1etl et Retaba. (PHnom) WADI et Maskhuta. . (Succoth) TUMILATTe\\ 1&� ·TeU et Yahuc1 J\ (LeontopoliS)
�
.Heliopotis (On)
SINAI
(Akhetaten)
EI GebeHn (Crocodilopolia)
Edfu (Apollinopolis Magno)
o
I
o
50 i
Miles
i 100 Km.
Elephanti.ne . Aswon Dam (1 at Cat01cac.t)I'
High
Dam)
ARCHIVES FROM ELEPHANTINE THE LIFE OF AN AN CIENT JEWISH MILITARY COLONY
BY
UN IVERSI T Y
OF
BEZAL EL
P OR T E N
CAL I F ORNIA
B E RKELEY AND L O S ANGELES
PRESS
1968
University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California
•
Cambridge University Press London, England Copyright © 1968, by TllC Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 68-13114 Printed in the United States o f America
•
•
TO
MY
PARE N T S
P RE FACE
In the fifth century B.C.E. a colony of Jewish soldiers protected the interests of the Persian Empire on the island of Elephantine at the southern border of Egypt. The colony has transmitted to posterity three Aramaic archives of some dozen documents each. Two are family archives and one is a com munal archive. The discovery and publication in the first decade of this century of two of these archives caused a sensation in learned circles not unlike that produced a half-century later by the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls. The increasing popularity of Qumran studies coincided with the publication of the third archive and tended to eclipse the full significance of the Elephantine texts. Their importance, however, can hardly be gain said : ( 1 ) They antedate most of the Scrolls by at least four centuries. ( 2 ) They provide the earliest documentation for the political, eco nomic, social, religious, and corporate life of a Jewish community-and a Diaspora one at that. ( 3 ) They display numerous points of contact with the contemporary Biblical books of Ezra and Nehemiah and greatly enhance our knowledge of Imperial Aramaic. (4 ) They are valuable to the Iranologist and Egyptologist because they contain many Persian and Egyptian words and names. ( 5 ) They provide another link in the chain of ancient Near Eastern law, allowing us to trace the development of legal patterns from earliest times down through the demotic contracts of Egypt and beyond. (6) They illuminate the daily life of a military colony on the farthest border of the Persian Empire. The first batch of papyri turned up on the antiquities market at Aswan and its masterful publication by the Englishmen Archibald Henry Sayce and Arthur Ernest Cowley in 1906 stimulated both the French and the Germans to undertake excavations on the island of Elephantine in search
Vlll
P REFACE
of more papyri. The German excavation was amply rewarded and the many papyri and ostraca which it discovered were published by Edward Sachau in 191 1 . The French efforts yielded no papyri but numerous ostraca, most of which still await publication. The expensive editions of Sayee-Cowley and Sachau were followed immediately by smaller, popular editions by Willy Staerk and Arthur Ungnad. The papyri published by the Germans were shortly thereafter translated into English by Martin Sprengling and the definitive collection of texts was made in 1923 by A. E. Cowley. New translations of selected texts may be found in the several anthologies of Ancient Near Eastern Texts edited by Hugo Gressmann, James B. Pritchard, and D. Winton Thomas. Leading scholars in the field of ancient Near Eastern studies gave their attention to the illumination of the Aramaic texts. Significant articles and reviews were written by the Semitists Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, S. Daiches, J. Halevy, M.-J. Lagrange, M. Lidzbarski, Th. N6ldeke, F. E. Peiser, and others; by the Egyptologists M. J. Leibovitch, M. E. Revillout, and W. Spiegelberg; and by the Talmudists L. Blau and J. N. Epstein. Mono graphic studies were produced by H. Anneler, A. van Hoonacker, Ed. Meyer, N. Peters, and C. G. Wagenaar. Most of these works were written within a decade of the publication of the original documents. In 1937 A. Vincent published a comprehensive study of the religion of the Elephan tine Jews. New Aramaic texts were published beginning in the 1930'S. In 1931 Noel Aime-Giron edited a collection of papyri, mostly fragmentary, from Memphis and elsewhere. A legal text was published in 1936 by Hans Bauer and Bruno Meissner and a diplomatic letter found at Saqqarah was pub lished in 1949 by Andre Dupont-Sommer. Another collection of legal papyri from Elephantine was published in 1953 by Emil G. Kraeling and letters from the satrap Arsames were edited by Godfrey R. Driver. Ostraca from the Clermont-Ganneau collection were published singly by Dupont Sommer between 1942 and 1963. Papyri from Hermopolis Magna discov ered in 1945 were published in 1966 by Edda Bresciani and Murad Kamil. The new material was as richly reviewed as the earlier texts. Especially noteworthy are the studies by B. Couroyer, W. Eilers, H. L. Ginsberg, P. Grelot, E. Y. Kutscher, J. T. Milik, and S. Segert. Several legal studies were written, bringing to bear material from the Bible and the Talmud as well as from Babylonian and Egyptian sources. The works of S. Greengus, Y. Muffs, J. J. Rabinowitz, A. Verger, Ed. Volterra, and R. Yaron contrib ute greatly to the exposition and clarification of the various legal implica tions of the private documents.
P REFACE
IX
In his publication of the new material, Kraeling wrote a long introduc tion which not only sought to place the new documents into the context of what was already known but discussed such points as the origin and end of the colony, its religion and daily life, and the nature of Persian rule in Egypt. Continued and careful study of the material enables us to go beyond the limits of Kraeling's introduction and to produce a comprehensive study of all aspects of the Elephantine Jewish community-political, economic, religious, family, and communal. Much as the papyri extend our knowledge in many fields, they also pose numerous questions. They state that the Jewish settlement preceded the Persian conquest but do not reveal when or why Jews settled in Elephan tine. There are many indications that the Jewish settlement constituted a a military colony, but the organization of that colony and its precise tasks are not spelled out. The monetary unit was the shekel. How much was it worth? 'What did the soldiers and their families cat and wear and what were their dwellings like? It is indicated that the Jews possessed a Temple to their God YHW but it is not stated when or why it was established. The Temple was destroyed by the local Egyptian priests in collusion with the Persian officials, but the reason for this act is not given. Although the Jews deeply mourned the destruction of their Temple they seem to have divided their religib us loyalties among more than one deity. The Sabbath is men tioned but appears to have been honored more in the breach than in the observance. The family archives concern an Egyptian slave girl married to a free man, and a woman who was married three times, twice to Egyptian builders. Were these situations unusual? To answer these and other questions and to draw a comprehensive pic ture of the Elephantine Jewish community, it is necessary to consider Bibli cal origins and Babylonian parallels, the Egyptian 5Hz im Leben and the organization of the Persian Empire, later Jewish history and Talmudic legal developments. Careful attention must be paid to philology without losing sight of the underlying social situation. Many different kinds of texts must be employed to reconstruct an event or a situation. Due to the relative paucity of documents and the occasionally fragmentary state of a crucial text, much is conjectural and many conclusions must remain tentative. The most fascinating and at the same time the most perplexing problem is that of the religion of the Elephantine Jews. A letter which apparently calls upon the Jews to celebrate Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread is fragmentary and leaves open the question of why it was sent. A list which enumerates the Jews who gave two shekels each to YHW concludes with the notation that funds were also distributed to the deities Anathbethel
X
PR EFACE
and Eshembethel. The interpretation of the Passover letter is inseparable from questions of literary and historical criticism of the Bible. The explana tion of the collection list is bound up with an evaluation of Israelite reli gion. Both questions, however, cannot be separated from the particular circumstances of the Jews at Elephantine. In short, to describe adequately the Elephantine Jewish community is to place it against a background that was sometimes Israelite and some times Aramean, at times Babylonian and at times Egyptian, now Persian and then Greek. It is this convergence of so many influences and sources which makes this community such a fascinating and rewarding object of study. The transcription into English characters of Semitic and Egyptian names poses many problems. For the most part, I have sought to normalize such spellings. On the assumption that the Elephantine Jewish onomasticon is essentially Hebraic, I have patterned the spelling of most West-Semitic names according to that of Biblical names as rendered in the Revised Standard Version translation. Occasionally, where the particular name is not found in the Bible and/or would be otherwise unfamiliar, I have distinguished he [= h] from lJ-eth [= 1J-] and taw [= t] from teth [= t]. This work was several years in the writing and I am indebted to many . people in different places for the help and advice which they graciously extended me. In appropriate spots in the footnotes I gratefully acknowl edge the assistance of many friends and scholars. Here I wish to single out my teachers and those to whom l owe a special debt. I am pleased to mention Prof. H. L. Ginsberg of the Jewish Theological Seminary; Profs . Salo W. Baron, Elias J. Bickerman, and Gerson D. Cohen of Columbia University; Profs. R. A. Bowman, W. F. Edgerton, and J. A. Wilson of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago; and Prof. E. Y. Kutscher of the Hebrew University, Jerusalem. Prof. Cohen showed a keen interest in the work and made many stylistic suggestions. Prof. Baron's high standards of scholarship and history writing were a constant example to me. My understanding of Israelite religion has been greatly influenced by the works of the late Prof. Yehezkel Kaufmann of the Hebrew Uni versity, and I consider myself most privileged to have been able to discuss with him questions of religion at Elephantine. During my stay in Israel Prof. Reuven Yaron, now Dean of the Faculty of Law, Hebrew University, gave freely and enthusiastically of his time and knowledge and for this I am most grateful. Prof. R. B. Y. Scott of Princeton University read Chapter III and made several helpful comments. Finally, I wish to thank
P REFACE
Xl
my colleague at Berkeley, Prof. Jonas C. Greenfield, for his general help fulness and sound judgment. Needless to say, none of the scholars cited is responsible for errors of fact or interpretation. The manuscript went through several drafts and I wish to thank Miss Carol Widrig of Chicago for her great skill in preparing the first complete draft. My former student, Mrs. Judy Rubin, assisted me in a partial revision of the work. The final draft was prepared by Mrs. Dolores Byrne and I am greatly indebted to her for numerous stylistic refinements. Miss Margaret Levin prepared the line drawings. The indexes were prepared with the assistance of Mrs. Evelyn Kasmire, Mrs. Evelyn Showalter, and Mrs. Pat Krotser King. I wish to thank those institutions and funds whose kindness and generos ity made my two year research stint ( 1 960-1962 ) in Israel possible: Lena Socolow Scholarship Fund; National Foundation for Jewish Culture; War burg Fellowship Fund, Hebrew University. The Committees on Research of the University of California at Berkeley and at Davis granted assistance toward the preparation of the final draft and the indexes. The Libraries of the Hebrew University, the Oriental Institute, and the University of California, at Berkeley and at Davis extended me many courtesies. For all these kindnesses I am most grateful. Finally, I wish to express my ap preciation to the staff of the University of California Press for the concern and diligence shown in the publication of a difficult manuscript. B. P. January, 1968 Davis. California
CO N T E N T S
L I S T O F T A B L E S,
ABBREVIATIONS
FIGURES,
AND
PLATES
XVi XIX
.
PART I. P O L I T I CAL AN D E C O N O M I C L I F E
1
1 . S ETTLE MENT OF J EWS A N D ARAMEAN S
IN E GYPT
Early Contacts Saitic Mercenaries Arameans of Syene From Cambyses to Artaxerxes
2. ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S: OR GANIZATION, OFFIC IALS AND DUTIES Degel-A Socio-Military Unit Military Tasks Tshetres
.
.
Provincial Officials Satrapal Supervision
_
Treasury .
28 35 42 45 53 58
3. STANDARD OF LIVING Weights and Measures
Value and Price . Food . Clothing Shelter
62 72 80 87 94
XIV
CONTENTS
PART I I . R E L I G I O U S L I F E
•
103
4. W O R S H I P O F YHW Temple of YHW
.
Sabbath and Passover Names
105 1 22 133
5 . PAGAN CONTACTS Oaths Letters The Collection List Aramean Deities . Jewish Syncretism? The Marzeal;! Association
PART I I I . FAM I LY A N D CO M M U N A L L I F E
INTRODUCTION : THE LEGAL DOCUMENT 6. ANANIAH b. AZARIAH: T E M P L E OFFICIAL
MARRIED TO E GYPT IAN HANDMAIDEN Various Obscurities . Slavery Marriage to an Egyptian Handmaiden Purchase of a House Gift to Wife Conditional Emancipation Marriage to Jehoishma . Gift to Jehoishma by Her Father Sale of Property to Son-in-Law Family Archive .
7 . M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER O F MAHSE IAH: P R OMIN ENT PR OP ERTY HOLDER THRICE MARRIED Papponymy A House of Mahseiah Jezaniah-Mibtahiah's First Husband Pia the Builder-Mibtahiah's Second Husband Intermarriage AS{lOr the Builder-Milftahiah's Third Husband
200 203 205 213 217 219 221 225 231 234
CONTENTS Jedaniah
XV
and Mahseiah-Mibtahiah's Children
255
The Egyptian Woman
258
The Israelite Woman
260
The Cousins
262
Jedaniah
8. P R IVATE LETTE R S The Family of Psami b. Nabunathan Osea and Hosea . The Family of Ahutab .
9 . CONFLICT AND R E S O LUTION Communal Archive .
278
Hananiah and the Passover .
279
Bribery
282
Destruction of the Temple of YHW
284
Negotiations for Reconstruction
289
Restoration
294
Aftermath
296
E P I LOGUE AP P E N D IXE S
•
I. THE NOTATI O"N S
"
;L
V
s
h to te lO
"
.
2 r
303
to the 10" AND
" " " II. THE MEANING OF ABOVE AND B E L OW"·
308
III. RESTORED TEXTS
311
IV. TH E C O LLECTION LIST
319
V. P E RS O NAL NAMES COMP O UNDED WITH B ETHEL, E S H E M, AND f,£E REM VI. A CO MPARISON O F THE S C HEMA O F ARAMAIC AND DEMOTIC LEGAL DOCUMENT S
334
B IBLIOGRAPHY
345
GENERAL
377
INDEX NAMES
386
INDEX
OF
P E RS O N A L
INDEX
OF
FOREIGN W OR D S
395
INDEX
OF
PRIMARY
398
S OURCES
LIST
TABLE TABLE
OF
TABLES,
FI GURES,
AND
PLATES
1 . Value of Bridal Gifts and Dowries 2. Price and Relative Value
1 . Amenophis III Presented to Khnum by Sati (T. Young, Hieroglyphics [London, 1 82.3-2. 8] II, Plate 57 ) FIGURE 2. . Sketch Plan of the German Excavations at Elephantine (W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 [1909- 1 0], Plate 3) . FIGURE 3. Persian Period House on S ite k (W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 [ 1 909-10], Plate 5) . FIGURE 4. Brick House g from the Late Roman or Byzantine Period (W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 [ 1 909-10] , Plate 4 ) FIGURE 5. The Jewish Temple and Its Environs . FIGURE 6 . House which Bagazusht and Ubil Sold to Ananiah FIGURE 7 . Portion of the House which Ananiah Gave Tamut FIGURE 8. Portion o f the House which Ananiah Gave Jehoishma FIGURE 9. Jehoishma's Apartment in 404-402. B.C.E. FIGURE 10. Portion of the House which Ananiah and Tamut Sold to Ananiah b. Haggai FIGURE 1 1 . Family of Mahseiah b. J edaniah . FIGURE 12. . House which Mibtahiah Acquired from Jezaniah FIGURE 1 3 . First House which Mibtahiah Acquired from Mahseiah . FIGURE 14. Second House which Mibtahiah Acquired from Mahseiah FIGURE 15 . Family of Psami b. Nabunathan .
74 75
FIGURE
PLATE
J
PLATE
96 99 1 00 112 2. 15 218 2.2.7 2.2. 8 2. 32 2. 3 8 2.41 2.4 3 246 2. 66
( following page 40 ) Aerial View of the Southern Tip of Elephantine (H. Ricke, Die Tempel Nektanebos' II., Plate 1 ) 2. Aerial View of the Ancient Ruins of Elephantine (H. Ricke, Die Tempel Nektanebos' II., Plate 2. ) 3 . General Plan o f Elephantine and Environs as Seen by Napoleonic Expedition (Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites, Planches [Paris, 1 809] I, Plate 3 1 ) 4 . Looking South at the Cataract Rapids from the Island of Sehe1 (Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum)
PLATE 1 . PLATE
38
TAB LES, FIGURES, AND P LATES
XVll
sa. The Famine Stela on the Island of Sehel ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE Sb. Two Types of Phoenician Jars Discovered in Building k ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATE 6a. View of the Southern Tip of Elephantine from the East. Nilometer ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 6b. Nilometer as Seen by the Napoleonic Expedition (Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites> Planches, I, Plate 3 3, Figure 2) PLATE 7a. Southern Tip of Elephantine (Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 7b. Ancient Ruins of Elephantine Viewed from the South ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 8a. Modem Village of Elephantine Viewed from Ancient Ruins (Cour tesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATE 8b. Khnumeum (Ram's Coffins ) Adjacent to the Temples of Nectanebo II ( Courtesy of H. Ricke) PLATE
( following page 312) Passover Letter ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATE 10. Text of an Oath ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATES 11-13 . Collection List ( Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin) PLATE 14a. Sealed Contract of a House which Ananiah Gave to Jehoishma ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum) PLATES 14b-1Sb. Steps in the Opening of a Papyrus ( Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum and Mr. Anthony Giambalvo) PLATE 16. Text of an Appeal to the God ( Sachau Plate 26) PLATE 9.
ABBREV IA T I O NS
Journals AASOR AHDO AJSL AJT ANOR AOF AR ASAE ASAW BA BASOR BIE BIES BIFAO BJRL BO BSOAS BZ BZAW CE CRAI DLZ HJAS HTR HUCA IEJ IIJ
The Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research Archives d'histoire du droit oriental The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures The American Journal of Theology Analecta Orientalia Archiv fUr Orientforschung Archiv fUr Religionswissenschaft Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte Abhandlungen der Sachischen Akademie der Wissenschaften The Biblical Archaeologist Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research Bulletin de l'Institute d'Egypte Bulletin of the Israel Exploration Society Bulletin de l'Institute Fran�aise d'Archeologie Orientale Bulletin of the John Rylands Library Bibliotheca Orientalis Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies Biblische Zeitschrift Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Chronique d'Egypte Comptes rendues des seances de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Deutsche Literaturzeitung Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies Harvard Theological Review Hebrew Union College Annual Israel Exploration Journal Indo-Iranian Journal
xx
JA JAOS JBL JCS JEA JHS JJLG JJP JNES JQR JRAS JSS JTS MAl MDAIK MGWJ MUSJ PEF PEQ PSBA RA RAO RB RE REJ REG RES RHR RIDA RS RSO SPAW TLZ VT WZKM ZA ZAS
AB BR EVIATION S Journal asiatique Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Cuneiform Studies Journal of Egyptian Archaeology The Journal of Hellenic Studies J ahrbuch der judisch-literarischen Gesellschaft Journal of Juristic Papyrology Journal of Near Eastern Studies The Jewish Quarterly Review The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of Theological Studies Memoires presentees par divers savants a l'Academie des Inscrip tions et Belles-Lettres Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Institutes Abteilung Kairo Monatschrift fur Geschichte der Wissenschaften des Judentums Melanges de l'Universite Saint Joseph Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement ( from 1937 = PEQ ) Palestine Exploration Quarterly Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology Revue d'Assyriologie et d'ArcMologie orientale Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'ArcMologie orientale (18881924 ) , I-VIII Revue Biblique Revue d'Egyptologie Revue des etudes juives Revue des etudes grecques Revue des etudes semitiques Revue de l'histoire des religions Revue internationale des droits de l'antiquite Revue semitique Rivista degli studi orientali Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Theologische Literaturzeitung Vetus Testamentum Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde des Morgenlandes Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie Zeitschrift fUr agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde
A B BREVIATIONS ZAW ZDMG ZDPV ZVRW
AG BE
BK C CG CH CIS D K L M MP Sachau SC UM
UT
XXI
Zeitschrift fiir die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenliindischen Gesellschaft Zeitschrift des deutschen PaHistina-Vereins Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Rechtswissenschaft
Texts [Numbered according to documents, not pages] Aime-Giron, N., Textes arameens d'Egypte (Cairo, 1 9 3 1 ) . Clay, A. T., Business Documents of Murashu Sons of Nippur The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series A: Cuneiform Texts. Edited by H. V. Hilprecht, Vol. X ( Philadelphia, 1 904) . Bresciani, E. and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze Mo rale, Memorie, Ser. VIII, 1 2 ( 1966 ) , 3 57-428, plus 1 0 Plates. Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. ( Oxford, 1923 ) . Clermont-Ganneau, Ostraca to be published by A. Dupont-Sommer Code of Hammurabi Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum Driver, G. R., Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B .C. (Ox . ford, 1954; abridged and rev., 1 9 57 ) . Kraeling, E., The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, New Docu ments of the Fifth Century B .C. from the Jewish Colony at Ele phantine ( New Haven, 1 9 53 ) . Liiddeckens, E., Xgyptische Ehevertrage ( Xgyptologische Abhand lungen 1 ; Wiesbaden, 1960) . Malinine, M., Choix de textes iuridiques en hieratique "anormal" et en demotique (xxv'-xxviie dynasties) (Paris, 1953 ) , I . Malinine, M . and P irenne, J., "Documents juridiques egyptiens ( Deuxieme serie ) ," AHDO 5 ( 19 50-5 1 ) , 1 1 -9 1 . Sachau, Ed., Xramaische Papyrus und Ostraka aus einer iiidischen Militarkolonie zu Elephantine (Leipzig, 19 1 1 ) , 2 vols, Texts and Plates. Sayce, A. H., and Cowley, A. E., Aramaic Papyri Discovered at As suan, with appendices by S. W. Spiegelberg and Seymour de Ricci (London, 1 906 ) . Clay, A. T., Business Documents of Murashu Sons of Nippur Dated in the Reign of Darius II. University of Pennsylvania. The Mu seum. Publications of the Babylonian Section, Vol. II, no. 1 ( Philadelphia, 1 9 1 2 ) . Gordon, C. H., Ugaritic Textbook (Analecta Orientalia, 3 8; Rome, 1 96 5 ) .
PART
I
POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC LIFE
I S E T T L E M E N T O F JEW S A N D ARA M EAN S I N E G YPT
Early Contacts and Impressions Egypt was a source of attraction and repulsion for the forefathers of Israel. On the one hand, it was the haven from famine for the seminomadic patri archs. Abraham sojourned there ( Gen. 1 2 : lOff) and Isaac considered de scending inh;j Egypt (Gen. 26:1£) .1 Joseph was sold into Egyptian slavery, rose to a position of prominence in the court, and brought his whole family down to escape the effects of a long famine (Gen. 37ff) .2 On the other hand, Egypt was symbolic of abominable sexual practices which were absolutely proscribed ( Lev. 1 8 ) . The ancestor of Egypt was Ham ( Gen. 10:6) who "saw the nakedness of his father," Noah, and "told his two brothers out side" ( Gen. 9 :20ff) . Abraham feared that the Egyptians would kill him and take Sarah (Gen. 1 2 : 1 1 ff) . God's covenant blessing did not go to his first born son, Ishmael, because his mother was the Egyptian Hagar (Gen . 1 6, 2 1 ) . The seductive advances of Potiphar's wife were repelled by Joseph because he would not betray his master's trust nor sin against God (Gen. 39:6ff) . His two sons by Asenath, daughter of Potiphera, priest of Heli opolis, were adopted by his father Jacob (Gen. 48) , thereby removing the stigma of Egptian parentage.3 1 Cf. the picture of the brightly dressed Semites who brought eye-paint to Khnumhotep III at Beni Hasan; J. B . Pritchard, The Ancient Near East in Pic tures ( Princeton, 1 9 54 ) , NO . 3; P. Montet, L'Egypte et La Bible (NeucMtel, 1959 ) , 1 1ff. 2 Cf. J . Vergote, Joseph en Egypte (Louvain, 1 9 59 ) , reviewed by K. A. Kitchen in JEA 47 ( 1961 ) , 1 58ff; P. Montet, op. cit., 1 5ff. 3 For discussion of the Genesis passages, d. E. A. Speiser, Genesis (The Anchor Bible, Garden City, 1 964 ) , ad lac.; for survey of the relations between
4
J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GYPT
The period o f the Exodus and settlement saw a continued rejection of Egyptian ways, but a conditional acceptance of the Egyptian. The Sojourn and the Exodus each had its impact on Israelite law and life. "I am the Lord your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt" served to moti vate an extensive legislation of ritual and moral purity. The widow and orphan and especially the poor debtor and the resident alien came under the protection of "the Lord your God who brought you out of the land of Egypt" (Lev. 25 : 3 5ff) . The Israelite was to be solicitous for the welfare of the stranger in his midst beca use he was a stranger in Egypt (Ex. 22 : 20 ) . A mixed multitude joined Israel in its Exodus ( 1 2 :38 ) , and the story was told of the son of an Egyptian man and Israelite woman, Shelomith d. Dibri, who, in a quarrel, cursed God and was therefore stoned to death ( Lev. 24: lOff ) . Despite the innuendo against Egyptians in this tale, the third generation offspring of a mixed Israelite-Egyptian union was allowed to enter the Israelite community. "You shall not abhor an Egyptian be cause you were a stranger in his land" (Deut. 23 :8f) . The Egyptians, on the other hand, secure within the boundaries of their never-changing land, felt scorn for the foreigner. In the First Intermediate period, a Herakleopolitan king instructed his son, Merikare, on how to manage affairs. He expressed contempt for the "wretched Asiatic" who wan dered in the land of rain, trees, and mountains attacking stealthily and robbing individuals like a thief but never assaulting a town. The Asiatic "does not conquer nor can he be conquered." 4 Asiatics were foreigners and Egyptians were "people." When the Asiatics managed to penetrate success fully into Egypt and settle down, the prophet Ipuwer complained, "Foreign ers have become people everywhere." 5 When beset by difficulty at home, however, the Egyptian did not hesiEgypt and Syro-Palestine, cf. W. HeIck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Var derasien im 3. und 2 . Jahrtausend v. Chr. (.i\gyptologische Abhandlungen, 5; Wiesbaden, 1 962 ) . 4 "The Instruction for King Meri-ka-Re," translated and annotated by J . A. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament ( 2nd ed., Princeton, 19 5 5 ) , 414ff ( cf. p. 416 11. 90ff ) . Cf. his discussion in The Culture of Ancient Egypt (Phoenix Books; Chicago, 19 56, 3rd impression ) , 1 10ff; also W. HeIck, ap. cit., 43f; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, Les peuples de l'arient mediterraneen, II, L'Egypte (4th ed., Paris, 1 962 ) , 2 1 7, 2 5 5f, 2 64f, 275, 646; A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (Oxford, 1961 ) , 37, 1 1 5f. 6 "Th e Admonitions of Ipuwer" is translated and annotated by J. A. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, ap. cit., 441ff ( cf. i.lff ) ; cf. his discussion in Culture of Ancient Egypt, 1 IOff; A. Gardiner, ap. cit., I09f.
