 85, 96,103,119,151,156-9, 111, 176, 178-9, 183 DiSASSociative OBLlGation 19,126, 130-2, 175, 186-7

B better/beDa VERB 140,141-6 bin WERE 169-70,179-80,182-3, 185 bumbye 43-5, 53, 173, 175, 182

E EXiSTential 27, 54-5, 69, 82, 84, 104,100,127,153, 163-4, 167, 170, 174-5, 178, 181 NEGated EXiSTential 44,100, 175

c can VERB 8,14-15,17, 36, 43, 46, 59, 66,107-10,113-116,118, 129,153, 165, 167, 171,173, 177-8, 186, 188 cannot VERB 15,19,118-19,1234, 170, 186; as PROHlBitive 84, 122,124

PAST EXiSTential 55, 167, 178,

181

FUTure 17,19, 25, 31-6, 39, 43-6, 50-1, 72, 75-6, 94,102,124-5, 140, 165, 173, 175, 177, 187, 189 211

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Example Index

212 Example Index

G get (EXiSTential; possessive) 27,32, 35, 54-6, 68-9, 82, 84, 89, 96, 99100,102,104, HI, 153, 163-4, 166, 167, 170, 173-5, 177-8, 181, 183-4, 187 GERund 87 go VERB 11, 38-43, 55, 62, 74, 84, 87,95,111,142,156,163,172, 174, 176, 178, 183 go(i)n(g)lgonna VERB 17,19, 25, 31-6, 39, 43-6, 50-1, 72, 75-6, 94, 102,124-5,140,165,173, 175, 177, 187, 189 gotta/gaDa VERB 8, 20, 27-8,3940, 84, 87,118,122,125,127-9, 153, 175, 184

H had (PAST Existential; PAST possessive) 55, 97, 167, 178, 181 had VERB 97-100, 169-72, 182, 185 have (EXiSTential/POSSessive) 127 have to VERB 19,126,130-2, 175, 186-7

I INABility 15, 44, 57, 70,118-19, 121,123-4, 170, 186 iNTENSified 73,101-2, 111, 164-5 iNTERJection 16, 40, 87 INTRAterminal High Focality 4,15, 30, 42, 55, 59, 62-4, 75-8, 80-6, 88,123, 148,151,164-170, 173, 178, 181-4, 187, 189

High Focality IMMediate now 4, 78, 81-8,136, 170 LOW Focality 69, 70-4, 169, 173

J JUDgement 59,147,150-5 DEDUCTive 147-9,154-5 SPECULative 59,150-3

L like VERB 4, 40, 54, 68, 70-1, 79, 85, 96,103,119,151,156-9, 172, 176, 178-9, 183 LOCative 4,17, 27, 52-3, 70, 87, 148, 168, 170, 181

M might VERB 59,150-3 must VERB 147-9,154-5

N NEGated EXiSTential 44,100, 175 NEGated PAST 27-8, 43, 54, 57, 60,

62, 64, 68, 73, 96, 99, 172, 178-9, 182-3, 185 NEGation 4, 25, 27-30, 34-6, 39, 467, 56, 60, 62, 68, 71, 73, 85-7, 96, 98-9,103,110,119,151,158, 169, 174, 177-82,, 185 neva 27-8, 43, 54, 57, 60, 62, 64, 68, 73, 96, 99, 172, 178-9, 182-3, 185 no can VERB 9,19, 82,117,11920,124, 170, 179, 190; as INABility 44, 57, 70,121,124, 170 nomo 44,100, 175

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REMote 45,55,173,175,182

Example Index

o

P PAST ABility

62,111-12

PAST ADterminal 16,31, 40-1, 43, 54-6, 68, 82, 85, 96,101,106, 111, 113,143,147-8,153,155, 159, 163-6, 169-70, 172, 175-6, 179-80, 182-3, 185 PAST EXiSTential 55, 68, 97, 167,

178, 181 PAST HABitual 9, 21-2, 42, 52, 73, 89-93,153, 52, 167-8, 173-4, 176 PAST possessive 68, 97, 183-4

pau 68, 94-6,119, 169, 171, 189 PERMissive 113 POLite REQuest 103-6,142 possessive 32, 35, 54, 56, 68-9, 84, 89, 96, 99,100,102,104, 111, 127, 164, 166, 173-4, 177, 181, 183-4, 187 POSTterminal 97-100, 169-72, 182, 185 PROHlBitive 9,19, 82, 84,117,11920,122,124, 170,179, 190