J E WS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T
5
tate to flee to Syro-Palestine. Once abroad, he might find things quite satis factory. Sinuhe, who fled Egypt after the assassination of Amenemhet I, marveled at the land of Yaa. It was a land of figs, grapes, and honey; olive and fruit trees; barley and emmer; and "more wine than water." There were herds of cattle and ample opportunity for hunting. Sinuhe married the local sheikh's daughter, became head of the sheikh's children and com mander of his army. He prospered, participated in many exploits, and even fought the "rulers of foreign countries" ( Hyksos ) . Nevertheless, wonderful as it might be to live in Yaa, Egypt was the only land in which to die. "It should not be that you should die in a foreign country," wrote King Senusert I to Sinuhe. And so Sinuhe left his family and gave up his possessions to re turn to Egypt, where he was properly buried.6 It was not until the fifth year of Merneptah (ca. 1 2 1 9 ) that the word "Israel" appeared in an Egyptian text. At the conclusion of a lengthy hymn of victory over the Libyans, Merneptah told of his "victories" to the east : "Desolation is for Tehenu, Hatti is pacified; Plundered is the Canaan with every evil; Carried off is Ashkelon; seized upon is Gezer; Yanoam is made as that which does not exist; , Israel is laid waste, his seed is not; , Hurru is become a widow for Egypt." 7 It has long been noted that the word "Israel," unlike the other names, appears written with the determinative for people rather than for land, thus indicating that the Israelites had not yet settled down. Whether the battle took place at the Reed Sea,s somewhere in the Sinai Peninsula, or in Palestine,9 or whether, indeed, there was a battle,l° the passage indicates a thirteenth century date for the Exodus. Contemporary Egyp tian sources have preserved no references to Joseph, the Sojourn, or the 6 "The Story of Sinuhe" is translated and annotated by J . A. \Vilson apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 1 8ff (d. B 78ff, 23 5ff, 300ff ) ; cf. his discussion in Cul ture of Ancient Egypt, 1 34ff; E. Drioton and J . Vandier, op. cit., 265, 275; W. HeIck, op. cit., 44ff; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 1 30f, 142. 7 The "Hymn of Victory of Mer-ne-Ptah (The 'Israel Stela' ) " is translated and annotated by J. W. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 376ff ( cf. lines 51ff) ; R. J. Williams apud D. Winton Thomas, Documents from Old Testa ment Times (London, 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 37ff. S Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel (translated and abridged by M. Green berg; Chicago, 1 960 ) , 2 3 2 . 9J. Bright, A History of Israel (Philadelphia, 1 9 59 ) , 1 1 3, 1 19; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 4 3 1 £, 665; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 273. 10 J. A. Wilson, The Culture of Ancient Egypt, 2 54f; W. HeIck, op. cit., 240.
6
J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N E GY P T
fact o f the Exodus. The third century B.C.E. Egyptian priest Manetho wrote a Greek History of Egypt and certain relative extracts have been pre served by the first century C.E. Jewish historian, Josephus . According to Josephus' account of Manetho, the inhabitants of Jerusalem were descendants of the impious Hyksos who had terrorized Egypt for 5 1 1 years until forced out by King Tuthmose (Thummosis ) (Josephus, Ag. Apion I.14, 73ff) . They invaded Egypt a second time, 518 years later, and joined forces with a pack of leprous slaves led by a Heliopolitan priest Osarseph-Moses. The allies ruled for thirteen years, polluting the people, mutilating idols, and pillaging temples until driven out by Amenophis and his son Ramses. Moses, meanwhile, had imposed upon his group an oath of obedience to him and enjoined them from worshipping the gods and ab staining from the flesh of sacred animals. Many other laws were also formu lated, all completely opposed to Egyptian custom (Ag. Apion I.z6, 228ff) .11 It is difficult to reconcile this account of the expulsion of the Hyksos with what is known from earlier sources.12 Nor can other details about the Hyksos and Jews be verified. The Egyptians were known to accuse foreign conquerors of sacrilege.13 Still, given the general bias of Egyptians against Asiatics, a certain antipathy toward the Israelites would not be surprising. Solomon's marriage to an Egyptian princess at the beginning of his reign ( 1 Ki. 3 : 1 ) must have been considered quite a diplomatic coup since the Pharaohs were not accustomed to give their daughters in marriage to foreign rulers . Solomon also gained a valuable dowry, for the Pharaoh, possibly Siamun, presented his daughter with the recently sacked city of Gezer ( 1 Ki. . 9 : 1 5f) .14 The town was refortified by Solomon and along with Hazor, 11 These passages from Josephus comprise fragments 42 and 45 in W. G. Waddell, Manetho (The Loeb Classical Library; Cambridge, 19 56; 3fd print ing) . The injunction against intercourse with outsiders is reminiscent of the Egyptian refusal to eat at the same table with Joseph and his brothers (Gen . 43 : 3 2 ) . 12 For discussion of the Hyksos, d. T. Save-Soderbergh, "The Hyksos Rule in Egypt," JEA 3 7 ( 19 5 1 ) , 53ff; J. A. Wilson, Culture of Ancient Egypt, 1 54ff; W. HeIck, op. cit., 92ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 288ff, 6 50f; A. Gar diner, op. cit., 147ff. 13 Cf. p. 291, below. 14 Cf. A. Malamat, "Aspects of the Foreign Policies of David and Solomon," JNES 2 2 (1963 ) , 10ff; idem, "The Kingdom of David and Solomon in its Con tact with Egypt and' Aram Naharaim," D. N. Freedman and E. F. Campbell, The Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 2 (Garden City, 1 964) , 9 1 ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 5 1 7, 524, 559·
JEWS AND ARAMEANS I N E GY P T
7
Megiddo, and a few other sites, became an integral part of Solomon's sys tem of fortifications.15 But Solomon took many foreign wives and the idol atry toward which they influenced him, particularly in his later years, aroused the ire of prophetic circles. Ahijah of Shiloh inspired the Ephrai mite Jeroboam b. Nebat to revolt. The attempt miscarried and the rebel fled to Egypt where he was harbored by Shishak ( Sheshonk ) , founder of the Twenty-second Dynasty (Libyan ) ( 1 Ki. 1 1 ) .16 In the fifth year of Solo mon's successor, Rehoboam, Shishak invaded Palestine and came away with extensive tribute from Jerusalem ( 1 Ki. 1 4: 2 5f) .17 References to Egypt during the next two centuries picture her as an ally of Israel and/or Judah.18 Egypt possibly joined the coalition of Syro-Pales tinian states which successfully opposed the advance of Shalmaneser III at Qarqar in 853/9 while in the next generation the "kings of Egypt" were suspected of coming to the aid of beleaguered Samaria against Aram ( 2 Ki.
7:6).20
In the eighth century, both Israel ( 2 Ki. 1 7 :4f) 21 and Judah ( Is. 18:2, 30 : Iff, 31 : lff) sought Egyptian help against the Assyrian threat. The Twenty-fifth Dynasty (Ethiopian ) gave special promise of providing vig orous opposition to the Assyrian advance ( 2 Ki. 19 :9; Hdt. 11.141 ) .22 Israel fell and mostof Judah was captured but Jerusalem was saved ( 2 Ki. 1 7:1ff, 1 8 : 1 3ff, 19: 35ff) . As a result of three decades of intermittent war and civil strife in Israel and Judah, many doubtless fled to lands of relative security. 15 Cf. M. Gichon, "The Defences of the Salomonic Kingdom," PEQ 9 5 ( 1 963 ) , 1 1 3fI . 16 Some of the Greek and Latin versions preserved a tradition that Jeroboam married Shishak's sister-in-law; d. J. A. Montgomery, The Book of Kings (In ternational Critical Commentary, New York, 19 5 1 ) , 2 5 ff 1 . 17 B. Mazar, "The Campaign of Pharaoh Shishak to Palestine," Supp. to VT 4 ( 19 57 ) , 57ff; J. Brigh t, op. cit., 21 3f; P. Montet, op. cit., 42ff; E Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 5 24ff, 560; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 324ff. 18 Zerah the Kushite, who attacked Asa of Judah (2 Chron. 1 4 : 7ff, 1 5: 10) pr ior to his fifteenth year ( ca. 900 ) , may have been of Nubian origin ( cf. 2 Chron. 1 2 : 3 ) or related to the Midianites (cf. Hab. 3 : 7) . Cf. the discussion in J. Bright, op. cit., 2 1 5; P. Montet, op. cit., 44ff; Encyclopaedia Biblica (He brew, Jerusalem, 1 9 54 ) , II, 942f. 19 H. Tadmor, "Que and Mu�ri," IEJ 1 1 ( 1 961 ) , 141ff. 20 Ibid., 1 49. 21 For "The End of 'So, King of Egypt,' " cf. H. Goedicke,· BASOR 171 ( 1 963 ) , 64ff, and the comme nt the re to of W. F. Albright . 22 J. Bright, op . cit., 263ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 545ff, 563f; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 34off.
8
JEWS AND ARAMEANS IN EGYPT
It is not surprising, therefore, to find Jews at this time already established in "(Lower) Egypt, Pathros, and Nubia" (Is. 11:11).23
Saitic Mercenaries While the existence of Jews in Egypt is attested for the late eighth century by a Biblical source and made probable by a consideration of the unstable conditions prevalent in Palestine at the time, it was not until the Saitic period that the Jews were sent to Egypt. The Letter of Aristeas (13) notes, apropos of Jewish migration to Egypt during the reign of Ptolemy I, that Jews "had been sent out as auxiliaries to fight in the army of Psammetichus against the King of the Ethiopians." Since both Psammetichus I and Psammetichus II fought against the King of the Ethiopians,24 it is uncer tain which monarch is meant in the Letter.20 The use of tributary forces or mercenary troops was widespread during this whole period. Manasseh, King of Judah, was listed among the twenty-two kings who, with their troops, accompanied Ashurbanipal (669-27) in his first campaign against Egypt and perhaps in subsequent ones as well.26 Ionian and Carian troops were hired by Psammetichus I to aid him in throwing off the Assyrian yoke and establishing his position over the other local dynasts. These mercenaries were settled as permanent garrisons in camps nearby Daphnae on either side of the Nile, and perhaps inside the town as well, and later transferred to Mem23 Cf. H. L. Ginsberg, "Gleanings in First Isaiah," M. M. Kaplan Jubilee Volume (New York,1953),248ff; P. Boylan,"The New Aramaic Papyri from Elephantine," The Irish Theological Quarterly 7 (1912),46. 24 Cf. S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte,"La campagne nubienne de Psammetique II et sa signification historique," BIFAO 50 (1952), 200f; Sauneron and Yoyotte, "Sur la politique palestinienne des rois saites," VT 2 (1952), 131ff.
25 The attempt of M. Greenberg, "Ezekiel 17 and the Policy of Psamme tichus II," JEL 76 (1957),304ff,to identify the monarch mentioned in Aristeas with Psammetichus II and to imagine that he negotiated for these Jewish troops during his visit to the land of Ijr is to be rejected, since his visit followed and did not precede the Nubian campaign. Cf. Sauneron and Yoyotte, EIFAO 50 (1952),174 (Nubian campaign: 3rd year); P. Rylands 9, 14:17ff (visit to Ijr: 4th year). See, too, J. Yoyotte, "Sur la voyage asiatique de Psammetique II,"
VT 1 (1951),14off. 26 J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 294ff. For the date of the campaigns cf. P. K. Kienitz,Die politische Geschichte Xgyptens vom 7· bis zum 4- Jahrhundert vor der Zeitwende (Berlin,1953),8ff; cf.,too,E. Drioton and J. Vandier,op. cit., " 547ff. For a study of "Assyrian Chronology,631-612 B.C., see J. Oates,Iraq 27 (1965),135ff.
JEWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T
9
phis by Amasis (Hdt. II.30, 1 52ff) . 27 Participating in the campaign of Psammetichus II against Nubia ( 591 B.C.E. ) and inscribing their names on the colossus of Ramses II at Abu Simbel were Carians, Ionians, Rhodians, and Phoenicians.28 The name of the man in charge of navigating the forces up the Nile from Elephantine, Psammetichus son of Theokles, suggests a Greek born in Egypt/9 just as Ebedptal). b. Jagureshmun, the name of one of the Phoenician leaders, suggests a Phoenician born in Egypt.3o The latter was most likely stationed in the Tyrian camp at Memphis (Hdt. 11.1 1 2 ) where the major deity was Ptal).. Phoenicians were also stationed, i t seems, in or around Daphnae-Tahpanhes.31 All of the Saitic rulers took a lively interest in Syro-Palestine while the rulers of Judah looked to Egypt variously as friend or foe. When the Chal deans, Medes, and Scythians ( ? ) united in onslaught against the Assyrian Empire, Psammetichus I, and after his death his son Necho, rushed to its 27 Ashurbanipal recorded that Gy ges King of Ly dia cs nt troops to aid Tusha milki (Psammetichus ) King of Egypt throw off the Assyrian yoke; D . D. Luck enbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia (Chicago, 1927) II, 298, # 785. See further F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 2£, 37ff. For Daphnae and the camps, d. W. W. How and J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus ( Oxford, 1928; corrected reprint) 1, 1 7 5; W. G. Waddell, Herodotus Book II (London, 1939 ) , 246; J . B. Bur y et al., eds., The Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge, 1929; corrected reprint) III, 292£, IV ( 1930 ) , 107. 28 The Greek material was recopied between March 1 8 and April 1 1 , 1956 A. Berna nd and Abd el Latif Ahmed Ali and published by A. Bernand and by O. Masson, "Les insc riptions grecques d'Abou-Simbe1," REG 70 ( 19 57 ) , Iff. Four new Semitic inscriptions, as yet unpublished, were also discovered and parenthetical reference was made to them by A. Bernand, "Recherches d'epi graphie grecque a Abou-Simbel (Nubie) " Bulletin de la Societe frangaise d'Egyptologie No. 27 (November, 1958 ) , 7 1 . N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens d'Egypte (Cairo, 19 3 1 ) , 8 4£, also claimed to have discovered new Phoenician graffiti on the Ramses colossus but was unable to study them adequately. The previously discovered Phoenician inscriptions may be found in N. Slouschz, Thesaurus of Phoenician Inscriptions (Hebrew; Tel-Aviv, 1942 ) , 62ff, nos. 5354. Like the main Greek inscriptions they may record the leaders of the troops, those under the commander-in-chief (A)lf mose (? = Amasis of the Greek in scription ) . For t his Egyptian official, "Overseer of the Soldiers," d. A. Rowe, "New Light on Objects Belonging to the Generals Potasimto and Amasis in the Egyptian Museum," ASAE 38 ( 193 8 ) , 1 57ff and the article by A. Bernand. See, too, S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte, BIFAO 50 ( 1952 ) , 1 88, who withhold identification of (A) !:t mose ( if indeed such is the reading! ) with Amasis pend ni g a new coll ation of the material . 29 F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 4 1 . 30 Sauneron and Yoyotte, BIFAO 5 0 ( 19 52 ) , 1 88, n . 4. 31 N. Aime-Giron, "Adversaria Semitica (III ) ," ASAE 40 ( 1 941 ) , 4 33ff.
10
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aid, fearful lest a new power arise that would seriously threaten Egypt.32 On his way up the Palestinian coast Necho destroyed the fortress at Me�ad I.Iashavyahu in the south 33 and slew Josiah at the mountain pass of Me giddo in the north ( 2 Ki. 23 : 29f//2 Chron. 35:20ff) . The attempt of the nobility of Judah to enthrone the apparently anti-Egyptian Jehoahaz b. Josiah was thwarted by Necho who appointed Jehoahaz' brother Eliakim to the throne, changing his name to Jehoiakim. A tribute of 100 silver talents and one talent of gold was levied upon the country ( 2 Ki. 23 : 3 1 ff//2 Chron. 36 :1ff) and Jehoahaz was exiled to Egypt where he died (Jer. 22 : lOff) . Psammetichus had earlier captured Ashdod after a long siege (Hdt. 11.1 57 ) and either Necho or Apries took Gaza (Jer. 47: 1 ) .31 But Egypt was defeated at Carchemish in 605 by Babylon who pressed south into Syro-Palestine and captured the city of Ashkelon at the end of 604-35 An Aramaic letter to the Pharaoh asking for help against the advancing Babylonian forces may have been sent from this city prior to its conquest.36 Whether aid was forthcom ing is not known, but Egypt fought Babylon to a draw in 601 .31 As the earlier Egyptian defeat forced Judah to submit to Babylon, so the subsequent Babylonian setback emboldened Jehoiakim to revolt (2 Ki. 24: 1 ) . 38 Nebuchadnezzar himself had to come to quell the uprising. Jehoiakim died before the siege of Jerusalem began and his son Jehoiachin capitulated on March 1 6, 597 and was exiled to Babylonia. His uncle Mattaniah was appointed to the throne by Nebuchadnezzar who changed the new ruler's name to Zedekiah ( 2 Ki. 24:8ff//2 Chron. 36:9ff) .39 In 595/ 94 rebellion threatened Nebuchadnezzar at home and the Syro-Palestinian 32 J . B. Pritchard, op. cit., 303ff; F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 20ff; D. J. Wiseman, Chronicles of the Chaldaean Kings (626-556 B .C.) (London, 1 9 56 ) , 1 2f. 33 J. Naveh, "The Excavations at Me�ad I.Iashavyahu," lET 1 2 ( 1 962 ) , 98£. 31 A. Malamat, "The Historical Setting of Two Biblical Prophecies on the Nations," IET 1 ( 19 50-5 1 ) , 1 54ff; F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 7f; J. Yoyotte, VT 1 ( 19 5 1 ) , 1 42; D . J. Wiseman, op. cit., 30; P. Montet, op. cit., 47f. 35 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 2 8, 68f, 85. 36 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un papyrus arameen d'epoque saite decouvert a Saqqarah," Semitica 1 ( 1 948 ) , 43ff & Pl.; H. L. Ginsberg, "An Aramaic Con temporary of the Lachish Letters," BASOR 1 1 1 ( 1 948) , 24ff; J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic Letter of King Adon to the Egyptian Pharaoh," Biblica 46 ( 1 96 5 ) , 41ff. 31 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 23ff, 67f, 7 1 . 88 Ibid., 28f, 69; cf. D. N. Freedman, "The Babylonian Chronicle," BA 1 9 ( 1 9 5 6 ) , 53ff; J . P . Hyatt, "New Light on Nebuchadnezzar and Judean History," TBL 7 5 (19 56 ) , 279ff. 39 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 32ff, 73; D. N. Freedman, BA 19 ( 1956) , 54; J. P. Hyatt, TBL 75 ( 1 956) , 278, 281.
J EWS AND ARAMEANS
IN
E GYPT
11
states anticipated the end of his rule over them (Jer. 27-28 ) 4°_but in vain. Nebuchadnezzar restored order at home and marched to Syria to col lect tribute yet another year. Egypt was at that time threatened by Nubia and apparently offered no tangible resistance. In 591, as indicated earlier, Psammetichus II launched a successful attack deep into Nubia.41 The following year he marched into Syro-Palestine (ljr) to celebrate his victory and perhaps to offer his encouragementto the various states desiring to be free of the annual tribute to Babylon.42 If the report in Aristeas that Jews had been sent to aid Psammetichus is taken literally, inquiry must be made as to which of the Judahite rulers contemporary with Psammetichus I and II, Manasseh, Amon, Josiah, or Zedekiah, was the most likely to have dispatched such assistance. The last named would have had to have sent the troops between the fall of 594, the accession of Psammetichus II, and 591, the year of the campaign against Nubia. It should be noted that in 594/3 Zedekiah journeyed to Babylon to acknowledge his allegiance to Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 5 1 : 59 ) . Unfor tunately, the Chaldean Chronicle breaks off in the year 594 so that it is not known whether any subsequent weakening of the Babylonian regime encouraged Judah to revolt. Moreover, would not the dispatch of troops to Egypt be viewed as an unfriendly act by Nebuchadnezzar? Could Zedekiah afford to spare any of his soldiers for a campaign in Nubia?43 It is conceiv able that Josiah sent troops to Psammetichus sometime during the decade prior to the Reform of 622 since Jeremiah castigated the people for con sidering an alliance with Egypt (Jer. 2 : 18 ) }4 Nothing is known of the short reign of Amon that would suggest what his policy toward Egypt might have been.45 As noted above, Manasseh was obliged to supply troops to Ashurbanipal 40 D. J. Wiseman, op. cit., 36f, 73; D. N. Freedman, BA 1 9 ( 1 956) , 5 8f; J.P.Hyatt, ]BL 7 5 ( 1 9 56 ) , 281£. 41 S. Sauneron and J. Yoyotte, BIFAO 50 ( 1 9 52 ) , 198ff; A.J. Arken, "An Egyptian Invasion of the Sudan in 591 B . C., " Kush 3 ( 19 5 5 ) , 93f.A. Gardiner, op. cit., 360, believes it unlikely that the "campaign ( or was it a mere foray? ) .. . was Psammetichus's answer to an Ethiopian attempt to regain the hold upon Egypt lost after Tanuatamun's flight. . . . " 42 The nature of this march to FJr has been much disputed. Cf.the discus sion in F.K.Kienitz, op.cit., 2 5; J. Yoyotte, VT 1 ( 19 5 1 ) , 14off. 43 Cf. S. Sauneton and J. Yoyotte, VT 2 ( 1 9 52 ) , 1 32f. 44 For "The Date of Jeremiah, Chapter 2" cf. J. Milgram, ]NES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 65ff.See, too, J . Bright, op. cit., 295. 4 5 But see A. Malamat, "The Historical Background of the Assassination of Amon King of Judah," IE] 3 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 26ff.
12
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for his Egyptian campaign and it has been suggested that these may have been stationed in the garrisons planted in Egypt by that monarch.46 The troops mentioned in Aristeas, however, may have been sent by Manasseh at the time that Psammetichus was asserting his independence from Assyria, ca. 650' Having consolidated his control over Thebes in 656 (9th year) and secured his western frontier in 655 ( 10th year) , Psammetichus 1 would have been likely to press his advantage against the expelled Ethiopians at a time when Assyria was beset with rebellion closer to home ( 652-48) . At such a time, too, Manasseh would most likely have ceased payment of trib ute ( cf. 2 Chron. 33 : 1 1 ff) and thus thrown in his lot with Egypt.47 That such "mercenary" troops settled down in Egypt after the campaign is further implied by Aristeas. Moreover, since Herodotus reports ( 11.30) that "in the reign of Psammetichus [I] there were garrisons posted at Elephantine . . . at Daphnae . . . and at Marea," the Jews may well have been established in the Elephantine garrison at this time-no doubt to re place the Egyptians who had deserted to Nubia because of dissatisfaction with their reduced status under the Saites ( cf. Diod. 1.67) .48 Certain Biblical allusions strongly suggest that Manasseh sent troops to Egypt. The Deuteronomist enjoins the king not to return the "people," i.e., soldiery (cf. 2 Ki. 1 3 :7 ) , to Egypt in order to multiply horses (Deut. 1 7 : 1 6 ) . This injunction implies a trade of mercenaries for horses by Ma nasseh,49 who continued the policy of his father. Much to the chagrin of the 46 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New Haven, 1 9 5 3 ) , 42f, n. 1 3 . An Assyrian statue of Bel-Sar-u�ur, whose name is written in Aramaic ( blsT>$r) , derives from the period of Assyrian rule in Egypt. R. A. Bowman, "Arameans, Aramaic, and the Bible," lNES 7 ( 1948) , 76, assigned the origin of this statue to Elephantine, but M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris fur semitische Epigraphik ( Giessen, 1 9 1 5 ) III, 1 1 7£, indicated origin unknown. 47 For the position of Egypt, see F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 5ff; S. Sauneron and J . Yoyotte, BIFAO 50 ( 1 952 ) , 201 ; Sauneron and Yoyotte, VT 2 ( 1 9 52 ) , 1 34; R. A. Caminos, "The Nitocris Adoption Stela," lEA 50 ( 1 964 ) , 71ff; H. Goedicke, "Psammetik I . und die Libyer," MDAIK 1 8 ( 1 962 ) , 26ff. For the rebellions against Assvria, see D. D . Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia, II, 300ff. For Manasseh's revolt, see J. Bright, op. cit., 289ff; H. B . MacLean, "Manasseh," in G . A . Buttrick, ed., The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (Nashville, 1 962) III, 2 54f; E . L. Ehrlich, "Der Aufenthalt des K6nigs Manasse in Babylon," Theologische Zeitschrift 2 1 ( 1 96 5 ) , 281ff. 48 For the desertion of the Egyptian forces, see H. Schafer, "Die Auswander ung der Krieger unter Psammetich I. und cler S6ldneraufstand in Elephantine unter Apries," Klio 4 ( 1 904 ) , 1 54ff; F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 40; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 3 56f. 49 Cf. Ed. Meyer, Der Papyrusfund von Elephantine (Leipzig, 1 9 1 2; 2nd ed. ) , 36; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 43f. Another Deuteronomic injunction seems
J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN EGYPT
13
prophet Isaiah, Hezekiah had turned to Egypt for horses and chariotry ( Is. 18, 20, 30 :1ff, 1 6, 3 1 : 1ff, 36: 9 ) . The Rabshakeh of Sennacherib taunted Hezekiah: "Come now, make a wager with my master the king of Assyria : I will give you two thousand horses, if you are able on your part to set riders upon them" (2 Ki. 1 8 : 23; Is. 36 :8) .50 Manasseh was forced to sub mit and later supplied troops to Ashurbanipal, as already noted. An attempt to break away from Assyria required reliance upon Egypt and this, appar ently, meant a delivery of a contingent of troops in return for needed chariotry and horses. The erection by the Elephantine Jews of a Temple also suggests a date prior to the promulgation of Deuteronomy ( cf. Deut. 1 2 ) and the limitation of the sacrificial cult to Jerusalem ( 2 Ki. 22-23; 2 Chron· 34-3 5 ) ·51 There were thus three distinct periods when Jews, Israelites and Ju dahites, might have settled in Egypt: ( 1 ) the thirty-five year period of strife from the Syro-Ephraimitish War of 735 until the siege of Jerusalem in 701 and perhaps again later; ( 2 ) the middle of the seventh century when Manasseh joined Egypt in an attempt to throw off Assyrian rule; and ( 3 ) the period of almost thirty years between the accession o f J ehoiakim in 609 and the flight to Egypt led by Johanan b. Kareah after the assassina tion of the governor Gedaliah b. Ahikam (JeI. 41-43 ) . The events of the third period warrant further consideration. An entourage may have accompanied the dethroned King Jehoahaz who was exiled to Egypt and died there ( 2 Ki. 23 : 34; 2 Chron. 36:4) . During the reign of his successor, Jehoiakim, a prophet of Kiriath-jearim, Uriah b. Shemaiah, arose and, like Jeremiah, prophesied against Jerusalem and J u dah. Sought by the King, he fled to Egypt whence he was extradited and sentenced to death (JeI. 26: 20ff) . Elnathan b. Achbor, who went to Egypt to press the extradition of the prophet (JeI. 26:22 ) , may have been the father of the army commander Coniah b. Elnathan who journeyed to Egypt on a mission prior to the siege of Lachish.52 On the latter occasion, Apries to refer to a practice current during the reign of Manasseh, namely prohibition against worship of the heavenly host (Deut.4 : 19; 2 Ki.2 1 : 3ff) . 50 J. Bright, op. cit., 269ff, 282ff. 51 So Ed. Meyer, op. cit., 3 5; J.A.Kelso, "The Unity of the Sanctuary in the Light of the Elephantine Papyri," JBL 28 ( 1 909 ) , 76.A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine (Paris, 1937 ) , 37ff, also thought that a pre-Deuteronomic date was caned for, but he preferred ca. 630, assuming that the soldiers came from around Bethel and were fleeing the Josianic Reform. 52 Lachish Ostracon 3 translated by W. F.Albright in J . B.Pritchard, op. cit., 322.
14
J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GYPT
did send a force from Egypt whose effect was to draw off, temporarily, the Babylonian force besieging Jerusalem Oer. 37: 5ff) . Were the Jews who lived in the Egyptian border forts of Tahpanhes ( Daphnae) and Migdol (Jer. 44: 1 ) among Pharaoh's mercenaries? Had they taken part in this unsuccessful expeditionary force? Jeremiah was told to deliver his prophecy of the Babylonian destruction of Egypt at the entrance to the "house of Pharaoh," i.e., the government house;3 in Tahpanhes, thus implying a close connection between the Jews and these official quarters (Jer. 43 :8ff) . Dur ing the reign of Zedekiah, th e Egyptian Jewish community was already of such size that Jeremiah referred to it in the same breath with the remnant community of Jerusalem and the rest of Judah (Jer. 24:8 ) . It is specifi cally indicated that Jews were to be found in Memphis and in the land of Pathros as well as in Tahpanhes-Daphnae and Migdol ( Jer. 44: 1 ) . The Jewish popUlation was increased by a group of migrants led by Johanan b. Kareah who rejected the word of Jeremiah to remain in Judah and forced the prophet and the scribe Baruch b. Neriah to accompany them to Egypt (Jer. 43 :5ff) . Prophecies of doom against foreign nations were common in Israelite literature (Num. 24: 17ff; Amos 1 : 3-2 : 3; Is. 1 3-23; Nahum; Jer. 46-5 1; Ezek. 25-32, 38f) and the prophecies against Egypt delivered by Jeremiah and Ezekiel were part of the prophetic tradition. Both predicted its de struction by Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 43 : 8ff, 44: 30, 46 : 1 3ff; Ezek. 29-32 ) . "From Migdol to Syene they shall fall by the sword" (Ezek. 29 : 10, 30 : 6) ; "her mercenaries . . . shall turn and flee" ( Jer. 46: 2 1 ) . Jeremiah prophe sied death by famine and sword for the Jews who had settled in Egypt; only a handful of fugitives were to return to Judah (Jer. 44:27 ) . A mere generation later, however, a prophet in the Babylonian exile jubilantly envisioned the ingathering of the exiles "from the north and from the west and from the land of the Syenians" (Is. 49: 1 2 ) .54 This singling out of the first cataract region of the Nile suggests the existence there of a well-known Jewish community. Some of the Jews coming to Egypt during this third period may have found their way into Elephantine. During the reign of Apries, the garrison there was under the authority of NesuQor who counted among his titles one recalling the earlier age of grandeur when Egyptian rule extended into Nubia : "Gov63 Cf. the term "house of the king" in the Elephantine papyri (C 2: 1 2, 14, 16, 43 : 8; K 1 1 : 6 ) . 54 This is the reading according to lQIsaa; cf. M. Burrows, ed. , The Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark's Monastery (New Haven, 1950 ) , I, PI. xli and note E.C. Kraeling, op. cit., 21, n. 1 .
J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N EGYPT
15
ernor of the Door of the Southern Countries." The mercenaries,
16
J EWS AND A RAMEANS I N EGYPT
taken from the Elephantine garrison, but there were Arameans in Syene during the Persian period.
Arameans of Syene
The origin of the Arameans as well as that of the Jews should be investi gated since the langu'age of the Elephantine Jews, in their legal contracts and official letters on papyri and in their private notes penned on ostraca, was Aramaic. From early times on, Arameans enrolled as mercenaries in the service of foreign rulers. The Ammonites hired Aramean soldiers from Beth-rehab, Zobah, Maacah, and Tab and placed them in battle against David, who defeated them (2 Sam. 1O:6ff) . The roster of the Thirty of David included the names of Igal b. Nathan of Zobah and Eliphelet b. Ahasbai of Maacah ( 2 Sam. 2 3 : 34, 36) . Subsequently, Asa of Judah paid Ben-hadad b. Tabrimmon b. Hezion, King of Damascus for attacking Israel ( 1 Ki. 1 5 : 1 8ffjj2 Chron. 16:1ff) . The destruction of the kingdom of Samaria and the several Aramean states by Assyria led to deportation and interchange of populations. Sa marians were deported to Hamath ( Is. 1 1 : 1 1 ) and elsewhere, and inhabit ants of Hamath were settled in the land of Samaria. Inhabitants of Avva and Sepharvaim, both probably Aramean cities,58 and Babylonian Cuthah were also settled in North Israel ( 2 Ki. 17: 24) . All of these deportees brought with them the cults of their own gods ( 2 Ki. 17 : 30f) . By the end of the eighth century, the population of Northern Israel was largely Aramaic-speaking. Aramaic, in wide use throughout the As syrian Empire, was a diplomatic lingua franca in which both Assyrian and Judahite officials were conversant, but which was not comprehensible to the people of Jerusalem (2 Ki. 18:26; Is. 36: 1 1 ) .59 Long, fragmentary Aramaic inscriptions, thought to date from the time of Assyrian rule in Egypt after 661, were discovered painted on the wall of a tomb at Sheikh 58 For Sepharvaim, see A. S.Kape1rud i n G. A.Buttrick, ed., The Interpre ter's Dictionary of the Bible (New York, 1 962 ) IV, 273; for Avva, S. H.Horn, Seventh Day Adventist Bible Dictionary (Washington, 1 960 ) , 95; J.A. Mont gomery, The Book of Kings, 472; J. Gray, I and II Kings (The Old Testament Library; Philadelphia, 1963 ) , 593; 59 For the spread of Aramaic in the Assyrian empire, see R. Bowman, JNES 7 (1948) , 71ff; F. Altheim and R. Stiehl, Die Araber in der alten Welt (Berlin, 1964) I, 1 8 Iff.
J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T
17
Fadl near Oxyrhynchus.60 The inscriptions have now been dated toward the middle of the fifth century,61 thus providing no evidence for the arrival of Arameans in Egypt. In fact, c;lirect evidence for their arrival is scarcer than tha,t for the Jews. As far as existing records are concerned, references to Arameans in the Elephantine-Syene garrisons do not appear until the reign of Apries. And it was later still (during the reign of Amasis ) that mention was made of Arameans embarking from Elephantine for Nubia. From the fact that the same individuals were designated both "Jew" and "Aramean" during the Persian period, it may be suggested there were no real Arameans at Elephantine, but that the Jews were so designated because of their speech. Certain indirect evidence, cuItic and onomastic, points to the presence of actual Arameans, not primarily at Elephantine, but at Syene. This evidence indicates that the same deities worshipped by non-Jews at Syene were worshipped in the Aramean territories of North Syria, especially the region of Jebel Seman, i.e., ancient Bit Agusi with its capital at Arpad.62 This territory, particularly Arpad, put up strong resist ance to the onslaught of Tiglath-Pileser III; the city, besieged for three years, capitulated in 740. Similarly, most of the territory of Hamath joined the coalition led by Azariah of Judah in 738 against the Assyrian king and suffered defeat. The capital city of Hamath did not join this alliance. In 720, however, under the leadership of Ya'ubidi 63-whose name suggests he was an Israelite or Judahite-Hamath joined Damascus, Samaria, and other cities in revolt against Sargon. They may have been spurred on by 60 N. [Aime-] Giron, "Note sur une tombe decouverte pres de Cheikh-Fadl par Monsieur Flinders Petrie et contenant des inscriptions arameennes," Ancient Egypt 8 ( 1 923 ) , 38ff. W.M. F . Petrie, "The British School of Qau," Ancient Egypt 8 ( 1923 ) , 45, thought that the inscription pointed "to a Jewish settlement so far up in Egypt as early as the reign of Manasseh." 61 J. Naveh, The Development of the Aramaic Script (Hebrew; Ph.D. dis· sertation, Hebrew University; November, 1966 ) , 57f, VIII (English abstract) , 1 am grateful to Dr. Naveh for supplying me with a copy of his thesis. 62 This evidence is discussed in Chapter V, under "Aramean Deities." See pages 1 72f. 63 Underlying the Akkadian transcription Ya'ubidi may be the Hebrew name Jehoba,adi; ( cf. the name Ba'adiah at Elephantine [C 19:2, 2 5 : 1 8] ) ; less likely Bedeiah ( Ez. 1 0: 3 5 ) , Bdyw of the Sama:rian ostraca, which, as meaning "In the hand of Yah" or "Sprout/Protege of Yah" (cf. M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen [Beitrage zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament 111/10; Stuttgart, 1928], 1 49f ) , could not readily be reversed to mean "Yah in the hand of" or "Yah Sprout/Protege of." Bdyw in ostracon No. 5 8 is now read Pdyw by I. T. Kaufman, The Samaria Ostraca: A Study in Ancient He brew Palaeography (Unpublished diss., Harvard University; Dec., 1966 ) , 1 39.
18
JEWS AND ARAMEANS IN EGYPT
Egypt who was herself defeated at Raphia.64 After the revolt was quelled, deportees from Hamath were settled in Samaria (2 Ki. 1 7 : 24) . The Arameans of Syene and Memphis, then, may have been descend ants of refugees who fled directly to Egypt (as did the Israelites ) or of deportees from Arpad, Hamath, and other cities who were settled in Samaria and at some later time migrated to Egypt. Alternatively, these and other Arameans may have originally entered Egypt as merchants. In 716 Sargon settled Assyrians on the Egyptian border and received tribute from Pharaoh. It was probably to this period that the statement in his Nimrud Prism referred : "I opened the sealed [harb]or of Egypt. The As syrians and the Egyptians I mingled [to]gether and 1 made them trade [with each other] ." These traders may well have been Arameans; 65 and it has been suggested that the Hermopolis letters, sent from Memphis to Ofi (Luxor) and to Syene (BK 1-6 ) , belonged to merchants or artisans .66 64 For full treatment of the events from 743-738 see H. Tadmor, "Azriyau of Yaudi," Scripta Hierosolymitana 8 ( 1 961 ) , 232ft For the revolt of Hamath d. J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 284f; E.Kraeling, Aram and Israel (New York, 191 8 ) , 1 34f; M. F. Unger, Israel and the Arameans of Da mascus (London, 1957 ) , 104f; W. F. Albright, "Hamath," Encyclopaedia Biblica (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1 9 5 8 ) , III, 1 99. 65 See H. Tadmor, JCS 12 ( 19 5 8 ) , 34f; Y. Muffs, Studies in Aramaic Legal Papyri from Elephantine ( Studia et Documenta ad Iura Orientis Antiqui Perti nentia, VIII; Leiden, 1968 ) , 1 89f. I am grateful to Professor Muffs for sending me proofs of his book. 66 See E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le Lettere Aramaiche di Hermopoli," Atti Della Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze Morali, Memorie, SeI. VIII, 1 2 ( 1 966 ) , 367. For discussion of these letters d. below, Chapter VIII. Not a few of the scholars who treated the papyri when they first appeared put forth, in varying forms, the view that the Elephantine colonists, in whole or in part, derived from Arameans or Samaritans. Cf. C. van Gelderen, "Samari taner und Juden in Elephantine-Syene," OLZ 1 5 ( 1 91 2. ) , 3 3 7-44; H. Grimme, "Die Yahotriade von Elephantine," ibid., 1 1-17; idem, "Die jiidische Kolonie von Elephantine in neuer Beleuchtung," Theologie und Glaube 3 ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 794ff; F. Nau, "J uifs et Samaritains a Elephantine," JA, 10th Series, 1 8 ( 1 91 1 ) , 660-662; R. Smend, TLZ, 37 ( 1912. ) , 3 87-393; I. Levi, "Nouveaux papyrus arameens d'Elephantine," REJ 63 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 1 79-1 83; A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute judeo-arameene a Elephantine en Egypte (London, 1 91 5 ) , 7385; A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine, 3 57ff; idem, "Les papyrus arameens d'Elephantine," Bible et vie chretienne 1 7 ( Mar.-May, 1957 ) , I05ff. There is little doubt that the Elephantine "Jews" came from Judah though the Syenian Arameans may have passed through Samaria before finally settling in Syene. The attempt of E. C. B. Maclaurin, "Date of the Foundation of the Jewish Colony at Elephantine," JNES 27 ( 1 968 ) , 89-96,
J EW S AND ARAMEANS I N E GY P T
19
It is extremely unlikely that most of the Elephantine-Syene soldiers came from as far north as the Sbuth Anatolian state of Ya,di, since most of the deities represented in the Aramaic inscriptions from that kingdom, Hadad, EI, Resheph, Rakibe1, Baal-Samad, Baal-I:Iamman, Shamash, Baal-I:Iaran,67 do not appear at Elephantine. Baal-Baran may refer to Sin, and he, Shamash, and perhaps I:Iamman (d. C 59 ) are represented in a sprinkling of personal names, but there are no references to Baal, EI, Resheph, or Rakibel. Hadad, the deity of the Arameans, is found but twice: in the Aramean personal name Hadadnuri ( C 6: 19, 22:23 ) . In one of these occurrences, the individual is designated "the Babylonian" (C 6 : 19 ) .68
From Cambyses to Artaxerxes The conquest of Syro-Palestine and Babylonia by Cyrus and of Egypt by Cambyses ( 525 B.C.E. ) resulted not only in the return of many of the exiles of Judah to their homeland (Ez. 1-2 ) but in the migration of others to the valley of the Nile (Aristeas 1 3 ) . Cyrus displayed a distinctly toler ant policy toward the people whom he conquered, restoring the exiled nations and deities to their former homes.69 Cambyses, who fought a difficult battle at Pelusium and took Memphis only after a siege ( Hdt. III. lOff ) , quartered his many foreign troops on some of the temple estates, e.g., that of Neith at Sais, and apparently withdrew official grants of mate rial previously made to many of the temples.70 Even though Cambyses to trace the Jews back to Hebrews who did not participate in The Exodus is to be rejected. 67 For convenient listing of these deities, see A. Dupont-Sommer, Les Ara meens (Paris, 1 949 ) , 1 08ff. 68 C. H. Gordon, "The Origin of the Jews in Elephantine," TNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 56ff, would derive the Elephantine Jews from Ya,di, which he claims is a namesake colony of Palestinian Judah. The equation Ya,di = Judah is most unlikely on purely linguistic grounds; cf. H. Tadmor, Scripta, 8 ( 1961 ) , 232ff. If Ya,di were Judah, it would be strange not to find any references there to the Israelite God YHWH. 69 J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 3 1 6. Among those migrating from the east at this time may have been Etir (C 1 3 : 3 ) and Busasa ( K 1 2 : 2 ) , persons with Baby lonian names and ancestors of Jews prominent in our documents; N. J. Cohen, "Historical Conclusions Gleaned from the Names of the Jews of Elephantine" (Hebrew) , Lesonenu 3 1 ( 1 966-67) , I03ff. 70 G. Posener, La premiere domination perse en Egypte ( Cairo, 1936 ) , 1 66ff; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 364; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire (Chicago, 1 948; Phoenix Books, 2nd impression, 1 9 59 ) , 90f.
20
J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T
sought to legitimatize his rule by having a royal titulary composed for him on the model of the Pharaohs and performing certain pious acts,71 his reputation among the affected priestly circles was blackened (Hdt. III.27ff) .72 This odious view of the Persian conqueror spread among the people and so impressed them that over a century later the Elephantine Jews proudly boasted that when "Cambyses came into Egypt he found this [Jewish] Temple built. They [the Persians] knocked down all the temples of the gods of Egypt, but no one did any damage to this Temple" (C 30 : 1 3f//3 1 : 12f) . Before embarking upon his campaign against Ethi opia ( Nubia ) , Cambyses sent to Elephantine for "fish-eaters who under stood the Ethiopian language" and charged them with spying out that country (Hdt. III.19f) .73 There is no evidence that these "fish-eaters" were Jews, but the Jews must have fared well as they acknowledged their alle giance to the conqueror of Egypt, the son of the restorer of Zion, on his way through Elephantine to Nubia. According to one not quite unbiased account brought by Herodotus ( III.z5 ) , Cambyses did not succeed in his Nubian campaign.74 Elsewhere, however, the Greek historian indicated that Cambyses conquered Lower Nubia ( III.97 ) .75 Since Kush was not listed in the inscriptions of Darius until ca. 5 1 3, the satrap Aryandes probably had to exert himself in order to assert Persian rule there.7 6 71 Posener, op . cit., 7, 1 2, 1 70; K. M. T. Atkinson, "The Legitimacy of Cambyses and Darius as Kings of Egypt," JAOS 76 ( 19 56) , 1 67ff. 72 Cf. the evaluation of Cambyses' alleged slaying of the Apis bull by G. Posener, op. cit., 1 71ff; briefly, T. W. Africa, "Herodotus and Diodorus on Egypt," JNES 2 2 ( 1963 ) , 2 56; R. N. Frye, The Heritage of Persia ( 1 963; Men tor Books, New York; 1 966 ) , 1 1 2. 73 For a brief discussion of these "fish-eaters," see E. G. Kr aeling, op. cit., 2 7· 74 F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 30; A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 89; A. Gardiner, op. cit., 364; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 2 8. 75 For a brief evaluation of the traditions connecting Cambyses with the con quest of at least part of Ethiopia cf. G. A. Wainwright, "The Date of the Rise of Meroe," TEA 38 ( 1 952 ) , 75ff. 76 R. G. Kent, "Old Persian Texts," JNES 2 ( 1943 ) , 302ff; idem, Old Per sian (New Haven, 1953; 2nd revised edition ) , 1 36f (DPh :6, cf. Est. 1 : 1 ) , 1 37f (DNa : 30) , 141£ (DSe : 30 ) , 1 42ff (DSf:43 ) ; G. Posener, op. cit., 1 87. See the discussions by G. B. Gray, "The Foundation and Extension of the Persian Em pire," Cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge, 1 926) IV, 2 1 £, 200; G. G. Cameron, "Darius, Egypt, and the Lands Beyond the Sea," JNES 2 ( 1 943 ) , 3 12f; P . J . Junge, "Satrap und natio, Reichsverwaltung und Reichspolitik in Staate Dareios' I," Klio 34 ( 1941 ) , 14ff, 3 1 f, 46.
J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N EGYPT
21
Darius, son of Hystaspes ( Hdt. III.! 39 ) , was a lance bearer 77 of Cam byses in Egypt. Following the latter's death, he killed the rebel Bardiya, pacified the empire after protracted conflict, and established his own throne. Between Babylon and Ecbatana, on the nearly inaccessible moun tainside of Behistun, Darius had inscribed in Persian, Elamite, and Akkadian the record of his might in suppressing rebellion and stamping out "the Lie." Copies of this proclamation were dispatched throughout the empire and one has been discovered at Babylon.78 The inscription includes Egypt among the nations which rebelled toward the end of the year 522 ( Par. 21; d. Polyaenus VII. l 1 . 7 ) , but is silent as to its pacifica tion. The draft text would have been composed prior to that event even though it took some time to inscribe its three cuneiform versions.79 The Aramaic text dispatched to the military colony at Elephantine may well have been sent by Darius himself who came to Egypt in 5 19/18 to restore Persian rule there.80 His path took him through the "Arabian desert" and Wadi Tumilat to Memphis. During his journey he doubtless received the aid of the Arabs as Cambyses had done earlier (Hdt. III4f, 88 ) . It is likely that this route gave Darius the idea for the canal which he ordered dug there, connecting the Pelusiac branch of the Nile with the Gulf of Suez.81 About 5 1 3, with the work on the canal nearing completion, 77 For title cf. P. J . Junge, Dareios I Konig der Perser ( Leipzig, 1 944 ) , 42, 163. 78 Cf. G. G. Cameron, "Darius Carved History on Ageless Rock," The National Geographic Magazine 98 ( 19 50 ) , 825ff. The most recent study of the Persian text is contained in Kent, Old Persian, 1 1 6ff (DB ) . The Akkadian and Elamite texts are found in L. W. King and R. C. Thompson, The Sculptures and Inscriptions of Darius the Great (London, 1907 ) , 93ff; F. W. Konig, Re lief und Inschrift des Koenigs Dareios I (Leiden, 193 8 ) . The Elamite text was restudied with corrections by G. G. Cameron, "The Elamite Version of the Behistun Inscriptions," JCS 14 ( 1 960 ) , 59ff. For an historical study of the events narrated in the inscription cf. A. Poebel, "Chronology of Darius' First Year of Reign," AJSL 5 5 ( 1938 ) , 142ff, 28 5ff; A. T. Olmstead, "Darius and His Behistun Inscriptions," AJSL 5 5 ( 193 8 ) , 392ff; F. W. Konig, op. cit.; and R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 1 3ff. 79 For date of composition cf. G. G. Cameron, JNES 2 ( 1 943 ) , 308; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 1 1 9; for the dates of the inscriptions cf. F. W. Konig, op. cit., 30ff. 80 R. A. Parker, "Darius and His Egyptian Campaign," AJSL 5 5 ( 1 941 ) , 3 7 3ff; G. G . Cameron, JNES 2 ( 1 943 ) , 310ff; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. Clt., 601, 61 9f; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 141f. 81 For the route of the canal, see G. Posener, op. cit., 1 80f.