R RELative PRONoun 13 REMote FUTure 43-5, 53, 173, 175, 182

s should VERB 133-6 SPECULative JUDgement 59,150-3 stay (LOCative) 4,17,27, 52-3, 70, 87,148,16%, 170, 181 stay VERB 69, 70-4, 169, 173 stay VERB-wg 4, 78, 81-8,136, 170

T try VERB

103-6,142

V VERB-wg 4,15, 30, 42, 55, 59, 62-4, 75-8, 80-6, 88,123,148, 151, 164-170, 173, 178, 181-4, 187, 189

w wen VERB 16,31, 40-1, 43, 54-66, 68, 82, 85, 96,101,106, 111, 113, 143,147-8,153,155,159, 163-6, 169-70, 172, 175-6, 182

Y yustu VERB 9, 21-2, 42, 52, 73, 8993,153, 52, 167-8, 173-4, 176

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OBLlGation 8,19-20, 27-8, 39-40, 87,118,125-8,130,153, 175, 184, 186-7 Associative 8,20,27-8,39-40, 84, 87,118,122,125,127-9, 153, 175, 184 DiSASSociative 19,126,130-2, 175, 186-7 ought to VB 137-9

213

I have grouped the informants in four different ways (by age, by gender, by island and by ethnicity), in order to make it easy for the reader to search for specific variational categories. The numbers in bold italics to the right of each entry refer to example numbers (i.e. they should not be confused with the age ofthe informant); the ones to the right of each entry that do not gave any formatting refer to page numbers.

Age

Male Japanese 50 Kaua'i 4, 22, 30, 40, 98, 99, 167-73 Male Portuguese 50 Kaua'i 80, 107,155, 177'-85 60-69 Female Hawaiian 61 Hawai'i 21, 92, 111, 147 Female Hawaiian 64 Moloka'i 128 Female Portuguese 62 Hawai'i 26, 60,127,142 Male Chinese 64 Kaua'i 79 Male Filipino 61 Moloka'i 14 Male Hawaiian 64 Kaua'i 91,154 70-79 Female Hawaiian 70 Moloka'i 113 Female Hawaiian 71 Mau'i 19, 21,39,50, 150 Female Hawaiian 77 Moloka'i 28, 32,109,130,144 Male Chinese 79 Moloka'i 8, 28, 52, 93,105,113 Male Hawaiian 79 Hawai'i 23, 66 Male Japanese 75 Moloka'i 13, 55,57,185-90

20-29 Male Hawaiian 22 Hawai'i 47, 118,152 Male Hawaiian 24 Kaua'i 106 Male Hawaiian 24 Moloka'i 18, 27,49,87,95,117 Male Hawaiian 29 Mau'i 12,16, 20, 25, 55, 56, 89,100,134, 159, 163-7 30-39 Female Portuguese 39 Hawai'i 90,125,126,143 40-49 Female Hawaiian 40 Moloka'i 128 50-59 Female Hawaiian 50 Hawai'i 9 Female Hawaiian 50 Mau'i 19, 39, 42, 68, 96,102,119,156 Female Hawaiian 51 Hawai'i 34, 36, 48, 59, 73,101,110,153, 173-7 Female Hawaiian 58 Moloka'i 14,17,45,46,105,128,130

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Informant Index

80-89 Male Chinese 88 O'ahu 15 Male Portuguese 85 Kaua'i 35, 74,155, 177-85 90-99 Female Hawaiian 95 Hawai'i 53, 140

Gender Female Hawaiian 40 Moloka'i 128 Hawaiian 50 Hawai'i 9 Hawaiian 50 Mau'i 19, 39, 42, 68, 96,102,119,156 Hawaiian 51 Hawai'i 34,36, 48, 59, 73,101,110,153, 173-7 Hawaiian 58 Moloka'i 14,17,45, 46,105,128,130 Hawaiian 61 Hawai'i 21, 92, 111, 147 Hawaiian 64 Moloka'i 128 Hawaiian 70 Moloka'i 113 Hawaiian 71 Mau'i 19, 21, 39, 50,150 Hawaiian 77 Moloka'i 28, 32, 109,130,144 Hawaiian 95 Hawai'i 53,140 Portuguese 39 Hawai'i 90,125, 126,143 Portuguese 62 Hawai'i 26, 60, 127,142 Male Chinese 64 Kaua'i 79 Chinese 79 Moloka'i 8, 28, 52, 93,105,113 Chinese 88 O'ahu 15 Filipino 61 Moloka'i 14 Hawaiian 22 Hawai'i 47,118, 152 Hawaiian 24 Kaua'i 106