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J EWS AND ARAMEA N S IN EGYPT
Darius had erected along its length stelae in Akkadian, Persian, Elamite, and Egyptian hieroglypics, proclaiming the feat and listing the countries he ruled.82 It is thought likely that an Aramaic draft version served as the basis for the various texts.83 One such stela containing only the hiero glyphic text was planted one kilometer south of Tell el-Maskhuta, the site of an Aramaic-speaking garrison of Qedarite Arabs (with their shrine to han-'l1at) guarding �he frontier and policing the canal zone.84 Possibly an Aramaic copy of the Canal text was left with the garrison at Tell el-Maskhuta just as a copy of the Behistun text was sent to the Elephan tine garrison. Both would inform the soldiers of the might of Darius I and of the vast empire whose southwestern border they were guarding. Only fragments of the original text (Pars. 24-26, 3 1-39, 45-46, 50, 53-5 5 ) were preserved in the copy uncovered at Elephantine and it is evident from the script and from the blank spaces indicating omissions that this text was but a later copy of the originaP5 \Vhether the text lost its signifi cance in the passage of time or whether this particular copy was considered superfluous, it should be noted that the verso of the text served as a reg istry of memoranda regarding persons and possessions ( C 61-63 ) .86 Shortly after his return to Persia in 518, Darius wrote to Aryandes asking him to assemble wise representatives of the soldiers, priests, and scribes and to have them record the law ( hP) of Egypt as it existed down through the last year of Amasis. The task was apparently completed in 503 and final editing may then have been done by the king himself. The finished work was published in 495-written on a papyrus roll in both Aramaic and demotic.81 On October 22 of the same year, the earliest 82 C. Posener, op. cit., 48ff, 1 8Iff; A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 1 46f. For the probably date cf. C. C. Cameron, JNES 2 ( 1943 ) , 3 1 3. 83 C. Posener, op. cit., 1 87. 84 C. Posener, op. cit., 5 off; I. Rabinowitz, "Aramaic Inscriptions of the Fifth Century B . C . E . from a North-Arab Shrine in Egypt," JNES 1 6 ( 19 56 ) , I ff. 85 A. E . Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1923 ) , 249f. 86 For a brief discussion of these fragments and their significance, see Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 98ff; A. van Hoonacker, Une communate judeo-arameene, 32• 87 W.Spiegelberg, Die sogenannte demotische Chronik des Papyrus 215 der Bibliotheque Nationale Ztl Paris (Leipzig, 191 4 ) ; Ed. M eye r, "Agyptische Dokumente aus der Perserzeit," SPAW ( 1 9 1 5 ) , 304ff; N. J. Reich, "The Codi fication of the Egyptian Laws by Darius and the Origin of the 'Demotic Chroni cle,' " Mizraim 1 ( 19 3 3 ) , 178ff; R. A. Parker, "Darius and His Egyptian Cam-
JEWS AND ARAMEANS I N EGYPT
23
extant papyrus from Elephantine was drawn up ( C 1 ) . This was a legal contract regarding an exchange of half a "share" between two pairs of sisters. The respective shares were originally assigned by the royal judges ("judges of the king" ) and a garrison commander. The impact of Darius upon legal affairs was felt throughout the Persian empire.88 Darius' effect on religious matters in his empire is also worth noting. In Asia Minor he ordered the satrap Gadates to respect certain rights and privileges of the sacred gardeners of Apollo.89 In Judah he ordered the pelJiih Tattenai to supply whatever material was necessary for the build ing of the Temple there and to provide sacrifices to be offered in the name of the royal family ( Ez. 5 : 1 7-6: 1 2 ) . In Egypt he restored the House of Life of the goddess Neith at Sais, contributed to temples at Edfu and Abusir, and displayed his liberality toward other sanctuaries as well. It was probably he who constructed the temple to Amon-Re in the oasis of Khargeh.90 As successor to the Pharaohs-and like Cambyses replete with royal titulary 91-Darius quite naturally assumed the right to appoint or approve the election of, and even depose, certain temple officials, particu larly the temple administrator (lesonis) . Similarly, he was entitled to the revenues from certain priestly offices, e.g., the prophetship of Amon at Teuzoi. These rights and privileges would be exercised by the satrap or other high government officials. Demotic correspondence of the year 492, between the Khnum priests of Elephantine and the satrap Pherendates who apparently replaced Aryandes after the latter was executed for alleged rebellion ( Hdt. IV.166) -indicates such supervision and also the diffi culties experienced that year in finding a suitable lesonis.92 In the light of all this, it is conceivable that the Persians supervised the functioning of paign," AJSL 58 ( 1 941 ) , 373f. The Demotic text thus confirms the report of Diodorus 1.9 5 0488 Cf. the suggestive Chapter 9, "A New Lawgiver" by A. T. Olmstead, in his History of the Persian Empire; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 30. 89 M. Tod, ed., A Selection of Creek Historical Inscriptions to the End of the Fifth Century B .C. (Oxford, 1946; 2nd ed. ) , 1 2ff. 90 C. Posener, op. cit., 1 78f. 91 Ibid., 1 61£f. 92 For the events at Teuzoi, see P. Rylands 9, 1 in F. L1. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri in the John Rylands Library (Manchester, 1909 ) III, 65; S. Saunerori, The Priests of Ancient Egypt (New York, 1960 ) , 19ff. For the Elephantine correspondence, see W. Spiegelberg, "Drei demotischen Schreiben aus der Korrespondence des Pherendates, des Satrapen Darius' I., mit den Chnumpriestern von Elephantine," SPAW, Phil.-Hist. Kl. ( 1928 ) , 604ff.
24
J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N E GYPT
the Jewish Temple at Elephantine and perhaps provided some kind of subvention, at least for sacrifices offered to the health of the emperor. The most noteworthy of Darius' achievements was, of course, the or ganization of his realm into satrapies, each paying a fixed annual revenue (Hdt. III.89ff) .93 The satrapy of Egypt, according to Herodotus (III.13, 91 ) , included neighboring Libya, Cyrene, and Barca.94 The annual tribute of the Egyptian satrapy amounted to 700 talents, revenue from the fish eries of Lake Moeris ( roughly 240 talents per year) and 1 20,000 measures of grain for the Persian garrison at Memphis (Hdt. 11.149; III.91 ) . The "Ethiopians nearest to Egypt" and "those who dwell about the holy Nysa" [in Upper Nubia?] brought as "gifts . . . every other year . . . two choenixes [about two quarts] of unrefined gold, 200 blocks of ebony, 5 Ethiopian boys, and 20 great elephant tusks" (Hdt. III.97) .95 The con quest of at least Lower Nubia and its integration in some form into the Persian realm gave new meaning to the Aswan garrisons. Established by Psammetichus I to guard the southern frontier against the expelled Ethi opians, they now had the task of supervising that territory and assuring a smooth flow of tribute. Moreover, the conquest of the country south of Egypt may have given added importance to the god Khnum. An in scription found at Elephantine probably dating from the reign of Ramses III ( ca. 1 1 82-1 1 5 1 ) prohibited interference on the part of govern ment officials with any of the workers on the temple domain, the com mandeering of temple ships or the requisitioning of temple property. Unfortunately, the text is damaged and the extent of the god's domain is not indicated.96 Another decree, this one on the island of Sehel, written in the Ptolemaic period but dated to the 18th year of Zoser (Third Dy93 E. Herzfeld, Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran (Berlin, 1 929-30 ) I, 90ff; C. Posener, op. cit., 1 81ff; P. J. Junge, Klio 34 ( 1 941 ) , Iff; R. C. Kent, Old Persian, 5 5ff; idem, "Old Persian Texts IV: The Lists of Provinces," TNES 2 ( 1 943 ) , 302ff; E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis II (Chicago, 1 9 57 ) , 52; M . Ehtecham, L'Iran sous les Achemenides (Fribourg, 1 946 ) , 1 1 off; R . N . Frye, op. cit., 1 32f, 1 3 8f. 94 For discussion of the question of whether there existed an independent Libyan satrapy cf. B. M . Mitchell, "Cyrene and Persia," THS 86 ( 1966 ) , 107. 95 The Stairways of the Apadana at Persepolis completed by Xerxes depict three Kushites bearing a covered vessel, perhaps containing gold dust, and an elephant tusk and leading an okapi, E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis I (Chicago, 1953 ) , 90, PI. 49; idem, Persepolis II (Chicago, 1957 ) , 95. 96 Cf. the restoration of J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago, 1 906) , IV, par. 1 47, lines 3-4, and the later study by F. Ll. Griffith, "The Abydos Decree of Seti I at Nauri," TEA 1 3 ( 1 92 7 ) , 207f; also H. Kees, Ancient Egypt ( London, 1961 ) , 3 2 1 .
J EWS AND ARAMEANS I N EGY P T
25
nasty), presented Khnum with the Dodekaschoinos, the territory from Elephantine south to Tachompso (d. Bdt. 11.29 ) . Be was entitled to the grain of the "Field," a tithe of the yield of fishing, hunting, snaring, cattle raising, mining, and various handicrafts and a tithe of precious imports into Egypt. Although the real occasion prompting the inscription of the decree is in dispute, it seems likely that the rights of the Khnum priest hood were quite ancient.97 Now that Lower Nubia and Egypt were once more under "Pharaonic" jurisdiction, one may wonder whether the tradi tional rights of the Khnum priests in the Dodekaschoinos were renewed by the benevolent Darius. Despite Darius' benevolent attitude toward the Egyptian priesthood and temples, the aftermath of the Persian defeat at Marathon ( 490 ) occasioned revolt in Egypt ( 486) (Bdt. V1l.I ) . Darius died in November 4 86 98 before he could put down the rebellion and the task was left to his son, Xerxes, who did so "in the year after Darius' death" (Bdt. V1I.7) . A demotic letter written June 6, 486, from Elephantine by one Khnumem akhet to the satrap Pherendates spoke of "rebels" prowling around the area and threatening to make off with recently unloaded but inadequately guarded grain supplies. Nothing more is known of these rebels, but it appears that the disturbances in Egypt extended down to Elephantine.99 Two inscriptions of a Persian official stationed at Coptos dated respec tively in the last year of Darius and on January 9, 484, 100 suggest that the revolt was put down a little over a year after it broke oUt.lOl Whatever the precise state of affairs may have been during the year or so of rebellion, 97 The most recent treatment of La stele de la famine a Sehel is that of P. Barguet (Cairo, 1 9 5 3 ) . References to earlier treatments are noted on pp. 9-1 0. That of K. Sethe, "Dodekaschoinos, das Zwolfmeilenland an der Crenze von Aegypten und Nubien," Untersuchungen zur Ceschichte und Altertums kunde Aegyptens (Leipzig, 1902) 11/3, 59ff, is especially noteworthy. 98 R. A. Parker and W. H. Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology 626 B .C. AD. 75 (Providence, 1 9 56 ) , 17. 99 The letter was first published by W. Spiegelberg, SPAW Phil.-Hist. Kl. 30 ( 1 92 8 ) , 1 3ff and reissued by him in Die demotischen Papyri Loeb (Munich, 193 1 ) , Iff. Spiegelberg quoted with approval the view of Sethe that the "rebels" (p rmt nty bks) were not part of the nationalist revolt which had broken out in the Delta but were simply threatening Nubian tribesmen. Pro fessor C. Hugh�s of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, informs me that there is nothing in the text or in the phrase employed which would warrant such an assumption. 100 C. Posener, op. cit., 1 1 7ff, Nos. 24-2 5. 101 For differing opinions as to the meaning of both the letter and the two inscriptions cf. F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 67f and A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 227f, 234f.
26
J E W S AND ARAMEANS IN E GYPT
control became much tighter once i t was quelled. Herodotus reported that Xerxes appointed his brother Achaemenes as satrap and "laid Egypt under a much harder slavery than in the time of Darius" (VII.7 ) . In an Aramaic document of February 17, 484, the left side of which has been torn away, Hosea b. Hodaviah and Ahiab b. Gemariah acknowledged receipt from (the boatman? ) Espe[metJ of some fifty ardabs of barley and lentils which they undertook to deliver to the centuries of Betheltqm and Nabuslw under penalty of 1,000 shekels ( C 2-3 ) . The threat of this extraordinarily heavy penalty emphasized the degree of personal responsibility assigned the officials entrusted with delivering provisions and reflected the inten tion of the new rulers to guarantee the food supply of the garrison. The first document of the Mibtahiah archive ( C 5 ) was written during the reign of Xerxes. He was assassinated in early August, 465.102 The second document in the archive was dated " 1 8 Kislev, that is 17 Thoth, Year 21, the beginning of the reign when Artaxerxes sat on the throne" (C 6: If) . This date was January 2, 464.103 Sometime later the Libyan dynast Inaros s. Psammetichus expelled the Persians from the Delta. and besieged Mem phis. He was not defeated until 45+ Another dynast, Amyrtaeus, con tinued to hold out in the Western Delta until after 450. Achaemenes was killed during the revolt and was replaced by Arsames (Arsham ) 104 as soon as Persian rule was fully reestablished in the Delta.105 At Elephantine, Persian rule continued relatively undisturbed. Two contracts dated in 460 or 459 (C 8-9 ) /06 the sandstone stela erected at Syene by the garrison 102 R. A. Parker and W. H. Dubberstein, op. cit., 17, cite an unpublished eclispe text which seems to indicate the assassination of Xerxes between August 4 and 8. 103 S. H. Horn and L. H. Wood, "The Fifth Century Jewish Calendar at Elephantine," JNES 1 3 ( 19 54 ) , 8f. 104 For a discussion of Arsames cf. C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. ( Oxford, 19 57; abridged and revised) , 88ff. One of the letters from Arsames (D 5 ) told of thirteen Cilician slaves of his who "when Egypt rebelled and the garrison was mustered . . . did not succeed in entering the fortress. Afterwards the reprobate [ · ] n [ · ] rw seized them ( and) they were (detained ) with him." Arsames now sought to assure that the Cilicians not be prevented further from performing their tasks for him. C. R. Driver sought to restore the name of the rebel as mdrw, Anu-dam or the like; cf. Aramaic Docu ments, 54. W. B. Henning ( orally and in C. R. Driver, op. cit., 54f, n. 3 ) would equate the name with Inaros and date the letters to the middle of the century. The equation is temp ting but the name too fragmen tary for historical conclusions. 105 F . K. Kienitz, op. cit., 69ff. 106 For discussion of these dates cf. S . H. Horn and L. H. Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1 954 ) , 9f.
J EWS AND ARAMEANS IN E GY P T
27
commander in the middle of June, 458/°7 the loan document of December, 456 (C 10) /°8 and the contract written on July 6, 451 ( K 1 ) , are all dated according to the regnal years of Artaxerxes and strongly suggest that his authority was continuously recognized at Elephantine during the decade of rebellion which affected Lower Egypt. A loan contract has been interpreted as providing evidence for rebellion in Elephantine at this time. The four shekels were weighed out according to the "stones of Ptal;!" ( C 1 1 : 2 ) and not the "stones of the king" as else where, and the debt was to be repaid at the beginning of the 9th year. Since the date formula at the beginning of the document is missing, it has been assumed that the loan was due in the "9th year of the freedom of Egypt," during which time a return to the native standard of weight sup posedly took place.l09 But a due-date in a loan contract given simply as the "9th year," without any reference to the reigning monarch, hardly indicates a state of rebellion from Persian rule. A land lease drawn up in the 7th year of Darius I stipulated that the land was to be sown "in year 7" and the produce divided up "in year 8" (lines 1, 4f) .110 The missing first line of our contract doubtless gave the date according to the Persian ruler.1l1 The evidence of date formulae thus indicates uninterrupted Persian rule at Elephantine during the reigns of Xerxes and Artaxerxes 1. Not until the reign of Darius II are disturbances again recorded. 107 M. de Vogue, "Inscription arameenne trouvee en Egypte," CRAI, ( 1 903 ) , 269ff; M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris filr semitische Epigraphik (Giessen, 1908) II, 221£. For discussion of date cf. S. H. Horn and L. H. Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1 954 ) , lOf. 108 For discussion of the date cf. R. A. Parker, "Persian and Egyptian Chro nology," AJSL 5 8 ( 1 94 1 ) , 291; S. H. Horn and L. H. Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1954 ) , 1 2f; R. A . Parker, "Some Considerations on the Nature of the Fifth Century Jewish Calendar at Elephantine," JNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 274. 109 Cf. A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 32f; A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 303f. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 3 1 , assumes that the Athenians captured Memphis. It should be noted, however, that they besieged but failed to take the fortress; cf. F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 70f; A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 303. 110 H. Bauer and B. Meissner, "Ein aramaischer Pachtvertrag aus dem VII Jahre Darius' I," SPAW Phil.-Hist. Kl. ( 1 936) , 414ff plus two plates. See also for this papyrus A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un contrat de metayage egypto-arameen de l'an 7 de Darius Ier," MAl 1 4/2 ( 1 944 ) , 62ff. 111 Cf. R. Yamn, "The Schema of the Aramaic Legal Documents," JSS 2 ( 1 957) , 42f; cf., too, E . Bresciani, "La satrapia d'Egitto," Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 37·
II E LE P H AN T I N E - S Y E N E GARRI S O N : ORG A N I ZAT I O N , O F F I CI AL S , A N D D U T I E S
Degel-A Socia-Military Unit The Egyptians were among the many conquered peoples obligated to supply the Persians with military and/or naval units.1 Egyptian ships joined Phoenician, Cypriote, and Cilician vessels in attacking rebellious Miletus in 495 ( Hdt. VI.6) . In 480 the Egyptians contributed 200 ships for the war against Greece. They were commanded by the satrap Achae menes and acquitted themselves excellently at the battle of Artemesium (Hdt. VII.89, 97; VIII.17) . At Phalerum, the "Egyptian swordsmen called Hermotybians and Calasirians" were disembarked and joined in the battle at Plataea ( Hdt. IX.32 ) . 2 In 401 Egyptian "hoplites with wooden shields which reached to their feet" were counted among the forces of Artaxerxes II and arrayed against his rebellious brother Cyrus ( Xen. Anab. 1.8.9) . Both the Hermotybians, in the nomes of the central and western Delta, and the Calasirians, in those of the eastern Delta and in the nome of Thebes, were allegedly prohibited from pursuing a trade. This Egyptian warrior class-which were, according to Herodotus, descendants of the Libyan Meshwesh (abbreviated Ma; Greek machimoi ) 3-ranked second 1 For general discussion of Persian military administration, see M. Ehte cham, L'Iran sous les Achemenides, 62ff; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 3 3ff. 2 J. A. R. Munro in Cambridge Ancient History ( Cambridge, 1 926) IV, 274, 291, 3 1 2£, 341£· 8 F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 36. The term Msws, in abbreviated form, appears in an inscription of Psammeticus I; cf. H. Goedicke, MDAIK 1 8 ( 1962 ) , 33ff (lines 3, 9 ) ; more generally, W. Holscher, Libyer und Agypter (Agyptologische Forschungen III; Gliickstadt, 1936; 2nd ed., 1 9 5 5 ) .
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S
29
only to the priests among Egypt's seven classes. The warriors were expected to devote themselves exclusively to military training and to bequeath their profession to their children. Like the priests, each soldier received tax free twelve arurae of land ( ca. seven acres ) which he cultivated and/or leased out at high rental ( Hdt. I1.164ff; cf. Diod. 1.73 ) .4 The soldiers stationed at Elephantine and Syene, Jews, Arameans, Babylonians, Caspians, Khorazmians, Medes, and Persians alike, were settled with their families and expected to propagate children who would grow up and follow in the profession of their fathers. There are three terms which designate the socio-military organization of the Elephantine Syene colonies : l:tayla), degel, and century. The l:taylii>, "garrison" or "troop" (C 37: 1 ) , included the soldiers and their families (cf. C 2 1, 22 ) . The degel was the basic unit of organization at Elephantine and was known at Memphis 5 and at Arad 6 in Palestine. In Egypt it served to des ignate units of Egyptians ( C 27 : 1 ) 7 as well as Jews. During the desert wanderings, the term applied to large groups of three tribes each, including women and children ( Num. 2, 10) . At Qumran it served as a common denominator for both a conscription and a combat unit and was equiva lent to the "thousand" ( IQM 3 : 6, 4: 10) .8 It apparently had the same signification at Elephantine where it would have been equivalent to the Persian chiliarchy.9 Whether the term also meant "standard" is uncer4 For the possible meaning of the two names Hermotybians and Calasirians cf. W. W. How and J . Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus, I, 249; H. Grapow, "Hermotybier," Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, Real-Encyclopadie, 1 5 (Stutt gart, 191 2 ) , 9°5; H. Kees, "Kalasiries," ibid., 20 ( Stuttgart, 1 9 1 9 ) , 1 547; and the references cited in F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 36, n. 1 . For the view that the names mentioned by Herodotus were those furnishing warrio rs cf. H. Gauthier, Les names d'Egypte depuis Herodote jusqu' a la conquete arabe (Cairo, 1 93 5 ) , 2; for the view that these were the names where the warriors were settled, "Kolonisationsraum," cf. H. Kees, "Myekphorites," Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll, op. cit., 3 1 (Stuttgart, 1933 ) , 996. 5 N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens d'Egypte nos. 5 : 4, 7f, l OV:4; R. Bowman, "An Aramaic J oumal Page," AJSL 58 ( 1 941 ) , 304. 6 The term appears in an unpublished astra can; cf. Y. Aharoni, "Arad : Its Inscriptions and Temple," BA 3 1 ( 1 968 ) , 1 1 . 7 On the basis of C 2 7 : 1 and 30:8, F . K. Kienitz, op. cit., 64, following Ed. Sachau, op. cit., xvii-xviii and Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 29, assumed that these units were stati<jmed at Elephantine. But the Egyptian units in C 27: 1 may have been stationed elsewhere and the Egyptians in C 30: 8 may have been priests or their supporters ( cf. 30: 5f) . 8 Cf. Y. Yadin, The Scroll of the War of the Sons of Light Against the Sons of Darkness ( Oxford, 1962 ) , 49, 5 1 . 9 For an analysis of the size and organization of the Persian army as set forth by Herodotus, VII.61-88, cf. J. A. R. Munro, "Some Observations on the
30
ELEPHANTIN E-SYENE GARRIS O N S
tain.10 The standard played an important role in the Egyptian army dur ing the New Kingdom but there is no evidence that Egyptian sryt, "standard," applied to a military company as well.ll In the Sassanian army, however, the basic military unit was the drafsh, meaning also "flag" or "banner," and each unit had its own standard bearer.12 The subdivision of the degel was the century and both were known by the names of their respective non-Jewish commanders. Four degel officers are attested for the ' five year period 464-460/459: Artabanu ( C 6: 3 ) , Atroparan ( C 6:9), Haumadata (C 8 :2//9 : 2 ) , and Varyazata ( C 6 : 1 0 ) , the latter being attested for the more than thirty years o f Mahseiah's activity 471-43 5 ( ? ) (C 5 : 2; K 2 :3; C 1 3 : 2, 14:3, 1 5 : 3 ) . Between 446 and
I
Persian Wars," THS 22 ( 1 902 ) , 29 5-98; J. Wells, Studies in Herodotus ( Ox ford, 1923 ) , 1 49f; W. W. How and J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus, II, 367f. A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., lOf, came close to appreciating the dual nature of the Jewish organization at Elephantine-social and military-but thought that the lJaylii> "was nothing more than the group of Judeo-Arameans organized as a national and religious society" and the century merely an "in ternal organization of the community" ( emphasis mine ) . A. T. Olmstead, A History of the Persian Empire, 245, thought that the centuries were divided into standards and E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 42, that degel and centuries were interchangeable. But A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 5f, was doubtless right in taking the century as a subdivision of the degel. Since the leaders of both the degel and the century always bore non-Jewish names, it is unlikely that these units pertained exclusively to the "internal" organization of the Jews. On the sig nificance of the chiliarch d. E. Benveniste, Titres et noms propres en iranien ancien (Travaux de l'Institut d'etlldes iraniennes de l'Universite de Paris, 1 ; Paris, 1 966 ) , 67ff. 10 The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago ( Chicago, 1959) III, 1 36, defines diglu as, inter alia, "sight (what is looked upon ) ." It has been given an extended meaning of "standard," i.e., "something that strongly attracts attention" on the assumption that the He brew-Aramaic term degel means standard; P. Haupt, "Assyr. dagalu, to look for, in the aT," TBL 37 ( 19 1 8 ) , 229. The meaning "standard" has been rigor ously denied by Y. Yadin, op. cit., 39, n. 1 ; 49ff; 62, n. 2; 1 56ff. 11 R. O. Faulkner, "Egyptian Military Standards," TEA 27 ( 1 941 ) , 1 2ff. 12 Cf. A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides (Copenhagen, 1944; 2nd ed.) , 210. In Greek and Latin, the words for "standard" also designate the body of troops serving under a standard; d. semeion and semeia in H. C. Liddell and R. S. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon ( revised by H. S . Jones and R. McKen zie; Oxford, 1940 ) , 1 593; and manipulus in C. T. Lewis and C. S. Short, A Latin Dictionary ( 1 879; Oxford, impression of 1945 ) , 1 1 09. Cf. discussion in J. Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte sous les Lagides ( Paris, 191 1 ) , 62f, n. 3; I 03f. n. 9 .
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GA R R I S O N S
31
420, the period covering the activity of Mahseiah's daughter, Mibtahiah, four officers are again in evidence : Varyazata ( C 1 3 :2 ) , Iddinnabu ( K 14:2, 7 : 1 f; C 20 :2ff ) , Nimasu ( K 3 : 2 ) , and Arpa1.m ( K 5 : 2 ) . For the period 411-400, that of the activity of Mibtahiah's children, attestation for at least three officers exists : V. . . . ta (C 28 : 2 ) /3 Nabukudurri (C 29: If; K 1 1 : 1f, 1 2 : 2f; C 7 : 3 , 3 5 : 2 ) ,14 MR . . . ( C 7:4 ) .15 The records are so fragmentary that it is impossible to ascertain if the figure of four digl'in reflects the full complement of the garrison or is merely accidental. It is noteworthy that at a later date, the Romans stationed at Syene three co horts, slightly undermanned since the Ethiopians were at that time disposed to peace.16 The Roman cohort varied in strength from 600 to 1 ,000 men.17 13 A. E. Cowley'S reconstruction in C 2 8 : 2 is uncertain; d. A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 7; N. Peters, Die jiidische Gemeinde von Elephantine Syene und ihr Tempel (Freiburg i. B ., 191 0 ) , 1 8. If correct, the later Varyazata may be the grandson of the earlier one, as suggested by Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund 28, n. 1, or his namesake ( cf. K 8 : 1 1 ) . During the Hellenistic period positions of military command often passed from father to son and a son would fre quently be associated with his father in such positions even during the latter's lifetime; cf. J . Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte sous les Lagides, 82 . This would not be unnatural in a military colony where children were raised to follow in the military footsteps of their parents. A less likely expla nation is one which would make of this name, Varyazata, as well as others, the name of an early chieftain which adhered to the troops during subsequent years; d. E. SchUrer, TLZ ( 1907 ) , 5 . 14 For the dating o f C 7 in 401 cf. R. Yaron, 'SS 2 ( 1 957 ) , 34. It should be noted that A. E. Cowley's reconstruction of the name in line 3, according to C 5 : 17, seems unlikely; cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 1 0 3, for the earlier and more probable reading. All the other references to the degel of Nabukudurri fall within the last decade of the century. Assuming that each of the digl'in is named after its living commander, we have a further reason for dating C 7 to the year 401 . 15 Here, too, A. E . Cowley's reading and reconstruction must be rejected and preference given to Ed. Sachau's reading, lac. cit. A name beginning with the same two letters MR appears as degel commander in Memphis; cf. N. . AimeGiron, Textes arameens d'Egypte, no. 2 7 + 16 Strabo, XVII . 1 . 53, 819. Probably basing himself upon the next passage in Strabo where the latter reported that the invading Ethiopians seized Syene, Elephantine, and Philae, H. Kees, "Syene," Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll-Mittlehaus, op. cit., 2nd series (Stuttgart, 19 3 1 ) , 1021, assumed that the three cohorts were distributed among the three garrisons. If so, then, on the basis of our supposi tions, the Persian garrisons at Elephantine-Syene would have been considerably larger than the Roman. E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 24, estimated the latter at no more than 1 , 500 men. But Kees' interpretation of Strabo appears erroneous. 17 Of the 2 3 cohorts mustered against the Jews by Vespasian, 10 numbered 1,000 infantry each while the rest had 600 infantry each plus 1 20 cavalry; cf.
32
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS
The Persian garrisons a t Elephantine-Syene thus approximated those o f the Romans. The names of only four centurions are known : Betheltqm and Nabuslw (C 2 : 6, 8, 10) during the reign of Xerxes and Nabuaqab and Siniddin (C 22 : 19f) from the end of the fifth century. The number of men associated with each of the first three centuries is eleven (C 2 : 6f, 2 2 : 20-30 rs while the fourth comprised twelve (C 22 : 6-1 8 ) .19 Yet these figures can hardly have represented the full strength of each century; they probably denoted the decarchy, a subdivision of the century. Several of the lists of names written on papyri, ostraca, and stone may record such squads at full or partial strength. Where complete, these lists range from seven ( Sachau 79.2, all Jews ) and eight ( two or three Jews ) 20 through ten ( C 12, mostly Jews ) 21 It has been suggested that the Aramean name, Nabuaqab, written upside down at the end of one list (C 1 2 : I I ) is that of the decurion 22 while the fourteen men, mostly Persians, in another list ( C 51 ) are centurions or other leaders. 23 No information exists on the deployment of each of the diglin or the exact stations occupied by these units. Some information on the national composition of the detachments may be gleaned from other sources. Units in battle array in the campaigns of Xerxes (as described by Herodotus ) , and of Artaxerxes II (as described by Xenophon ) , were organized along .
'
III,�
..
Josephus, War 111.4.2, 64-67. For comparison of the Qumran degel and the Roman cohort cf. Y. Yadin, op. cit., 1 61ff. For general discussion of the cohort, see H. M. D. Parker, The Roman Legions (Oxford, 1928 ) , 26ff. 1B J n C 2 2 : 3 1 , traces of the mark for 1 0 may be detected before the final stroke indicating 1, thus a total of 1 1 . 19 Cf. Appendix IV; it should be noted that a t least four women were in cluded among the members of this century (lines 1 3, 1 5, 1 6, 1 8; 1 7 may also have contained a feminine name) . We do not know if they were paying for themselves or their families. If degel and century membership was according to families, then we might imagine that "1 ,000" families and/or adult males were enrolled in the degel as a social unit and had to supply "1 ,000" soldiers for the degel as a military unit. The social degel would be subdivided into "10" social centuries, each supplying "100" soldiers. 20 CIS 2/1, 1 54 (PI. 20 ) with corrections in N. Aime-Giron, "Adversaria semitica," BIFAO 3 8 ( 1 939 ) , 36f. 21 Fragmentary lists evidence at least thirteen ( 7 ) names ( C 5 3 ) and as many as twenty-seven ( C 23; only fifteen are preserved ) ; cf. also the obscure C 52. 22 Cf. P. Joilon, MUSJ 1 8 ( 1 934 ) , 44. 23 H. Anneler, Zur Geschichte der Juden von Elephantine (Bern, 1 91 2 ) , 57, suggested that they were degel commanders . Cf. C 5 1 :6 and 6 : 3 .
ELEPHANTINE�SYENE GA RRISONS
33
ethnic lines. Each had its own nominal native leader and was clearly dis tinguished from other units by distinctive garb and fighting equipment (Hdt. VII.61-88, 96; Xen., Anab. 1.8.9) . Separate from such general levies for major campaigns was the deployment of mercenaries, usually away from home and on garrison duty. Such troops would also maintain their ethnic identity and internal leadership ( d. Xen., Anab. IV-3-4, 4-18; VII.8. 1 5 ) , but, particularly in the case of stationary forces, foreign ele ments might be introduced. The "Jewish troop" ( C 21 : 2, 4, l l, 22: 1 ) was originally settled in Elephantine, as the presence there of the Temple to YHW and the frequent occurrence of the descriptive term "Jew of Ele phantine" indicate. The Arameans, on the other hand, were stationed in Syene, as the recurrent term "Aramean of Syene" and the presence there of temples to Nabu ( BK 1 : 1 ) , Banit (BK 2 : 1, 1 2, 3 : 1 ; d 1 :7 ) , Bethel and Malkat-Shemayin ( BK 4 : 1 ) indicate.24 But a Jew, too, came to be desig nated as "Aramean of Elephantine" ( C 2 5 : 2, 3 5 : 2; K 7 : 1f, 1 2 : 2 f, 14 : 2 ) ,25 and more frequently, "Aramean of Syene." 2 6 The designation "Aramean" was probably due to the fact that the Jews were considered members of the larger Aramaic-speaking group.27 The term "of Syene" was employed 24 For discussion of the designations "Jew of Elephantine" and "Aramean of Syene," cf: A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 12; for the Aramean temples, cf. below pp. 1 64ft. 25 Cf. C 7 : 2, "Aramean, property-holder in Elephantine." 26 C 5 : 2, 1 3 :2, 1 5 : 2 f, 2 8:2, 2 9 : 1 f, 4 5 : 2; K 2 : 2, 7 : 2, 8 : 2f. 27 Since the Lachish and Arad letters from the end of the J udahite Kingdom were still written in Hebrew, we must assume that the Jews of Elephantine, and doubtless elsewhere in Egypt, acquired Aramaic as a spoken language in their new home. As noted (cf. Chapter I, n. 36) , this was the language of correspondence between Pharaoh and a Philistine kinglet, and it was the lingua franca of the Persian Empire. Legal proceedings, as will be seen, were conducted in the presence of Persian officials at Elephantine and Syene. Thus, out of official contact with Saitic and Persian rulers and living next to a body of Arameans, the Jews of Elephantine adopted Aramaic not only as the language of legal documents and official letters but also as the language of ordinary notes to one another, as evidenced by the ostraca. The presence of the AlJiqar text attests their ability to read an Aramaic literary text. All this does not necessarily mean that they forgot Hebrew; but no Hebrew text or fragment has come to light which would provide positive evidence of its retention. Ignoring the locus designation, N. J. Cohen, Lesonenu 31 ( 1 966-67 ) , 204ft, notes that in ten out of eleven documents where Jews were designated "Ara means" both parties to the contract were Jews ( C 5, 1 3, 2 5, 2 8, 29, 3 5; K 2, 7, 8, 1 2 ) . Conversely, in two of the three documents where one of the parties was non-Jewish the other was designated "Jew" (C 6; K 1 1 ) . Each of the exceptions (C 8-10, 14, 1 5; K 5 ) is given a specific explanation, sometimes forced. Thus,
34
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S
either because they acquired property there or, more likely, simply be cause the term "Aramean of Syene" had become standardized. Writing to Bagohi, governor of Judah, Jedaniah spoke of himself "and his colleagues, and the Jews, all those of Elephantine" (C 30: 22 ) . But . addressing Arsames, satrap of Egypt, Jedaniah and his four colleagues designated them selves "Syenians who [ho]ld [prop]erty in the fortress of Elephantine" ( C 3 3 :6) . Evidently ethnic Arameans served in the same degel as Jews according to the case of "Anani b. Haggai b. Meshullam, Jew of the degel of Nabu , kudurri" and "Pakhnum b. Beso, Aramean of Syene of the same degel' ( K 1 1 : If) . The couple Bagazusht and Ubil sold a house in Elephantine, and although Ubil's father, Satibar, was a resident of Elephantine, she was described as "Caspian of Syene of the degel of Nimasu." Her husband also belonged to the same degel (K 3 : 2 , 8 ) . The term "Syenian garrison" probably indicates a preponderance of non-Jews in Syene. Of eighteen wholly or partially legible names in a ration record of fifty-four men of the Syenian garrison (C 24) , none can with certainty be considered Jew ish. The Hermopolis letters, addressed to Syene (BK 1-4) and to Ofi (Luxor) ( BK 5 ) contain some fifty-five names-all Egyptian or Aramean.28
i
11,1
she concludes, Jews considered themselves as "Arameans" while others viewed them as Jews; cf., too, R. Yaron, Iura 1 5 ( 1964 ) , 1 72. Still, in the Collection List for the YHW Temple, drawn up internally, the designation was "the Jewish troop" (C 22 : 1 ) . In the Bible, it should be noted, the more restricted term "Israelite" applied internally whereas the broader designation "Hebrew" is only used when the context introduces foreigners. 28 Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 89, distinguished only one clearly Hebrew name in C 24-Shemaiah (line 3 ) , while a subsequent editor, M. Sprengling, "The Aramaic Papyri of Elephantine in English," AJT 22 ( 1 9 1 8 ) , 364, remarked that "We may thus have to do with the rationing of a non-Jewish portion of the Persian ( or Egyptian? ) army at Elephantine." Even in the name Shemaiah the last letter is absent and the penultimate is only partially preserved. The more I examine the plate the more I confess that Cowley's readings yielding the ad ditional Hebrew names Haggai (line 3 ) , Sammuah or Shammua (line 7 ) , Nathan (line 1 1 ) , Abihu (line 1 7 ) , and Uri (line 26) are not at all certain. The gimel of Haggai may be a pe and the name an Egyptian one. There is no assurance that ntn in line 1 1 is the name Nathan, and not the verbal element of an Aramean theophorous name. The second letter of the name in line 1 7 looks better as a resh than beth while the hw i s separated from the first three letters and may bear the same meaning it has in line 6, though placed before the s ) and not after it. It is thus highly doubtful that this list contains any Hebrew names at all. For the Hermopolis letters cf. E. Bresciani and lVi. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 365ff.
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S
35
I n contrast, Elephantine was entrusted primarily to the "Jewish garrison." The unique designation given to the Khorazmian Dargman b. I:Iarshin may thus indicate a semipermanent status. He is one "whose station is fixed in Elephantine." The degel to which he was assigned, that of Arta banu, is otherwise unknown ( C 6:2ff) . As an economic unit, the degel may have held and cultivated land (C 16:2; cf. 80 : 5 ) . Three members of the degel of Varyazata held lots in Elephantine adjacent to each other (C 5 : 2ff, 6:4ff) . As a social unit, the degel was a focal point for various activities. Since membership was by families, husband and wife were attached to the same degel (K 3 :2 ) and a divorcee might continue in the degel of her father (C 1 4 : 2f, 1 5 :2f ) . The men married women from the same degel: Jezaniah and his father-in-law, Mahseiah, both belonged to the degel of Haumadata (C 9:2f), while Ananiah b. Haggai and Jehoishma's legal "brother," Zaccur b. Meshullam, belonged to Iddinnabu's degel ( K 7 : 1 f ) . In case of need, a person may have turned to a fellow member for a loan (K 1 1 : 1 f ) , creating litigation between members of the same degel ( cf. C : 20; the original bailee, Asl;1or b. Sel;1o, was a civilian [1 5 : 2] ) . Parties to legal contracts, whether male or female, were usually designated according to their degel/9 although wit nesses, and addressee and addressor in letters were never explicitly desig nated. Not every Jew was a b" el degel, "member of a degel." Ananiah b. Aza riah, servitor of YHW (K 1, etc. ) , and possibly other leading priests, had no such designation. Perhaps they were included in the term b',el qiryah, "member of a town," civilian, used in contrast to "member of a degel," soldier, in legal contracts ( C 5 : 9, 1 3 : 10, 20: lOf, 46:6) .30
Military Tasks The Aramaic documents contain very little reference to the military activ ity of the Elephantine garrison. It is generally assumed that Elephantine served at this time as a border fortress. The actual political border, how ever, lay much more to the south since Ethiopa, at least Lower Nubia, was included in the Persian Empire. But the region of Aswan remained a fron29 For
an explanation of the exceptions cf. R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 19 57 ) , 37. 80 A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 7f, thought that men of both the degel and the town were soldiers, the townsmen having burgher rights. It is more likely, how ever, that the "member of a town" was simply a civilian.
36
E LE P HANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS
tier until modern times because of its geography, geology, and ethnic com position.51 The hindrance to continued river traffic posed by the first cataract at Aswan provided the twin towns of Elephantine and Syene with their major function of protecting and facilitating commerce and intercourse between Egypt and Nubia.52 In the early days Syene may have developed essen tially as the "Mart" and Elephantine as the fort, but by the Persian period, both towns had garrisons and wharves. Both also had their own wells pro viding the towns with independent fresh water supplies.s3 Sailing up the Nile, one notices that the fertile land dwindles to a mere strip. At Aswan, cultivated land is confined to 1 .7 km. on the eastern bank. The surrounding countryside is relatively so arid that the "Blossoming Isle" of Elephantine takes on a verdue and freshness by contrast. Yet its climate is remarkably dry. In this "Garden of the Tropics" grow mulberry trees, acacias, and date- and dom-palms. Between Elephantine and the west bank of the Nile is the tiny eighteen acre Island of Plantations or Kitche ner's Island, covered with trees and flowers.34 The rocks that abound in the
31 Even today, Professor J . A. Wilson informs me, the passport and customs frontier is at Shellal at the First Cataract whereas the political border is at Adindan, 191 miles to the south. 32 S. Clarke, "Ancient Egyptian Frontier Forts," lEA 3 ( 1916) , 1 5 1 ; L. Ha bachi and H. Riad, Aswan, 6; H. Kees, "Syene," Pauly-Wissowa-Kroll-Mittel haus, eds. op. cit., 2nd series, 7 (Stuttgart, 193 1 ) , 1019. 33 J. Baikie, Egyptian Antiquities in the Nile Valley-A Descriptive Hand book ( London, 1932 ) , 697ff. For the well at Elephantine cf. C 27:6f (line 8 should perhaps be reconstructed bb [yrf> z] k ) . The unpublished diaries of Ch. Clermont-Ganneau which were studied by H. Ricke contained the observation that the British Director of Waterworks on the island had excavated not far from the Khnum temple and uncovered a circular well; cf. H. Ricke, Beitriige zur Agyptischen Bauforschung 6 (Cairo, 1 960 ) , 53, n. 1 2 . See, too, L. Habachi and H. Riad, Aswan, 20f. The well at Syene, famous in the Hellenistic period (Strabo, XVII.1 .48, 8 1 7; Pliny, Nat. Hist. I1.75, 1 83f) , may have gone back to the Persian period; J. Baikie, op. cit., 723, and L. Habachi and H. Riad, op. cit., 20f, both suggested that the famous Hellenistic well may have been the same as that adjacent to the Elephantine Museum; but Pliny and Strabo are clear on the point that this well was located at Syene. 34 For a description of the cataract region cf. J. A. Ball, A Description of the First or Aswan Cataract of the Nile ( Cairo, 1907 ) . Consult also the various travel guides, especially K. Baedeker, Egypt and the Sudan (Leipzig, 1929; 8th rev. ed . ) , 378ff, and more recently H. Ziock, Aegypten (Bonn , 1 9 5 5 ) , 3 2 1 ff; M . Baud, Egypte (Paris, 1956 ) , 455ff; E . Brunner-Traut and V.Hell, Aegypten ( Stuttgart, 1962 ) , 520ff. The Description de l'Egypte ( Paris, 1 809 ) issued under Napoleon contains a "Description de l'lle d'Elephantine" (Chap. iii )
E LEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S
37
Nile upstream from Aswan create rapids that mark the limits of deep wa ter navigation in Egypt. Here the Nile no longer seems "to run but to riot between the rocks that bar its way" (Pliny, Nat. Hist. V.10. 59) .35 ( See Plate 4. ) Navigating the cataract was possible only at or near the period of high Nile. It was a difficult task and took four days to navigate the cataract and the twelve schoeni (about 133 km. ) beyond. Herodotus ( 11.29) was told by natives from the island, perhaps the boatmen themselves, that "one must pass with the boat roped on both sides as men harness an ox, and if the rope breaks, the boat is carried away by the strength of the current." 36 Strabo reported that the boatmen entertained the prefects by riding the cataracts ( XVII.1 .49, 817f) . Living next to the Elephantine Jewish soldiers and perhaps employed in government service (d. C 26) were several Egyp tian cataract boatmen, Peftoneith and his son, Espemet (C 5: 13, 6 : 1 0, 8 :7), and the brothers Pe1;i and Pemet, sons of the slave woman Tawi by E. J omard. Each chapter in this work has separate pagination. Popular but yet reliable is a small descriptive handbook by L. Habachi and H. Riad, Aswan (Cairo, 1959 ) . For historical geographies d. the very complete chapter on "The Frontier Region" by H. Kees, Ancient Egypt (London, 1961 ) , 308ff, and the briefer philological sketches in A. H. Gardiner, Ancient Egyptian Onomasticon (Oxford, 1 947) II, 1 *ff; P. Montet, Geographie de l'Egypte ancienne (Paris, 1961 ) II, 1 3ff. Many ancient Greeks and Romans visited and wrote about Egypt and their works have been studied by J. BaH, Egypt in the Classical Geographers (Cairo, 1 942 ) ; pp. 10-2 8 contain a discussion of the work of Herodotus who himself visited Elephantine ca. 450. For an attempt to apply contemporary statistics to ancient Egyptian geography and agriculture d. J. A. Wilson, "Buto and Hierakonopolis in the Geography of Egypt," JNES 1 4 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 209ff. 35 "The obstruction to navigation offered by a Nile cataract is in fact due not so much to the velocity of the water, as to the irregularity and conflicting na ture of the current caused by the narrowness, winding courses, and rocky state of the channels." J. BaH, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 8. It has even been sug gested that the name Elephantine is due not to the presence in the region of elephants or to trade in ivory, but to the elephant-like appearance of the numer ous rocks on the coast and around the island; d. R. Muner, "Der Name der Nil-Insel Elephantine," Zeitschrift fur Ortsnamenforschung 1 1 ( 1 93 5 ) , 1 83f. 36 The construction of a canal at the west side of the Aswan dam built at the beginning of this century with a series of four locks and of an additional lock at the Bab Hemedai has removed this difficulty of navigation and aHows aH types of boats to pass at any time of year; d. J. BaH, Aswan Cataract of Egypt, 30. The new high dam will contain a diversionary channel on the east bank; d. T. Little, High Dam at Aswan (New York, 1 965 ) , 84f. For the modern equiva lent of the various measures given by Herodotus, d. J. BaH, Egypt in the Clas sical Geographers, 1 1 .
T�� !�. .� �
�� 4�]!W� {@ft � �J ill �i.� �.\ � ��� � � o o '\;;'... � i Di � 0 \ � �i = "'"=� ,-.-- = � <>
�
=
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.
= = ""
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Figure 1. Amenophis III is presented to Khnum by Sati; from interior of "The Southern Temple." T. Young, Hieroglyphics (London, 1 823-28) II, Plate 57.
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S
39
(K 1 2 : 20) . A demotic contract of such a boatman is preserved from the reign of Amasis ( L 5 ) . According to Egyptian myth, the Nile rose from between two sharp peaks, Crophi and Mophi, which lay between Elephantine and Syene. Half flowed toward Egypt and the other half toward Ethiopia ( Hdt. II.28 ) .37 Its annual rise was presided over by the god of the cataract region, Khnum .38 A Nilometer from Roman times is preserved on the southeast end of Elephantine Island. The Nilometer was a well on the bank, con structed of close-fitting stones marked to show the greatest, least, and mean rises of the river, for the water in the well would rise with the river. The rise was carefully watched and charted, and the information was then passed on to the people throughout the land. This information served as a guide for water distribution and canal and embankment construction and maintenance. It also provided the government with a forecast of the crop yield and, ultimately, of the revenues that would be forthcoming (Strabo XVII.1.48, 817) .39 If this Nilometer were in operation during the Persian period, the Elephantine garrison would certainly have been entrusted with its supervision. ( See Plates 6a and 6b. ) As Lord of the Cataract Region, Khnum also presided over its extensive mineral wealth. The "Famine Stela" on the island of Sehel enumerated seven different kinds of rocks and three times as many precious stones, metals and pigments,40 although identification of most of the minerals re mains uncertain. Attested with certainty are various porphyritic rocks; black, white, and especially red varieties of granite; diorite; sandstone; syenite; schist; quartz; garnet; amethyst; and red ochre.41 The principal quarries lay 37 Cf . P. Barguet, La stele de la famine a Sehel (Cairo, 1953 ) , 22f. For earlier discussion of the terms Crophi and Mophi cf. C. Sourdille, La duree et l'eten due du voyage d'Herodote en Egypte (Paris, 1 9 1 0 ) , 2 1 7ft See too, J . G. Grif fiths, "Hecataeus and Herodotus on 'A Gift of the River,' '' JNES 2 5 ( 1 966 ) , 60. For a representation of Khnum, see Fig. 1 . 38 P . Barguet, op. cit.; E . Drioton and J . Vandier, L'Egypte, 168. Recent travellers up the Nile reported that as boatmen passed through the cataract, they would toss a piece of bread, some salt, and water overboard "as a gift to the sheik of the cataract"; cf. I. and E. Johnson, "Yankee Cruises the Storied Nile," National Geographic 1 27 (May, 1965 ) , 62 3. 39 J . Baikie, op. cit., 724, E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 23f, and references cited n. 7; Description de l'Egypte, Planches, I, PI. 33; L. Borchardt, "Nilmesser und Nilstandsmarken," Anhang zu APAW (Berlin, 1 906 ) , 1 3ft 40 P. Barguet, La stele de la famine, 2 3ft 41 Pliny, Nat. Hist. XXXVI.8, 63; A. Lucas, "Egyptian Predynastic Stone Vessels," TEA 1 6 ( 1 930 ) , 206f, 21 1 ; L. Habachi, "An Inscription of Aswan Referring to Six Obelisks," TEA 36 ( 1 9 50 ) , 1 3, n. 1; Description de l'Egypte,
40
ELE PHANTINE-SYENE GARRIS O N S
south o f Syene and were worked throughout Egyptian history. Smaller quarries existed at Elephantine and SeheJ.42 ( See Plates 3, sa, and 7a. ) During the reign of Amasis, a stone naos measuring thirty-one feet six inches high, twenty-one feet broad, twelve feet deep ( Hdt. II.! 7S ) and weighing an estimated 600 tons 43 was quarried at Elephantine and allegedly lugged by 2,000 boatmen-over a period of three years�to Sais. Work of more modest proportions on the island, the quarrying of stones for statu ary for the Khnum temple, was reported in a fragmentary demotic papyrus from the Saitic-Persian period.44 The papyrus mentioned a certain Psam metichus son of Apries-both popular names-who probably directed the work. About S88 a contract was drawn up for the sale of a cow by Petemin, "quarry worker, servant of the king." 45 The woman Mibtahiah married in ,succession two Egyptians, Pia b. Pa4i and As40r b. $e4o, who respectively bore the titles "builder" (C 14 : 2 ) and "builder of the king" (C I S : 2 ) . The Superintendent of (Construction ) Works in Egypt during the reign of Darius I, Khnumibre, also bore the titles "Commander of Sol diers" and "Commander of the Troop." He left several inscriptions in Wadi Hammamat where he apparently directed quarrying activities.46 The Aramaic word by ( "house" ) was discovered in three different places on the rocks of a sandstone quarry at Syene, due east of the famous "obelisk" that was carved out but never removed.41 It is possible that the Elephantine soldiers were detailed to work in the quarries at Syene either physically or
I , !