215

Hawaiian 24 Moloka'i 18, 27, 49, 87,95,117 Hawaiian 29 Mau'i 12,16, 20, 25, 55, 56, 89,100,134,159, 163-7 Hawaiian 64 Kaua'i 91,154 Hawaiian 79 Hawai'i 23, 66 Japanese 50 Kaua'i 4, 22, 30, 40, 98, 99, \67-73 Japanese 75 Moloka'i 13, 33, 51, 185-90 Portuguese 50 Kaua'i 80,107, 155, 177-85 Portuguese 85 Kaua'i 35, 74,155, 177-85

Island Hawai'i Female Hawaiian 50 years 9 Female Hawaiian 51 years 34, 36, 48,59,73,101,110,153, 173-7 Female Hawaiian 61 years 21, 92, 111, 147 Female Hawaiian 95 years 53, 140 Female Portuguese 39 years 90, 125,126,143 Female Portuguese 62 years 26, 60,127,142 Male Hawaiian 22 years 47,118, 152 Male Hawaiian 79 years 23, 66 Kaua'i Male Chinese 64 years 79 Male Hawaiian 24 years 106 Male Hawaiian 64 years 91,154 Male Japanese 50 years 4, 22, 30, 40, 98, 99, 167-73 Male Portuguese 50 years 80, 107,155, 177-85

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Informant Index

Informant Index

Male Portuguese 85 years 35, 74, 155, 177-85 Mau'i Female Hawaiian 50 years 19, 39, 42, 68, 96,102,119,156 Female Hawaiian 71 years 19, 21, 39, 50,150 Male Hawaiian 29 years 12,16, 20, 25, 55, 56, 89,100,134, 159, 163-7 Moloka'i Female Hawaiian 40 years 128 Female Hawaiian 58 years 14,17, 45, 46,105,128,130 Female Hawaiian 64 years 128 Female Hawaiian 70 years 113 Female Hawaiian 77 years 28,32, 109,130,144 Male Chinese 79 years 8, 28, 52, 93,105,113 Male Filipino 61 years 14 Male Hawaiian 24 years 18, 27, 49,87,95,117 Male Japanese 75 years 13, 33, 51, 185-90 O'ahu Male Chinese 88 years 15

Ethnicity Chinese Male 64 Kaua'i 79 Male 79 Moloka'i 8, 28, 52, 93, 105,113 Male 88 O'ahu 15 Filipino Male 61 Moloka'i 14 Hawaiian Female 40 Moloka'i 128

Female 50 Hawai'i 9 Female 50 Mau'i 19, 39, 42, 68, 96,102,119,156 Female 51 Hawai'i 34,36,48, 59, 73,101,110,153, 173-7 Female 58 Moloka'i 14,17,45, 46,105,128,130 Female 61 Hawai'i 21,92,111, 147 Female 64 Moloka'i 128 Female 70 Moloka'i 113 Female 71 Mau'i 19,21,39,50, 150 Female 77 Moloka'i 28, 32,109, 130,144 Female 95 Hawai'i 53,140 Male 22 Hawai'i 47,118,152 Male 24 Kaua'i 106 Male 24 Moloka'i 18, 27, 49, 87, 95,117 Male 29 Mau'i 12,16, 20, 25, 55, 56, 89,100,134,159, 163-7 Male 64 Kaua'i 91,154 Male 79 Hawai'i 23, 66 Japanese Male 50 Kaua'i 4, 22, 30, 40, 98, 99, 167-73 Male 75 Moloka'i 13, 33, 51, 185-90 Portuguese Female 39 Hawai'i 90,125,126, 143 Female 62 Hawai'i 26, 60,127, 142 Male 50 Kaua'i 80,107,155, 177-85 Male 85 Kaua'i 35, 74,155, 17785

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216