Planches, I, PI. 32, 3; A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and Industries (London, 1962; 4th ed. rev. and enlarged by J. R. Harris ) , 3 88ff, 408ff; J. Ball, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 65ff. 42 J. Ball, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 74; J. ROder, "Zur Steinbruchge schichte des Rosengranits von Assuan," Archaologischer Anzeiger (Beiblatt zum Jahrbuch des deutschen archaol ogisch en Instituts, Vol. 80 ) , 1965, 467ft (Abb. 49 contains a geological map of the Aswan area.) 43 W. C. Waddell, Herodotus Book II ( London, 1939 ) , 2 57. 44 W. EriC'men, "Ein Bericht tiber Steinbrucharbeiten auf der Inse} Elephan tine in demotischer S chrif t , " Sludi in Memoria di I. Rosellini ( Pisa, 19 5 5 ) II, 75ff.
45 P. Berlin 1 3 5T 1 published by W. Erichsen, "Zwei frtihdemotischen Vr kunden aus Elephantine," Coptic Studies in Honor of Walter Ewing Crum (Boston, 1950 ) , 272ff. 46 C. Posener, La premiere domination perse en Egypte, 88ff, 1 79; E. Bresciani, Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 58 ) , 141 . 47 A. H. Sayee, "An Inscription of S-ankh-ka-Ra. Karia n and Other Inscrip tions," PSBA 28 ( 1 906 ) , 174f, PI. 2, 10; idem, "An Aramaic Ostracon from Elephantine," PSBA 30 ( 1908 ) , 41.
Plate L Aerial view of southern tip of Elephantine opposite Aswan. Left :
Khmlm; right: Temple of Sati (reign Die Tempel Nektanebos' II. , Plate 1 .
Temple of
of Nectanebo ) .
H.
Ricke,
1. 'femple of Khnum 4. Enclosure \Vall 7. Granite Platform
3. Socle of the Hall of Pilla"
2. Temple of Sati 5. Khnumeum 8. Hekaib Shrine
( Ram's
Cemetery)
2. Aerial view of the ancient ruins Tempel Nektanebos' II., Plate 2.
Remains of Fortress Wall
9. Nilometer
Scale 1 : 20'.)0
Plate
6.
of
/
10. Museum
Elephantine. H. Ricke, Die
-')
r
Plate 3 - General plan of Elephantine and environs as seen by Napoleonic Expedition _ Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites, Planches (Paris, 1809 ) , I , Plate 3 1 .
.'-
Plate 4. Looking south at the cataract rapids from the island of Sehel . Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
Plate 5a. The Famine Stela on the island of Sehel. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
Plate 5b. Two types of Phoenician jars discovered in building k. Inscription left, top : clblpt; middle : lmlk, "To the King," followed by a schematic teth. Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.
Plate 6a. View of the southern tip of Elephantine from the east. Nilometer is right of center. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
D
Plate 6b. Nilometer as seen by the Napoleonic expedition. Line CD marks high Nile. Description de l'Egypte, Antiquites, Planches, I, Plate 33, Figure 2.
Plate 7a. Southern tip of Elephantine showing granite rocks, palm trees, and the ancient mound. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
Plate 7b. Ancient ruins of Elephantine viewed from the south . Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
Plate 8a. Modern village of Elephantine viewed from ancient ruins. Cour tesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
Plate 8b. Khnumeum ( ram's coffins ) adjacent to the temples of Nectanebo II. Courtesy of H. Ricke.
E LEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S
41
in a supervisory capacity, or assigned military escort duty on quarrying ex peditions.48 Whatever the precise relationship of the Elephantine Jews to the vari ous quarrying activities may have been, they were assigned as escort for the caravans which transported goods from Nubia and the cataract region into Egypt. The standard objects sought in Nubia included gold, ebony and other wood, ivory, animal skins, spices, ostrich feathers, minerals, and slaves.49 A record mentioned earlier 50 told of a journey to Nubia from Ele phantine on the eve of the Persian conquest. This convoy consisted of thirty rowers, sixty Palestinians ( possibly Jews ) , fifteen Syrians, several Egyptians, and Nubians, the latter serving as translators and guides.51 The Palestinians and Syrians apparently provided the military escort for this commercial expedition. With Persia exercising control over Nubia, expeditions south doubtless increased and took, where possible, the form of exaction of tribute.52 As indicated earlier, the Ethiopians brought the Persians as "biennial gifts" two quarts of unrefined gold, 200 blocks of ebony, twenty elephant tusks, and five Ethiopian boys ( Hdt. 111.97 ) . A demotic copy of a letter sent to the satrap Pherendates told of the transport of grain, apparently from Nu bia, and its unloading at Elephantine. The writter of the letter, Khnum emakhet, who may have been a cataract boatman, went with Artabanos to bring down the grain ( P Loeb 1 ) .63 On another occasion, a caravan arrived in Abydos. A dyed stone had disappeared from the train and turned up in the hands of the local mer chants. The Elephantine garrison commander, Vidranga, apparently lead ing another detail, arrived shortly thereafter and arrested Mauziah b. Na than, accusing him of either theft or negligence (C 3 8 : 3f) . 54 The ultimate 48 Conscript troops were employed as forced labor in public works projects, e.g., the quarries at Turah, already in the Old Kingdom; see R. O. Faulkner, "Egyptian Military Organization," JEA 39 ( 1 953 ) , 3 3ft 49 H. Kees, Ancient Egypt, 3 1 3ft See P. Ryl . 9, 3 : 3; F. L1. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 68 and n. 5; #48. 50 See p. 1 5, above. 51 W. Erichsen, Klio 34 ( 1941 ) , 56ff. 62 Cf. the earlier practice described by H. Kees, Ancient Egypt, 3 1 2 . 53 W. Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyri Loeb (Munich, 1 9 3 1 ) , Iff. 54 This seems tb be a better interpretation of this incident than that of Ed. Meyer, "Zu den aramaischen Papyri von Elephantine," SPAW ( 1 91 1 ) , 1 045; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 1 36; E. Bresciani, Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 58 ) , 149; according to them, the commander of Syene had jurisdiction over Abydos. E. C. Krae1ing, op. cit., 1 1 4, assumed that after his demotion from the post of
42
E L E P HANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS
destination of such caravans could have been the northeastern border for tress of Migdol. Caravan duty brought much confusion regarding the manner and place of payment of wages to the troops and/or the families performing escort service. A letter sent from Migdol opens : Greetings to the Temple of YHW in Elephantine! To my son, Shelomam; from your brother Osea. I send you greetings and pros perity in abundance! Since the day when you went on that caravan, my son, all goes well with me and your mother too. May you be blessed by YHW the God who may grant me to see your face (again ) in peace! Since the day when you left (Lower) Egypt (Mi$rayim ) salary has not been given to us. And when we lodged a complaint with the governors (p1;,Wb ) about your salary here in Migdol we were told thus : 'About this (matter) complain to the scribe and it will be given to you.' 55 This caravan, travelling from one end of Egypt to the other, gives concrete expression to the geographical term quoted by Ezekiel ( 29: 1 0 ) , "from Migdol to Syene, i.e., to the border of Kush." As soldiers, one of whose duties was to escort caravans, the Jews in Egypt would have attained con siderable mobility. This fact illuminates the assembly at Tahpanhes (Daph nae) , also a military outpost, addressed by Jeremiah and attended by Jews not only from nearby Migdol and from not-too-distant Memphis, but also from the "Land of Pathros," i.e., Upper Egypt (Jer. 43 :8-44:30 ) .
Tshetres The term vocalized as Pathros in the Bible appears also in Akkadian sources as Pa turisi and in demotic as Ptrs (P. R yl. 9, 1 : 2, 5 : 14, 7 : 1 3 ) . It means frataraka at Elephantine Vidranga had been transferred to the post of garrison commander at Abydos and arrested Mauziah as an act of revenge. W. R. Arnold, "The Passover Papyrus from Elephantine," TBL 3 1 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 22, assumed that Mauziah was one of the visiting traders to whom gems were displayed and that one of them stole a gem and Mauziah was blamed. 55 E. Bresciani, "Papyri aramaici egiziani di epoca persian a presso il Museo Civico di Padova," RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 1 8ff; J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Padua Aramaic Papyrus Letters," TNES 2 1 ( 1962 ) , 1 5ff. On the translation "governor" rather than "governors" cf. E. Y. Kutscher, "Pf:Lw> and its Cognates," TarbiZ 30 ( 1 9601961 ) , 1 1 2ff; but see, now, J. Naveh, "Ancient Aramaic Inscriptions ( 19601 964 ) " (Hebrew ) , Lesonenu 29 ( 1 965 ) , 1 89, n. 1 9 .
E L E PHANTIN E-SYENE GA RRISONS
43
"The South Land" and i s usually taken to designate Upper Egypt or at least the Thebaid,56 although both this geographical assignment and the identification of the term with the demotic homonym have been chal lenged.57 In later years, however, a new term describing the same area ap pears : "Tshetresniut" ( M 9:6, 1 8 : 5 ) , meaning "district south of Thebes," again the Thebaid.58 It is usually simplified to "Tshetres" and appears in the abbreviated form in the Aramaic papyri (C 24: 39, 43, 27:9 ) . In view of the full form found in demotic documents, it is likely that the two terms in the Aramaic papyri, "province of Thebes" (C 24: 1 8b, 36, 37:6, 68, 1 1 rev. ) and "province o f Tshetres," usually taken as indicating two distinct administrative districts, 59 are actually synonyms. The Aramaic term for province, medinah, is also used to designate Judah (Ez. 2 : 1//Neh. 7 : 6; Ez. 5 :8 ) , Media (Ez. 6 : 2 ) and the 1 27 provinces which stretched from India to Ethiopia (Est. 1 : 1 ) . Although Tshetres was clearly an administrative unit (cf. C 27:9) , as was Ptores (P. Ryl. 9, 5: 14) , and not merely a geographical term, the status of Elephantine-Syene in relation to that province is far from certain and the extent of the jurisdiction of the officials in the twin forts still . re mains obscure. The one passage usually taken to indicate that the Syenian garrison commander had jurisdiction in Abydos, considerably north of Thebes (C 38:2f), simply indicates his jurisdiction over the troops under his command, in this case in caravan escort. Theoretically, garrisons were immediately under the king's control; their commanders received their "appointment from the king" and were "en rolled upon the king's list" (Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.6.9) . The position was evidently a coveted one and in periods of revolt might be promised by an aspirant to the throne such as Cyrus to soldiers displaying keen loyalty or bravery in his cause (Xenophon, Anab. 1+15; cf. VII.P9, 5.8) . In practice, however, the king would assign the right of appointment to the governor of the province. Nehemiah, for example, appointed his brother Hanani (ah ) over the newly fortified city of Jerusalem ( Neh. 7 =2 ) . Even when the post in fact became hereditary, as it did during the last decades 56 F . Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 6 5, n. 2 and most recently T. O. Lambdin, "Pathros," G. A. Buttrick, Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, III, 676. 57 J . Leibovitch, "Pathros," BIE 1 7 ( 1934-3 5 ) , 69ff. G8 M. MaIinine, Choix de textes juridiques ( Paris, 1 9 53 ) , 68, n. 5; H.Kees, "Die Kopenhagener Schenkungstele aus der Zeit des Apries," ZAS 72 ( 1936 ) , 48f, n. 10; F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 143, n. 2 . a9 Cf. E. G . Kraeling, op. cit., 32.
E L E P HANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS
44
at Syene,60 the new incumbent probably had to have the approval of a superior authority. Mention is made at Migdol of a "governor" or "governors," but none is made in the papyri from Elephantine. The two local officials are the rab �aylii>, "general," "commander of the garrison" ( C 1 : 3, 20:4f, 38:3, 54: 14) , whose station was at Syene ( C 16:7, 2 5 :2ff, 30:7; K 8:2f) and the frataraka whose station was at Elephantine (C 27:4, 30: 5/131 : 5 ) . The names of three commanders are known : Ravaka ( 495 B.C.E. [C 1 : 3] ) , Nefayan (ca. 43 5 [C 1 6:7] ) , his son Vidranga (ca. 420-416 [C 20:4ff, 2 5 : 2ff, 38:3; K 8 : 2f] ) , and the latter's son Nefayan ( 410 [C 3° :7] ) . A contract of 416 gave Vidranga the additional title of hpt�Pb (K 8:2f ) , explained as *haf taxUwapata, "Guardian of the Seventh." 61 T:aken literally, this would im ply an administrative division into seven parts, of which Vidranga ruled one. Would this be the seventh part of a nome? Or the seventh part of Tshetres? Or is the title not to be applied literally? Standing above the commander was the frataraka. The term means "The Foremost" and the post was a combined civil-military one 62 since 60
Cf. A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 5 1 . 61 Cf. W. B. Henning, "Ein persischer Tite! im Altaramaischen," BZAW 103 ( 1968 ) , 1 3 6ff. I am grateful to the late Professor Henning, University of California at Berkeley, for giving me an advance copy of this article and for dis cussing various Persian terms with me. 62 Andreas apud Lidzbarski, Ephemeris II, 2 1 3; cf. the similar title in Est. 1 : 3. For the significance of the title, see H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 3; A. E. Cowley, op cit., 59; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 24, contra Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 12; and A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 6, who imagined a military title. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 42, was not sure "whether this is a purely military title." R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 3 5, said the post was "possibly a combined military-civil office similar to the Roman term praetor." The title prtrk, zy ,lhy> is stamped on coins of Iranian rulers, Bagadates, Oborzos, Artaxerxes I, and Autophradates I, from ca. 2 50 to 1 50 B .C.E .; cf. G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Arabia, Mesopotamia, and Persia (London, 1922 ) , clxiv-clxx, 195ff and PIs . xxviii,7-xxix,14. Subsequent series of these coins carried the title mlk" "king"; cf. G. F. Hill, op. cit., clxxi-clxxxii,209-244 and PIs. XXX, 10xxxvii,19; W. B . Henning, "Mitteliranisch," B. Spuler, ed., Handbuch der Orientalistik, 1/4 ( Leiden, 1958) , 2 5 . The title is thus one taken by a ruler translated "governor" by A. Christensen, L'rran sous les Sassanides, 8 5-and not by a mere military commander. The appearance of this word as a title of Iranian rulers and the fact that it never appears written with the waw following the resh would alone rule out the suggested equation with the Greek protarches as maintained by J . J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law (New York, 1956 ) , 37. Does the title appear in a demotic text from the time of Darius I? Cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 430.
ELEPHANTINE-SY E N E GARRI S O N S
45
the official had not only judicial (C 20:4) but also military authority (C 30: 5ff. 3 1 : 5ff) . The names of two fratarakas from the end of the cen tury are known : Ramandaina in 420 (C 20 :4) and shortly thereafter, Vidranga (C 27:4, 30 : 5, 31 : 5 ) , who was promoted from the position of garrison commander. 63 It remains uncertain to which of the earlier Egyp tion title it corresponds : "Governor of the Door of the Southern Coun tries (lmy-r <3 lJ3swt rsyt) ," a post held by Nesu1:wr under Apries 64 and one which seems to be little more than that of Nomarch, or "Governor of the South Umy-r sm<)" -the territory form Elephantine to Aphrodi topo1is, i.e., Upper Egpyt and Middle Egypt. This latter title was held by the great counts of Elephantine in the Sixth and Twelfth Dynasties.65 Was Elephantine-Syene a major administrative center, capital of the province of Tshetres, 6G or simply a guardian of the cataract region? Since there is no c1earcut, unambiguous evidence for assigning it the role of chief city of the Thebaid, it would be best to assume a more reduced function which was nonetheless quite important.
Provincial Officials The Aramaic documents indicate that in addition to the frataraka and garrison commander there were many officials at Elephantine, in the province 0f Tshetres, and in the capital of Memphis with whom the Ele phantine soldiers or their leaders had contact. Unfortunately, most of the Elephantine texts dealing with administrative affairs are damaged and thus not fully intelligible ( C 2-3, 16-17, 24, 27, 37, 42 ) . However, the in formation on Persian administration can be supplemented by drawing 63 In several of the unpublished Berlin demotic papyri we read of "the province (P3 ts) of Osirwer"; cf. W. Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyri Loeb, 3. Osirwer may well have been the frataraka during the reign of Xerxes, thus providing evidence for an Egyptian in this high position otherwise known to be held by Persians. Alternatively, it may be assumed that a Persian had taken an Egyptian name. 64 Cf. J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt, IV, 507, par. 990; C. Maspero, "Notes sur quelques points de grammaire et d'histoire," ZAS 22 ( 1 884 ) , 88, corrected by H. Brugsch, ibid., 93. 65 Cf. J. H. Breasted, op. cit., I, pars. 320, 3 26, 364; E . Drioton and J . Van dier, op. cit., 2 1 2f; A. G ardiner, op. cit., 98ff; K. Sethe, Urkunden des alten Reichs (Leipzig, 1933 ) , I, 106, line 3 5. 66 This view has been maintained most recently by E. Bresciani, Studi clas sici e orientali 7 ( 1 958 ) , 1 38f.
46
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRISONS
upon the materials in the Biblical books o f Ezra, Nehemiah, Esther and Daniel, the Aramaic parchment letters, the Elamite Persepolis tablets, and the accounts by the Greek historians Herodotus and Xenophon. Still, certain problems remain. There is no consensus as to the meaning of some titles, e.g., typt ( C 27:9; Dan. 3 : 2 ) . Uncertainty prevails regarding the identity of officials with similar titles mentioned in more than one lan guage, e.g., Aramaic b'cel t"cem and Old Persian framanakara.67 Juxtaposi tion of officials in these sources ( C 26:4, 8f, 27: 9 ) must be carefully ex amined to determine the precise relationship among them. Moreover, the line between the "public administration" of a province and the "private administration" of estates possessed by Persian nobles who held "public posts" in that province was not too clearly drawn; officials who were ap parently "public" also operated in the "private" sphere, namely the ha miirakara. 6B A striking fact about the administration in the Persian period is that officials always appear in groups. The Great King had his seven advisors whom he consulted on matters great and small and who might be asso ciated with him in the issuance of decrees ( Est. 1 : 1 3ff; Ez. 7 : 14) .69 In Samaria the officials Rehum and Shimshai wrote to King Artaxerxes in the name of their companions (Ez. 4 :9 ) ; the reply was addressed to Re hum and Shimshai and their companions (4:1 7) and when received was read in the presence of Shimshai and Rehum and their companions. When Tattenai and Shethar-bozenai investigated the rebuilding of the Temple of Jerusalem, they were accompanied throughout by their associates (Ez. 5 : 3, 6, 6 : 6, 1 3 ) . In Persepolis the accountants Biktabarva and Napukshur each received his wages in conjunction with his companions, the account ants.70 Other individuals there also appeared along with their compan ions.71 At Elephantine both Persian officials-judges (C 6:6) , scribes ( C 1 7 : 6 ) , heralds ( C 1 7 : 1, 5 ) , framanakara ( C 26: 8 ) -and the Jewish leader 67 H. H. Schaeder, "Iranische Beitrage I," Schriften deT Konigsberger gelehr ten Gesellschaft, 6/5 ( 1930 ) , 265, suggested that these two titles were identi cal; d. W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen in der keilschriftlichen Oberliefer ung," Abhandlungen fUr die Kunde des Morgenlandes, herausgeben von der deutschen morgenlandische Gesellschaft, 2 5/5 ( 1 940 ) , 37, n. 5. 6B S. Segert, "Aramaische Studien I," Archiv Orientalni, 24 ( 1956 ) , 398; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 139f. 69 Cf. further Hdt. II1.31, 84, 1 1 8; Xenophon, Anab. 1.6. 70 G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets (Chicago, 1948 ) , nos. 1 5, 1 8, 21, 22, 27· 11 G . G. Cameron, op. cit., no. 363; see, too, J. Harmatta, "An Old Persian Loan-Word in Elamite," Acta Orientalia, 5 (Hungary, 1 9 5 5 ) , 1 98ff.
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI S O N S
47
Jedaniah (C 2 1 : 2, 1 1, 30:1, 4, 22) acted and carried on correspondence accompanied by their associates. Such a system naturally placed definite checks upon the absolute exercise of authority by any single individual and also guarded against unlawful usurpation. The officials most frequently mentioned in the papyri, and doubtless those with whom the Elephantine Jews had the most contact, were the judges. The earliest document uncovered from Elephantine (495) speaks of a "portion" distributed, perhaps as the result of a suit, by the "royal judges and Ravaka the garrison commander" (C 1 : 3 ) . A later document mentioning "Taraval).a and the judge" (C 16:3, 5, 9) also refers to the p ( ? ) rtky> 72 of Nefayan, the garrison commander of Syene, and the judges of the province ( C 16: 7 ) .73 The garrison commander, either alone or in conjunction with others, exercised considerable judicial authority over person and property ( C 2 5 : 2ff; K 8 : 2f) . Similarly, in the Saitic period the Chief of Police functioned in a quasi-judicial capacity (P. Ryl. 9, 1 2 :9-1 3 : 20) .74 Moreover, just as the head of the province carried on judi cial functions in the Saitic period ( P. Ryl. 9, 19: 21-2 1 : 2 ) , so, too, the frataraka Ramandaina adjudicated a case along with the garrison com mander Vidranga (C 20 : 4f) It remains doubtful, however, whether these cases tried before the gar rison commander and the frataraka were heard in courts of the first in stance or in courts of appeal. The document which spoke of a prior in terrogation before Taraval).a and the judge was apparently addressed to "my lord" (C 1 6 : 8 ) .75 It complained of an injustice suffered by the peti tioner ( C 16:8f) 76 for which he had not yet received redress. He would thus be appealing to a court of higher instance. Several letters seem to contain reference to a Paisan (C 37 =9, 40:2, 42 : 2 ) who was a judge (42 : 2 ) in Memphis ( d. 42 : 7, 1 1 ) and who, with his servant, received some ten karsh from Hosea (b. Nathan? d. 40 : 5 ) . An ordinary claim, however, such as that of Dargman against Mahseiah, would be tried simply before the local judges, in this instance, "Damidata and his colleagues the 72 So M. Seidel orally to J. N. Epstein, "Weitere Classen zu den 'aramai schen Papyrus und Ostraka'," ZAW 33 ( 1 9 1 3 ) , 1 3 8, n. 3. Traces of a pe can be seen; so, too, W. Eilers, "lranische Beamtennamen," 1 19. The word rendered here as a name, Tarava"Q.a, tTW1:r, may be a title; it is not found elsewhere and Professor W. B. Henning could think of no Persian etymology. 73 There is not enough space in 1 6 : 5b to restore "judges" as does Cowley. 74 E. Seidl Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte deT Saiten- und PerseTzeit, 33. 75 The traces in line 1, however, do not allow us to assume that Arsames was meant. 76 Cf. J. J. Rabinowitz Jewish Law, 3 75f . .
,
.
48
ELEPHANTI NE-SYENE GARRI S O N S
judges" ( C 6 : 5f ) .77 There seems to have been no permanent site for the court which sat at Elephantine-Syene, since cases were conducted either at Syene ( C 6:16f, 14:3, 1 1 f; cf. K 8: 1 ) or in Elephantine (cf. C 20: 1, 2 5 : 1£ ) · Several contracts indicate that one putting forth a claim might do so before "judge and/or lord" ( K 1 : 5f ) , s'gan and/or judge" ( C 8: 1 3, 10: 1 3, 18f ) , "s'gan and/or lord" (C 47: 2; K 9: 19, 10:12f; cf. C 47 : 7 ) , "s'gan and/or lord and/or judge" (K 12 :28) . The titles in these phrases are ap parently not listed in any order of priority and many documents omit the phrases entirely. In the Aramaic texts "lord" referred to Arsames (D 3 : 3, 5, 4:2, 7 =4f, 1O: 1f; cf. C 17: 1, 5 ) and Mithravahisht (C 70 : 1 ) of Egypt and Bagohi of Judah ( C 30 : 1 f, 18, 23, 31 : 1, 1 7, 22 ) , all Persian officials. It was also used in letters of an official, or semiofficial, and private nature to refer to the Jewish leaders or to private individuals (C 37 : 1, 17, 38: 1, 39 :2; BK 3 : 1 ; cf. 39: 1 £ ["my lady"] ) . In the contracts it probably referred to the frataraka, less likely to the satrap. 78 Since the only other nonjudicial . figure known to exercise judicial authority at Elephantine-Syene was the garrison commander, the third title, s'gan may have referred to him.79 As these three titles did not appear in a fixed order, it is not known whether 77 E. Pritsch, ZA 2 5 ( 19 1 1 ) , 3 5 1 , thought that the court of first instance was always presided over by the garrison commander and so assumed that Damidata held that post in 465 and that his was the name that must have ap peared on the Aramaic sandstone stela found at Syene ( cf. M. Lidzbarski, Ephe meris, II, 221ff for treatment of the stela ) . The phrase, "and his companions the judges," need not mean, according to Pritsch, that Damidata himself was also a judge. The question of whether "colleague," "companion," in the various Ara maic texts means one holding the same post as the person named or may also refer to his subordinates is not easily answered. For example, was Jedaniah b. Gemariah, mentioned along with "his colleagues the priests" (C 30: 1//3 1 : 1 ) himself a priest? The address in C 3 8 : 1, "To my lords, J edaniah, Uriah, and the priests of YHW the God, Mattan b. Jashobiah and Neriah b . . . . ," seems to indicate that he was not. Certainly, the term in Ez. 4:9, 1 7, 23 is used in a very broad sense. Nor can we derive any certainty from the Driver Letters 8-1 1 . On the other hand, there are passages where it is very clear that "colleague" means an equal; d. D 3 : 7, 5 : 7, 9 where a group of slaves was first singly enu merated and later designated by the name of the first one and his companions, "P. and his companions." It may be better to view Damidata as a "judge" since whenever the garrison commander is intended his title is appended (C 1 : 3, 1 6 : 7, 20:4f, 2 5 : 2ff; K 8 : 2f) . 78 E. C. Kraeli ng, op. cit., 37, suggested thatthe term referred to the garri so n commander. 79 Cf. already E. Pritsch, ZA 2 5 ( 191 1 ) , 3 52; W. Staerk, Alt und neue ara miiische Papyri iibersetzt und erkliirt (Bonn, 1 9 1 2 ) , 38; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 25.
E L EPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S
49
a claimant initially had a choice of judicial instance, or whether there were definite channels. Might he appear directly before the "lord" or "segan" and bypass the "judges"? Uncertainty also remains regarding the difference, if any, between "judges," "royal judges," and "judges of the province." The "judges" may simply have been the "royal judges" "appointed in the province of Tshet res" ( cf. C 27:9 ) , for when reference was made to the head of a court, the person bore a Persian name-Damidata-indicating royal appoint ment. According to Herodotus, the "royal judges" were "picked men" who had life tenure, but were subject to capital punishment for misconduct in office (111.31, V.25, VIl.I94) . In practice, the king would delegate the power of appointment. Ezra, for example, was authorized by Artaxerxes to appoint judges for the Jews in Trans-Euphrates, applying both Torah law and "the law of the king" ( Ez. 7 : 25f ) . It is thus possible that the "judges" in Tshetres were not all Persians; they might include Jews as well, particularly in civil matters. Not only did the judges settle disputes and administer justice, but as interpreters of "the old laws" they were frequently consulted by the king in matters both private and public.8o In Egypt they were once asked by Cambyses what the punishment should be for the slaughter of the Mytilenaeans sent up the Nile to receive the surrender of Memphis. They decreed that ten Egyptian nobles should be executed for each Mytilenaean slain; 2,000 Egyptians were thereupon put to death (Hdt. IIl.I4) .81 They were doubtless called on to pass sentence upon the Egyptian rebels follow ing the suppression of a revolt. After the disturbances in Elephantine which saw the destruction of the Jewish Temple, the judges of the province of Tshetres investigated the scene (C 27:9) and ordred the confiscation of the property of the frataraka Vidranga for collusion with the rebels and the execution of all those directly responsible for the Temple's destruction (C 30 : 16f, 3 1 : 1 5f) .82 Appearing alongside the judges in the investigation of the trouble at 80 When asked if according to law a man might marry his sister, the royal judges replied to Cambyses that they found no law allowing such marriages but they did find a law allowing the king to do whatever he pleased (Hdt. III. 31; d. Est . 1 ) . 81 A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 1 2 8ff; R. N. Frye op. cit., 131. 82 No Aramaic documents record a court proceeding or an examination of witnesses, but such protocols did exist during the New Kingdom. The most famous concerned the great tomb robberies of the Twentieth Dynasty; d. E. Seidl, Einfiihrung in die agyptische Rechtsgeschichte bis zum Ende des neuen Reiches (Gliickstadt, 1 9 5 1; 2nd ed. ) , 26. ,
50
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI SONS
Elephantine were two sets o f officials, known also from other sources. The first of these were the typty,. Both at Elephantine and in Dan. 3 :2, they followed the judges. In Dan. 3 : 2 they appeared last in a list of provincial administrators which began with the satrap. Various etymologies for typt have been attempted but none has achieved common consent. It is likely that they were police officials or "sheriffs" who carried ont the decisions of the judges.sa The second set of officials were the gausa-ka, "ears," i.e., "spies," popu larly known to the Greeks as the "king's ears." 84 The effective rule of an empire stretching from the Indus almost to the sources of the Nile ob viously required the use of some kind of intelligence system. On the one hand, it enabled the monarch to keep in touch with popular sentiment throughout the empire, to feel the pulse of the people. On the other, it enabled him to keep a check on satraps, governors, and district rulers who might otherwise be tempted to wield their authority too independently of 88
Th e term typt has been much disputed and various etymologies have been suggested. Cf. Andreas apud M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, II, 2 1 5; A. van Hoo nacker, op. cit., 9, spoke of "functionaries pertaining to the police"; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., translated "officers" but confessed that "the exact meaning of the title is uncertain"; E. Benveniste, "Termes et noms Achemenides en arameen," JA 2 2 5 ( 1 9 34 ) , 1 8 5f, connected it with Old Persian *thahya-pati, "master of the proclamation" as did E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World (Princeton, 1947 ) , 1 72, but Benveniste went on to speak of an "officer of the peace" while Herzfeld thought primarily of a "court crier." H. H. Schaeder, "Iranische Beitrage, I," 2 72, considered the term unexplained and in this is followed by E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 37, n. 57, and W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 126. The initial element ty was connected with Old Persian tai/t'i, "see," "look," "watch," by H. W. Bailey, "Ambages Indoiranicae," Analli dell'Istituto Universitario Orientale, Sezioni Linguistica I (Naples, 1 9 59 ) , 1 1 5f. He is followed in his interpretation by W . Eilers, IIJ 5 ( 1 961-62 ) , 214, n. 1 9 ( *tl-pati = "Oberaufseher" ) . This etymology was rejected (orally) by the late W. B. Henning who preferred * tayupata, "guardian of the thief," "policeman"; cf. already his "Ein manichaisches Bet- und Beichtbuch," APAW Philo.-Hist. Kl., 1 0 ( 1 936 ) , 90, n. 1 . We may note that Herodotus spoke in nontechnical language of "those whose business it was" having scourged the priests and killed the celebrants (III.29) and "those who were charged to do the like to find the eldest of Pythius' sons and cut him asunder" (VII.39.3 ) . Here may thus be related the activity of such sheriffs as some would see in the typty>. 84 Cf. W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 22£; idem, "Iranisches Lehn gut im arabischen Lexicon : tiber einige Berufsnamen und Titel," lIT 5 ( 1 96162 ) , 21 of; M. Ehtecham, L'Iran sous les Achemenides, 56ff; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 27.
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GAR R I S O N S
51
imperial interest. Not only did the king annually dispatch a circuit com missioner, either a member of the royal entourage or one simply known as "the king's eye" empowered to see that all was in order (Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.6.16), but he also stationed in each of the provinces men who were handsomely rewarded to serve as his "eyes" and "ears" and to report any untoward actions. 85 Moreover, the efficient courier system of the empire insured that the king would receive such information in the shortest possible time, and would thus be able to respond quickly if action were called for. 86 The "spies" who investigated the incident at Elephantine were of the local variety "having been appointed in the province of Tshetres" ( C 27:9 ) . Royal judges were o n duty in each o f the provinces and "royal scribes" were attached to the chancellery of each satrapy (Hdt. III.128) and each provincial governor (C 17: 1, 6; Ez. 4 : 8, 23 ) .87 The latter were known as "scribes of the province." Such officials were found in Egypt in Saitic times and appeared again in the Ptolemaic period when a certain Patseo son of Phib, "scribe of the province of Ne, i.e., Tshetres," gave his son a house (P. Ryl. 1 7 : 2, 5 ) .88 Among the known functions of these scribes during the Saitic period and again in the Hellenistic period was the registration of land and the taxes required thereon (P. Ryl. 11, 7 : 1 , 16: 1-17 : 1 3 ) .89 The much damaged copy of a letter of 42 8 ( C 17) to the satrap Arsames from I:Iarudj and his colleagues the scribes may well deal with certain details of such 85 Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.2.lOff; Hdt. 1 . 1 14; Aesch., Persae, 9 80. 86 Hdt. VIII.98; Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.6.1 7f; Est. 3 : 3ff, 8 : 1 Cff; cf. A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 299ff: R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 28. 87 On the basis of the statement in Herodotus (III.1 28.3 ) that "every satrap has with him a 'royal scribe' " and the story wherein Bagaeus skillfully has the recalcitrant satrap Oroetes executed by the presentation of a series of letters to the scribe, the last of which orders a bodyguard to kill the satrap, A. T. Olmstead, op. cit., 59, viewed the "royal scribe" as one of the checks which the king had upon the satrap. Similarly, R. Bowman in his commentary on Ezra in the Interpreter's Bible, III, 600, sought to explain the actions of the scribe Shimshai in Samaria (Ez. 4 : 8ff ) as those of a royal spy attached to officials and called upon to investigate suspicious acts. The Communist com missars attached to the Red Army would be a modern equivalent. But whatever the relations of the royal scribe to the satrap the details in the Rehum-Shimshai story do not support such an interpretation. Here we simply have the case of the officials of one province, drawn from among the natives settled there several generations earlier (Ez. 4 : 9f ) , concerned lest a neighboring province augment its relative strength in the satrapy; cf. Y. Kaufmann, Tol'dot ha-Emunah ha Yisr'elit (Tel-Aviv, 1956 ) , IVjI, 1 78£, 209£. 88 Cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 143£. 89 J . Lesquier, Les institutions militaires de l'Egypte sous les Lagides, 1 92, 197ff.
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registration and taxation.9o The scribes would then record any plot culti vated by a degel ( cf. C 16) as well as any taxes that might be incumbent upon the garrison.91 Joining I:Iarudj and his companions the scribes in their letter to Arsames were Achaemenes and his companions the azdakara (C 17: 5 ) , "those who make known edicts," i.e., the heralds.92 "Government edicts, military or ders, court sentences and many other things" required publication in the ancient world and proClamation was the prime means.93 Oral proclamation was sufficient to give an edict force 94 although it may also have been com mitted to writing and prominently posted ( Ez. 1 : 1 ) . After a gathering at the beginning of Tishri of priests, Levites, and elders set up under the lead ership of Ezra to see how the words of the Torah were to be applied, public proclamation was made in Jerusalem and throughout all the cities of Judah that the inhabitants should construct sukk6t (booths) for the approaching 90 E. Pritsch, "Jiidische Rechtsurkunden au s Aegypten," ZVRW 27 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 5 8, and A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 52ff, intepreted this document as dealing with supplies for the garrison. C. C. Torrey apud M. Sprengling, AJT 24 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 4 1 8, n. 1 , translated lines 2-3, "Thou hast sent word to us concerning all ( ? ) the tribute which thou hast imposed in the province, wherever [thou has ap pointed (? ) 1 saying: A detailed classified report ye shall send to me month by month." He probably read the sixth word in line 2 sllJt and the seventh word in line 3 as sllJw rather than sllJn. In the latter case his reading seems less likely. I had wanted to read that first disputed word as slmw but Professor N. Avigad of the Hebrew University (orally ) said that it is simply 81m. The sense of the papyrus may be that "shares" (kl mnt) --d. C 1 : 3f, 6f, "kleroi?" (so Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 3 5, 1 14)-had been distributed and the tax thereon dutifully paid month by month and recorded. 91 Cf. A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 3 1 8, line 6; but I am not convinced that mndt is the correct reading. 92 W. Eilers, IIT 5 ( 1961-62 ) , 2 2 5f. 93 It is quite possible, too, that our Aramaic sources have preserved the titles of several kinds of heralds though due to their fragmentary or elliptical nature we cannot be sure. E. E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World, 1 7 1 f, 224, found some four such officials : 1 . *frestaka of Ez. 4 :9 ( "envoys" ) ; 2 . azdakara of C 1 7 : 5 ("herald" ) ; 3 . the "chief herald" of C 27 =9, Dan. 3 : 2f; 4. the "herald" in Dan. 3 :4. Cf. the keryx who brought the orders in Hdt. VII.1 1 9.2, 1 34; Xenophon, Anab. 11.1 .7 etc. and the "herald appointed to go to Egypt" (Hdt. 111.62.1 ) . It has also been suggested by E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 144, that the ngT> in C 2 : 2; 63 :9, 12, might be connected with Akkadian nagiru, "herald, crier," but it is more likely that the former word is to be read ngd" i.e., nag6dii" "chief." See p. 200, below. 94 E. Bickerman, "The Edict of Cyrus in Ezra i," JBL 65 ( 1 946 ) , 2 52 .
ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARR I S O N S
53
festival (Neh. 8 : 1 5 ) . The edict of Darius I I to Arsames in 419 (C 2 1 ) call ing upon the Elephantine Jewish community to celebrate the Passover may well have been brought to the attention of the community by a herald.
Satrapal Supervision As the ruler of Egypt, the satrap had jurisdiction over the frataraka and other provincial officials of Tshetres. One of his major duties was to insure the military security of Egypt 95 and he doubtless made periodic inspection tours of the various garrisons. An adequate food supply for the garrisons would be one of the needs requiring his attention. Grain for Elephantine Syene came not only from the province of Tshetres (C 24: 36ff) but also from Nubia 96 and had to be safely stored and protected against the attacks of marauders or rebellious elements. The satrap Pherendates, in the last days of the reign of Darius I, was once called upon by the zealous Khnum emakhet son of I:Iornefer to write to the latter's superior, Artabanos, asking him to take special measures to guarantee the garrison's food supply. In a multinational garrison, disputes were bound to arise among the var ious nationalities. Moreover, a certain amount of tension was inevitable be tween the tuling Jewish garrison and the subjugated Egyptian population. When disputes arose, each side sought to win the favor of superior author ities through the age-old Egyptian practice of bribery (C 27: 3f, 37:4) .91 Often the various parties would repair, or be summoned, to Memphis ( C 37: 1 1 ) to argue their case. One o f the officials of the satrap concerned with handling such matters was the patifrasa or frasaka, "inquisitor," "exam iner," "investigator." 98 In 421-20, Marduka held that post ( LV pat-ip95 Xenophon, Cyrop. VIII.6.10ff; M. Ehtecham, op. cit., 73; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 32f, 1 3 5f. 96 P. Loeb 1 : 2, 4, 1 3ff; W. Spiegelberg, Die demotischen Papyri Loeb, 3. F. Ll. Griffith, TEA 1 8 ( 1932 ) , 1 9 5, translated 1 1 . 1 3f, "Let word be sent to Artabanos that it ( = the grain) be not unloaded on the ground ( or exhaus tively? ) and that only so much grain as can be unloaded in one Syene boat (?) shall be put out on the bank and that the men guard the remainder, staying on the bank ( or on the ship ) ." 91 Note the extensive bribery reported in the Petition of Peteisis ( P. Rylands 9, 1 : 1-5 : 1 3 ) ; cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri, III, 64ff . Est. 3 :9 and C 3 3 : 1 3f clear1y indicate such "payment for services." 9B Cf. G. R. Driver, TRAS, 1932, 80; W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 5ff; G. Cardascia, Les archives des Murasu (Paris, 19 5 1 ) , 20f.
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ra-a-su ) under the Babylonian satrap Gobryas ( B E X 97 : 1 6f) .911 A century earlier, the frasaka Shethar-bozenai and his colleagues appeared in the presence of the governor of Trans-Euphrates, Tattenai, and inquired as to the authority by which the Jews were rebuilding their Temple in Jerusalem (Ez. 5 : 3-6: 13 ) . In Memphis at the end of the fifth century a complaint was tendered before the "investigators" of Arsames (C 37 : 5 ) , one of the com plainants being Jivaka ( C 37:3 ) .100 A report of the proceedings was sent to the Jewish leaders and the members of the garrison by its representatives, but unfortunately, only a little over half of each line is preserved (C 37) . Most of the contact that a satrap would have with the Elephantine com munity, however, wOllld be through his deputies. Arsames had estates not only in Babylonia 101 and in Egypt ( D 1 : 2, 2 : 2f, etc. ) but also along the Fertile Crescent route connecting the two ( D 6: 2 ) . The peqid, "adminis trator," 102 of his domain in Lower Egypt during the last decade or so of w. Eilers, op. cit., 12. 100 Cf. W. Eilers, op. cit., 28. The arguments of C. R. Driver and Eilers for regarding patifrasa in our fragmentary text as an official appear convincing con tra E. C . Kraeling, op. cit., 37, n. 58; qbl in our texts is always used in the sense of "approach some official with a complaint" and never has the meaning "received" (as rendered by Cowley, op. cit., 1 3 3 ) . For the most recent note by Eilers cf. his review of Kraeling in AOF 1 7 ( 1 9 54-56 ) , 3 3 1 , where he eliminates the connection of patifrasa with ptp, because of the yod in the former word and maintains that it either means "retribution," patifras, or is to be connected with the official p_atrifrasa. Again, the p�eceding qbl would seem to indicate the sec ond meaning ( for use of the term without qdm or l, "before," d. C 8: 1 3; K 1 : 5 f and Kraeling's remarks thereon, op. cit . , 1 3 5f) . C 37: 3 may be translated, "He complained to the investigators. A certain Jivaka, he, complained to a[nother] investigator." I am indebted to Professor W. B. Henning for discussion of this verse. 101 C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 88f: R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 3 3, 1 3 7f. 102 In the Driver letters this is not the title of the head of the province as pre sumed by E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 33f, but rather of the administrator of noble estates and it is likely that such is also its meaning in C 37:6. The p"qldln in D 6 are also not government officials in the strict sense of the term, but admin istrators of Arsames' estates in those places, just as the uJ paqdu Bel-sup� muhur administered his herds of small cattle in Nippur (BE X 1 30, 1 3 1; UM III ;, 1 44ff [I am grateful to Prof. D. Weisberg of Hebrew Union College for his letter of February 3, 1967, commenting on this official.] ) ; cf. M. San Nicolo Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung filr Rechtsgeschichte; Romanistische Abteilung, 71 ( 1 9 5 4 ) , 379ff; W. Eilers, "Neue aramaische Urkunden aus Xgypten," AOF 1 7 ( 1 9 54-1 9 56 ) , 3 2 5, and H. Cazelles, "Nouveaux documents arameens d'1tgypte," Syria 3 2 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 9 3 . Similarly, the paqudu, paqdu, and paqqadu of 99
ELEPHANTI NE-SYENE GAR RISONS
55
the century was the Egyptian Nakht1;or ( D 7 : 1 * ) while the one in the province of Ne, Upper Egypt, was a "Mazdaean," i.e., a Persian ( C 37 : 6 ) , 103 with whom the Jews and Egyptians at Elephantine probably had some do ings. Nakht1;or's predecessor, Psamsek (Psammetichus ) , had jurisdiction over estates in both Upper and Lower Egypt ( D 2 : 2f) and could call upon a military force, if need be, to carry out his master's orders. On one occasion, Armapiya, the Luwian commander of a l;aylii> "troop," refused to obey Psamsek, and as a result earned a severe rebuke from the satrap ( D 4) . It is possible that the troop at Elephantine was called upon by Arsames and the administrators of other Persian nobles in Upper Egypt to insure the execution of various orders such as the payment of ground rent by reluc tant tenants ( d. D 10, 1 1 ) .104 Knowledge of these affairs derives from letters which passed among various officials containing orders, reports, and complaints. Orders were is sued by the king as the ultimate source of authority.lOs He may have authorized a "Master of an Order" (Chancellor ) to issue an order himself (literally "set [down] an order" ) . Artaxerxes authorized the Samarians Rehum, Chancellor, and Shimshai, Scribe, to "issue an order" to put an end to the fortification of Jerusalem by the Judahites, evidently by force if necessary, "until a ( further) order be issued" by the king ( Ez. 4:21 ) 10a This Chancellor was attached to the entourage of the satrap or governor and entrusted with the administration of much routine business. He and the Scribe would handle most of the official correspondence and at the con clusion of letters to be dispatched he would either sign his name, indicating .
Neo-Babylonian documents is an agent whose official functions appear unclear; cf. E. Ebeling, "Beamter," Reallexicon der Assyriologie, I, ed. by E. Ebeling and B. Meissner (Berlin, 1932 ) , 456f. 103 W. Eilers, ZDMG 90 ( 1 936), 1 70; E. Benveniste, "Notes sur les tab lettes Elamites de Persepolis," TA 246 ( 1958 ) , 5 1 , would take this word as a personal name "Mazdayazna." W. B. Henning (orally) rejects this explanation, preferring "Mazdaean." 104 In his discussion of "Ramesside Texts relating to the Taxation and Trans port of Corn," TEA 27 ( 1 941 ) , 19ff, A. H . Gardiner notes that "the collection of the corn-tax was often carried out with great brutality . . . down to the 19th century." 105 Cf. the legal terminology in Ez. 4: 19, 6 : 8, 1 1, 7: 1 3 (mny sym tern ) ; Ez. 5 : 1 7 ( "an order was issued from Cyrus" ) ; 5 : 1 3, 6 : 3 ( "Cyrus the King issued an order'I ) ; 6 : 1 2 ("I, Darius, issued an order" ) ; and 7 : 2 1 ( "an order was issued from me, Artaxerxes the King" ) . 106 Tattenai and Shethar-bozenai had asked the Jews, "Who issued to you an order to build this Temple?" (Ez. 5 : 3, 9 ) .
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ELEPHANTINE-SYENE GARRI SONS
his title (C 26:23 ) /°1 o r note that h e was "cognizant o f this order" (D 4:4, 6:6, 7: 10, 8:6, 9 : 3, 10: 5 ) .108 Two documents from Egypt, one in demotic written in 492, and the other in Aramaic written in 426, indicate that the positions of Chancellor and Scribe could have been held by a single individual. The actual writing of both these documents was done by a secretary and not the Scribe. The demotic document concluded "let it be known to you that Iebr (or Itbri who knows this . . . (or whom this . . . knows ) is he who has written this letter. Written by Apries in year 30, Choiak 29." 109 The Aramaic document concluded, "Anani the Scribe (and) Chancellor. Nabuaqab wrote (it ) " (C 26:23 ) . The conclusion of the demotic letter is unique and although a word or two is obscure and not yet translatable, the impression remains that the ending of this text parallels in style the ending of the Aramaic docu ment. The language barrier in an empire . the size of the Persian realm could be overcome in several ways. The central authority in the realm or in each satrapy may have maintained at his Chancellery officials capable of trans lating orders from Persian into the tongue of the local populace. On one 107 Cf. W. R. Arnold, JBL 31 ( 1 91 2 ) , 2 5; M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 91 7 ) , 434, n . 1 . 108 For the two titles Chancellor and Scribe cf. S. Segert, Archive Orientdlni 24 ( 1956 ) , 396. It is hard to find a precise idiomatic English rendition of the Aramaic betel tOtem. Cowley, op. cit., 91, probably gave a correct paraphrase when he translated "drafted the order," though in his notes, op. cit., 97, he was more literal : "author of the order." E. E. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World, 171, spoke of a "Holder of a Firman," "one who has a letter patent," "plenipoten tiary." In his commentary on the Book of Ezra, R. Bowman in the Interpreter's Bible, III ( 19 54 ) , 599, rendered the term "Holder of a (Royal ) Decree." C . C. Torrey apud M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 91 7 ) , 434, n. 1, translated "Master of Reports." See also F. Rosenthal, A Grammar of Biblical Aramaic (Wiesbaden, 1961 ) , 79, who rendered the term "official in charge." R. Yaron has suggested to me "procurator," i.e., one acting on someone else's behalf. This term would be very good were it not for its Roman allusions. It seems best, therefore, to return to the traditional "chancellor" as does G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 18. As indicated, this official has been identified with Old Persian *framanakara, "one who 'makes' orders." At Elephantine, however, both titles appear in the same papyrus, the Chancellor writing to an Egyptian official about action under taken by the framanakara, and so I prefer to keep the two terms separate. 109 Cf. W. Spiegelberg, SPAW, Phil.-Hist. Kl. 30 ( 1928 ) , 606. The above translation varies from that of W. Spiegelberg and was made for me by Professor George Hughes of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago.
ELEPHANTIN E-SYENE GARRI S O N S
57
occasion, letters were depicted as being sent out from Susa to each of the provinces written in the script and language of the local populace (Est. 1 : 22 ) . Although he was not an Egyptian, Iebr (ltbr) , Pherendates' Chan cellor and Scribe at Memphis, was able to dictate a letter in Egyptian or had someone in his service who did so. Communication may also have taken place in Aramaic, the language which had been in administrative use and had served as the diplomatic lingua franca since the days of Assyrian rule.llo The Jew Anani, Chancellor and Scribe of Arsames, sent a letter in Aramaic to an Egyptian official, Wabprimal:li, directing him to see that the repair of a Nile boat start im mediately "according to the order issued" (C 26:22f) . Upon receipt of the letter Wabprimabi, or his secretary, scrawled his name and the phrase "according to the order issued" ( C 26:24f) in Aramaic and made some notation about a Nile boat (C 26:26) in demotic.l11 In Samaria ( Ez. 4:7-23 ) and at Susa or Babylon ( D 4:4, 6:6, 7 : 10, 8 : 6, 9:3, 10 : 5 ) the Scribe and Chancellor were two distinct personalities. It was the task of the Scribe to serve as stylist and translator from the native language of the Chancellor or other administrative official into Aramaic and, subsequently, from Aramaic into the language of the recipient of the letter. The Aramaic letters of the Chancellor Rehum and the Scribe Shim shai were rtiad before Artaxerxes I in (Persian ) translation (Ez. 4 : 1 8 ) , no doubt by a "royal scribe." 112 It is not known whether the Egyptians Wab primalJi, recipient of Arsames' letter, and Pabim, author of a letter to the Persian Mithravahisht ( C 70) , themselves knew Aramaic or whether they relied upon a scribe to formulate and translate their official correspondence. The average official was probably not versed in Aramaic. Reference to the language problem may have been contained in a slightly damaged ostracon wherein the writer indicated that he had received an official message from 110
Cf. 2 Ki. 1 8 :26; the Aramaic military report sent from Babylonia to As syria by the officer Beletir-see the references in R. A. Bowman, JNES 7 ( 1 948 ) , 76, n. 52; the Aramaic letter of a coastal kinglet to Pharaoh-see Chap ter I, n. 36. For discussion of the widespread use of Aramaic cf. R. A. Bowman, JNES 7 ( 1 948 ) , 6 5ff; J. Lewy, "The Problems Inherent in Section 70 of the Bisutun Inscription," HUCA 2 5 ( 1 9 5 4 ) , 1 88ff and the literature cited on page 1 90; see, too, M. Ehtecham, op. cit., 5 8ff; R. N. Frye, op. cit., 1 2 8ff. 111 Cf. W. Spiegelberg, "Die demotische Notiz in dem Papyrus 8 von Ele phantine," OLZ 1 6 ( 1 9 1 3 ) , 1 5f. 112 For the activity of the scribe cf. H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber (Tti bingen, 1 9 30 ) , 5 1 ff; idem, "Iranische Beitrage I," 203ff; J. Lewy, HUCA 2 5 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 70, n. 6; R. N . Frye, HJAS 1 8 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 4 59.
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the Persian frataraka, Ravaka, and had sent i t to him ( to whom? ) "to trans late" (lmprs ) , and subsequently to inform Hosea of its contents.113
Treasury Framanakara were "foremen" 114 and hamarakara were "accountants" 115 who concerned themselves with the income and disbursement of all kinds of funds. Prior to the orders given Wa}:lprima}:li, Arsames had a letter writ ten to the "hamarakara of the treasury" and to Shemshillech and his com panions the framanakara directing them jointly to inspect the boat and de tail the material needed for its repair ( C 26:4ff) . They were joined in their inspection tour by Shamou b. Kenufi, chief carpenter ( C 26:8f) . The re port they submitted to Arsames enumerating the material to be used for repairing the Nile boat at Elephantine indicates that a strict accounting had to be made for every lJallur spent. Each nail, splinter, and thread was carefully counted ( C 26: lOff) ! Kindasirma 116 and his accountants recorded the rent due from tenants of Arsames' estates ( D 8 ) and those of other Persian princes whose estates in Egypt had been given them by Arsames ( D 10, 1 1 ) . The accountants also held some responsibility for the actual collection of the rent. In case of de fault, letters from both Arsames and the Persian noble involved would be addressed jointly to the accountants and Nakht}:lor, Arsames' administrator. They were ordered to insist that the noble's administrator collect the rent and deliver it immediately to the noble. No doubt, force was used if nec essary ( cf. D 4) . The accountants also had to be informed by Arsames of 113 Ed. Sachau, op. cit., PI. 64, 2; M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, II, 229ff, III, 2 57, n. 1; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Sur la f�te de la P�que dans les documents arameens d'EIephantine," REJ 7 (NS; 107, OS; 1 946-47 ) , 44. 114 Cf. G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 40, 43, especially n. 1 8 . Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 46, and W. Eilers ( and Weissbach in a letter to him ) , "Iranische Beamtennamen," 1 22ff, wanted to read prmndr),>, Old Persian *fra manadara, "Befehlshaber," which Eilers thought was better than the *framana kara, "Befehlsmacher," but the papyrus does not support such a reading. 115 For discussion of this word and its evolution cf. F. Perles, OLZ ( 1 91 1 ) , 498f; W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 43ff. 118 For this word as a proper name cf. W. Eilers, AOF 1 7 ( 19 54-1956 ) , 326; A. Goetze, "Cilicians," JCS 1 6 ( 1962 ) , 57. For the various Aramaic spellings of this name cf. G. R. D river, Aramaic Documents, 78. See also J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 62 . The English spelling of this name i� conjectural; cf. D . J. Wiseman et al., Notes on Some Problems in the Book of Daniel (London, 1965 ) , 62.
EL EPHANTI NE-SYENE GARR I S O N S
59
the addition of the sculptor I:Iinzani and his family to the satrap's domestic staff before sustenance could be provided ( D 9 ) . Uncertainty shrouds the location of the "treasury" to which the Ele phantine accountants were attached ( C 26:4) and their relation to Kinda sirma and the accountants functioning in conjunction with Nakhtl:lOr. If the latter group were indeed "government" officials, the line between "pub lic" and "private" was not as finely drawn then as it is today. The adminis trator of Arsames' estates was either a quasi-governmental official or had at his disposal government accountants. It is quite possible that both Nakht Qor and the accountants were "private" individuals, even though they were in the service of the satrap and thus wielded powerful authority. How ever, the "accountants of the treasury" appearing at Elephantine seem to have been government officials and were probably attached to a treasury at Elephantine. The relation of the Elephantine accountants to the framanakara is also obscure. It has been suggested that the latter were "supply officers" or "ordnance officials." 117 At Persepolis, workmen were under the control of their foreman a�d dependent upon the Treasurer for their rations.u8 At Elephantine, to d, the ship captain Psamsineith and his companion ( C 26:2, 7) may have ,been under the control of the framanakara and subject to the financial supervision of the "treasury accountants." 119 117 R. A. Bowman, "An Aramaic Journal Page," AJSL 58 ( 1 941 ) , 306. The term most likely appears also in the Memphis arsenal journal; d. N. Aime-Ciron, Textes arameens d'Egypte, 1 4 : 1 . 118 C. C . Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, nos. 44, 7 5, 7 8 ( on which d. E. Benveniste, "Notes sur les tablettes elamites de Persepolis," JA 246 [1958], 59; as well as being a foreman this individual was also a mirror-maker) . The term sarama, saramana has been interpreted as a "person responsible for the apportionments to the workers" by R. T. Hallock, "A New Look at the Per sepolis Treasury Tablets," JNES 1 9 ( 1 960 ) , 90, 99, and "The Verb sara- in Achaemenid Elamite," JNES 24 ( 1965 ) , 271ff; and as being under the "official supervision" of the treasurer by C. C. Cameron, "Persepolis Treasury Tablets Old and New," JNES 1 7 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 163, 173. Cameron follows the interpretation of W. Hinz, ZA 49 ( 1 9 50 ) , 3 5 1 , "subordinate." Most recently Cameron trans lated the term in quotes as "responsible"; "New Tablets from the Persepolis Treasury," JNES 24 ( 1 96 5 ) , 170ff (Text No. 1 963 :6, line 6; etc. ) . I am in debted to Dr. R. T. Hallock for discussing this and other questions relating to the Persepolis tablets with me. 119 Old Persian *hamarakara als o appears in cuneiform sources; cf. W. Eilers, "Iranische Beamtennamen," 43ff. In the Sassanian Empire the amarkar appears not only as accountant but also as tax-collector; A. Christensen, L'Iran sous les Sassanides, 1 2 3 . The function of tax coUector may go back to Achaemenide
60
E L EPHANTINE-SYENE GAR R I S O N S
In the papyrological sources, the term for "treasury" was either "store house" (C 2 : 1 2, 14; 1 l :6) , "storehouse of the king" (K 3 :9, 6:7, 10:4, 1 l :4 ) , or "house of the king" (C 2 : 12, 14, 1 6; 3 : 13; 43 :7, 10; K 1 l :6) . 1be second and third terms were apparently used interchangeably (K I I :4, 6) and the latter may well have been an abbreviation of the complete term "house of the treasures of the king" ( Ez. 5 : 1 7, 7 : 20 ) , i.e., "royal treas ury." 120 Its staff included the Treasurer ( cf. Ez. 7 :21 ) and the Vice-Treas urer,121 who together may have been the "chiefs of the royal house" ( C 2 : 1 1f; cf. 3 : 1 1 ) ; the accountants; and the "scribes of the storehouse" ( C 2 : 12, 1 4 ) . The division of function between the accountants and the scribes is uncertain, but the scribes were responsible for recording all grain deliv eries (C 2 : 12, 14) ' Since there was a "house of documents where the treas ures were laid up" at Babylon (Ez. 6: 1 ) , i.e., a "treasury department of the archives," and the Persepolis Treasury had archival rooms/22 it is possible that the "royal house" at Elephantine contained a treasury department, a storehouse, and as the seat of the frataraka, an archival department as well. The "accountants of the treasury" at Elephantine would then be re sponsible not only for the income and disbursement of funds but also for the income and distribution of grain, wine, meat, and other stores. Such, at least, seems to have been the situation at Persepolis where tablet letters calling upon the treasurer to pay out a certain sum in cash imply or state that another amount was to be paid in sheep, wine, or grain. Some of the tablets conclude with the notation that "N. and his companions the ac countants entered the silver together (with the commodiy) ." 123 The storetimes. From the evidence of our sources, the hamarakara certainly exercised duties broader than those of a mere bookkeeper. We see that the Persepolis treasurers, for whom the hamarakara worked, "supervised" not only various crews of workmen (Persepolis Treasury Tablets nos. 3, 9, 1 7, 20, etc. ) but also a haoma priest at Parsa ( Persepolis Treasury Tablet I I : 3ff) . 120 H . L. Strack, ZDMC 65 ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 827. At Persepolis we find "treasury" (Persepolis Treasury Tablet 43 : 3 ) , "treasury of the king" ( 27 : 6 ) , "treasury of Parsa" ( 3 2 : 2£, 34 :2f, 3 5 : 2£, etc. ) , "treasury storehouse" ( 1 9 :4; 56 : 7-cf. E . Benveniste, TA 245 [1 958] , 307-; 1963 : 1 1 , 1. 7-cf. C. C. Cameron, TNES 24 [ 1965], 1 77f) and "storehouse" ( 2 1 : 5f) . For the rendering "storehouse" rather than Cameron's original "storeroom" cf. R. T. Hallock, "New Light from Persepolis," TNES 9 ( 1 950 ) , 246, n. 37. 121 C. C. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 3 3 f. 122 E. P. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis and Other Discoveries in the Homeland of the Achaemenians (Chicago, 1939 ) , 33ff. 123 Persepolis Treasury Tablets nos. 1 5, 1 8, 22, 27; C. C. Cameron, Per sepolis Treasury Tablets, 1 70. The translation of this. phrase was worked out in conjunction with Dr. R. T. Hallock.
E LEPHANTINE-SYENE GAR R I S O N S
61
house scribes, on the other hand, may have had no more responsibility than to maintain an inventory of what came in and went out of the storehouse.124 124 Cf. Zadok the Scribe who, next to Shelemiah the priest, was placed in charge of the stores by Nehemiah ( 1 3 : 1 3 ) ; J. Lewy, HUCA 2 5 ( 1 954 ) , 198, n. 1 1 2, quoting H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber, 4 1 ; C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 19, n. 1 . Cf. the sitologue in Ptolemaic times; C. Preaux, L'econo mie royale des Lagides (Brussels, 1939 ) , 142f; M. Rostovtzeff, The Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World ( Oxford, 1941 ) , 2 80, 406f. 1 286f.
III S T A N DARD O F L I V I N G
Weights and Measures The system of exchange in Elephantine waS composed of four units J:tallur, ZUZ, shekel, and karsh. Although it is commonly believed that this system is identical with the Persian monetary system/ this does not seem to be the case. First of all, the Persian monetary system was based upon minted coins-the golden daric of 8.43 grams ( 1 30.1 grains ) and the silver Median siglos (shekel ) of 5.68 grams ( 87.8 grains ) .2 Although the shekel at Elephantine is thought to be identical with the Median siglos, not one siglos has been found in the seventeen coin hoards from sixth to fourth century Egypt discovered during the ninety years between 1857 and 1947.3 1
M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 2 5 1 ; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 3 of, 5 5££; A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute iudeo-arameenne, 28, n. 1; E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 3 8f. 2 For a statistical analysis of 'The Weight Standards of Ancient Greece and Persia" cf. A. S. Hemmy, Iraq 5 ( 1 93 8 ) , 6 5-81 and Tables 2 and 3 where the respective coin weights are given. For a general discussion of "The Statistical Treatment of Ancient Weights" cf. A. S. Hemmy, Ancient Egypt (Dec. 1 93 5 ) , 83-93 and F. Petrie, "The Study of Weights," ibid., 146f. For the most recent treatment of "The Beginnings of Achaeminid Coinage" cf. E. S. G. Robinson, The Numismatic Chronicle, 6th series, 1 8 ( 19 5 8 ) , 1 87�93, who shows that the value of the siglos was raised and that an earlier lower weight would account for the correctness of Herodotus' statement ( 111.9 5 ) that the silver-gold ratio was 1 3 : 1 (pp. 190f) . This new finding is based upon "Two Hoards of Persian Sigloi" carefully studied by S. P . Noe, Numismatic Notes and Monographs 1 36 ( 19 5 6 ) and reviewed by G. K. Jenkins, The Numismatic Chronicle 6th series, 17 ( 1 9 57 ) , 276££. S Cf. already A. Segre, "Circolazione tolemaica e pretolemaica in egittQ," Rivista italiana di numismatica 3 3 ( 2nd Series, vol. III; 1920 ) , 2 2 .
S TANDARD O F LIVING
63
In fact, the siglos is almost completely absent from hoards discovered else where in the Near East outside of Anatolia.4 Minted initially according to the silver standard of Croesus of Lydia and then slightly raised in weight, the Median siglos was a coin of local circula tion, intended, perhaps, to pay Greek mercenaries.5 Moreover, money at Ele phantine did not circulate in the form of minted coins accepted at face value but in the form of silver weighed out on the balance ( C 1 5 : 23 f; K 7: 26; d. Jer. 3 2 : 10) 6 according to the "stones of the king" 7 or, in one or two instances, the "stones of Ptal:I." 8 Throughout most of the Persian Em pire, silver, in all forms, served as currency only by weight.9 These "stones," � Of five treasures discovered containing only the siglos four were from Ana tolia. Of eleven containing sigloi and Greek coins five were from Anatolia. The percentage of sigloi in the other collections was negligible. Two more from Anatolia contained : ( 1 ) 2 54 sigloi and one silver Croeseid (an intrusion ) ; ( 2 ) 440 sigloi and 2 1 2 Croeseids. Twenty-seven hoards discovered outside of Anatolia did not contain the siglos. Cf. D. Schlumberger, "L'argent grec dam l'empire achemenide" in R. Curiel and D. Schlumberger, Tresors monetaires d'Afghanistan (Paris, 1 9 5 3 ) , 6f (list of places where siglos discovered ) , lOf (list of Egyptian hoards ) ; S. P. Noe, op. cit., 42f. 5 B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1 91 1 ) , 646f; A. R. Burns, Money and Monetary Policy in Early Times (London, 1927 ) , 198££; the excellent treat ment of the Persian monetary system by D. Schlumberger, op. cit., 3££, 1 2-16 ( role of the siglos ) ; S. P. Noe, loco cit., from which it is evident that early sigloi were minted on the standard of Croesus' silver half-stater. 6 For a g�neral discussion of "Weights and Balances in Ancient Egypt," see S. R. K. Glanville, Proceedings of the Royal Institution of Great Britain 29 ( 1 9 3 5-37 ) , 1 0-40 and 5 Plates. On the accuracy of ancient weights and bal ances cf. A. S. Hemmy, "An Analysis of the Petrie Collection of Egyptian Weights," TEA 23 ( 1 937 ) , 39f; C. M. Kraay, "On the Weights of Ancient Coins," Numismatic Circular 71, No. 6 (June, 1963 ) , 1 1 6. 7 C 5 : 7, 6 : 14f, 8 : 14, 21, 9 : 1 5, 10:4, 14: 1 0, 1 5 : 5££, 9f, 14f, 34££, 20: 1 5, 2 5 : 16, 43 :3, 46 : 10; K 3 : 6, 4 : 1 5, 2 d, 5 : 8, 1 5, 7 : 1 6f, 32, 9 :20, 10: 1 1 , 1 4, 1 2 : 30. It is assumed that all of these occurrences refer to a single standard. 8 C 1 1 :2 and perhaps C 2 : 1 5f//3 : 1 7; cf. J. N. Epstein, "Glossen zu den 'aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka,' '' ZAW 3 2 ( 191 2 ) , 1 3 1 . 9 Cf. D . Schlumberger, op. cit., 1 7f 2 5f; C . M. Kraay, "Hoards, Small Change and the Origin of Coinage," JHS 84 ( 1964 ) , 84. Whatever the obscure and much disputed passage in Hdt. IV.166 may mean no Aryandics have been discovered so far. For discussion of this passage cf. A. Segre, Rivista italiana di numismatica 33 ( 2nd series, vol. III; 1920 ) , 22, n. 1; G.-R. Kian, Introduction a l'histoire de la monnaie et histoire monetaire de la Perse ( Paris, 1 9 34 ) , 1 09££; R. A. Parker, "Darius and his Egyptian Campaign," AJSL 58 ( 1941 ) , 373f; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums (Stuttgart, 1939; 3rd ed. ) 4/1, 77, n. 1 . But ,
64
STANDARD O F LIVING
then, were weights ( cf. 2 Sam. 14:26) and it is likely that each individual possessed his own set which he carried around in a small pouch (Deut. 25 : 1 3; Provo 1 6: 1 l ) .10 Just weights were divinely enjoined upon the ancient Israelite ( Deut. 25 : 1 5f; Provo 16: 1 l ) as well as upon the Egyptian.l1 The monarch ( 2 Sam. 14:26) or sanctuary (Ex. 30 : 24 ) maintained official standards in Israel as in Egypt. Three papyri from the last decade of the fifth century equate two shekels with one stater.1 2 One of these texts adds that the stater is of the "silver of Yavan" ( C 29 :3, 3 5 : 3f; K 1 2 : 5, 1 4 ) .13 The stater of Yavan can only be the Athenian tetradrachm (the "owl" ) which from the middle of the fifth cen tury down through the conquest of Alexander prevailed as the dominating silver coin in the Greek world and was the most prominent piece of silver in the Persian Empire.14 It was of high and unvarying quality and uniform in weight and type. A continuous supply was guaranteed by the vigorous policy of Athcns and her exploration of the mines of Laurium which lay within her territory of Attica.15 The "owl" has been discovered as far south as the temple of Ptal). in Memphis and as far nor�h as the Crimea, as far east as Kabul, Afghanistan, and as far west as Spain. It appeared in ten of the seventeen Egyptian hoards referred to above.16 During this period, the weight of the tetradrachm remained sustantially constant at 1 7.52 grams see P. J. Junge, Klio 43 ( 1941 ) , 14f. Herodotus is simply being graphic when he describes the tribute of Babylon in terms of a unit of capacity, i.e. one artaba of silver per day. This artaba was over 1 2 gallons ( 1. I 9 2 ) . 10 G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws (Oxford, 19 56; 2nd im pression ) I, 1 83 . 11 Book of the Dead, chap. 1 2 5. See the recent publication of T. C. Allen, Egyptian Book of the Dead, Documents in the Oriental Institute Museum The (Chicago, 1960 ) , 196ft 12 By this we are to understand : equivalent in weight. 13 Sachau's restoration in 29 : 3 was correct as a comparison with K 1 2 : 14 indicates. The numeral must thus be seven. 14 H. Michel, The Economics of Ancient Greece (New York, 1 9 57; 2nd ed. ) , 320; B . V . Head, op. cit., 371; D. Schlumberger, op. cit., 6-10, who lists 44 Greek coin hoards from the Persian period and indicates the mint of each coin; A. R. Burns, op. cit., 88, 2 1 2, 34 5ff; C. M. Kraay JHS 84 ( 1 964 ) , 80ff. 15 H . Michel, op. cit., 94ff. 16 Aristophanes, Frogs, 730ff; A. R. Burns, op. cit., 88; D. Schlumberger, op. cit., lOf, 32; C. Seltman, Greek Coins ( London, 1 9 5 5; 2nd ed. ) , 1 10; C. M. Kraay, JHS 84 ( 1 964 ) , 81f. An Attic tetradrachm was recently discovered in Samaria, apparently in a cave in W:1dI D:1liyah, some nine miles north of Jeri cho; cf. F. M. Cross, "The Discovery of the Samaria Papyri," BA 26 ( 1 963 ) , 1 1 6.
S TAN DARD OF LIVING
65
( 270.4 grains ) .17 The shekel would thus have to weigh 8.76 grams and could not be identical with the Median siglos of 5.68 grams . The relation of the siglos to the Attic monetary system was given by Xenophon (Anab. I. 5.6) 18 who wrote at the same time that the three above-mentioned papyri were written. One siglos equaled 7Y2 obols, he tells us, and since there were six obols to the drachm, a siglos was just under Y3 of a tetradrachm while the Elephantine shekel was Y2 tetradrachm. If the Elephantine shekel was not the Median siglos, what was it? Over 1300 Egyptian stone weights from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty through Ro man times have been analyzed and classified according to posited stand ards. 19 One of these, called the "stater" standard 20 by Sir Flinders Petrie who collected the material, weighed maximally 8.78-8.89 grams ( 1 3 5.5137 grains ) .21 It is plain that the Elephantine shekel, which as half a tetra drachm had to weigh 8.76 grams, is identical with this standard.22 More over, just such a standard, weighing maximally 8.775 grams, has been found among the standards in Babylonia 23 and appears to have been intro duced into Egypt by the Hyksos since it became the predominant standard 17 A. S. Hemmy, Iraq 5 ( 1 938) , 77 and Table 3 on p. 73. 18 It is of note that this equation is given in a context which further indicates the Anatolian, locus of the siglos. In the Lydian market attached to Cyrus' camp a capithe of wheat flour or barley meal was selling for the exorbitant price of 4 sigloi. The Lydians quoted prices in their own units and Xenophon converted them into Attic units for his Greek readers. 19 F. Petrie, Ancient Weights and Measures (London, 1 926 ) as analyzed and corrected by A. S. Hemmy, TEA 2 3 ( 193 7 ) , 5of, Tables 8 and 9 . 20 F . Petrie, op. cit., 1 2 chose the name "from its most celebrated example, the immense coinage of gold staters of Philip of Macedon. We do not know any early name for it, and to call it Attic or Solonic is only to put back the name a couple of centuries in some thousands of years of history." 21 A. S. Hemmy, TEA 2 3 ( 1 937 ) , 50f. The material was assignable to either the 26th-30th Dynasties or more broadly to 26th Dynasty-Roman times. The higher figure comes from the first category; the lower, from the second: The slight difference between the weights here given and the weight obtained by halving the tetradrachm may be due to the fact that Attic coins always weighed slightly less than the Attic weights, thereby providing a profit for the govern ment minter. Cf. F. Petrie, Ancient Weights, 1 3; A. S. Hemmy, Iraq 5 ( 1938) , 72; C. M. Kraay, THS 84 ( 1964 ) , 90. 22 For an earlier attempt to relate the Elephantine shekel to the Egyptian standard cf. E. Revillout, "Les monnaies mentionnees dans les papyrus ara meens d'ltlephantine," Revue Egyptologique 1 3 ( 1 91 0 ) , 1 58ff; see also A. Vin cent, ap. cit., 547f. 23 A. S. Hemmy, Ancient Egypt (Dec. 193 5 ) , 89ff; idem, Iraq 5 ( 19 38 ) , 72; J. A. Wilson, The Culture af Ancient Egypt, 162.
66
STANDARD OF LIVING
during the Eighteenth Dynasty. In the Saitic and Persian periods it was again the dominant standard; fully fifty per cent of the 4 1 2 weight speci mens discovered belong to it. 24 It maintained its prevalence down through the Roman period.25 The weights in use at Elephantine were standardized by the "stones of the king," i.e., the "weight of the king" ( C 28: 1 1 ; K 8 : 8) . The government maintained, no doubt in the "house of the king," i.e., the government house on Elephantine,26 an official standard by which individuals might have their personal stone weights checked for accuracy. 27 This royal weight is apparently different from the "weight of Persia" (C 26:21 ) by which several items were to be weighed for delivery to ship repairmen. When the Persians conquered the country, they did not substitute their weight stand ard for that of the Egyptians but simply superimposed it upon the latter. The "weight of Persia" doubtless includes the karsh which occurs so fre quently in the papyri as the equivalent of ten shekels. In fact, it is often called "the tenner." 28 Three karsh weights have been discovered, though not in Egypt, and the unit weight of 83.33- 83 .36 grams was ascertained from them.29 Ten Elephantine shekels would weigh 8 7.6 grams, i.e., 4-3 grams or roughly 1/2 shekel more than the karsh. To bring the Persian karsh in line with ten shekels, half a shekel ( = one zuz) would have to be added 24 A. S. Hemmy, TEA 23 ( 1937 ) , 50f, 5 5; idem, Iraq 5 ( 1 938) , 77f. In fact, it is not at aU unlikely that this didrachm weight in Athens, raised 4 per cent by Peisistratus from a previous weight, was introduced to facilitate the Egyptian trade; d. suggestion of A. R. Burns, op. cit., 3 56ff and discussion by J. G. Milne, "Trade between Greece and Egypt before Alexander the Great," TEA 2 5 ( 1939 ) , 1 81f. 25 Thirty-seven percent of 835 specimens. 26 On the other hand, such expressions as "road of the king" ( C 2 5 : 6f) and "street of the king" ( K 3 : 8, 1 0, 4: lOf, 1 O :4f, 1 2 : 1 9, 2 1 ) mean simply public thoroughfare; d. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 76f. 27 For general discussion of official weight standards, see A. Segre, Rivista italiana di numismatica 3 3 ( 2nd series, vol. III; 1920 ) , 1 2f; A. F. Rainey, "Royal Weights and Measures," BASOR 1 79 ( 196 5 ) , 34ff; . R. B. Y. Scott, "The Scale-Weights from Ophel, 1 963-64," PEQ 100 ( 1965 ) , 1 2 8ft. 28 C 6: 1 5, 8:14, 21, 9 : 1 5; K 3 : 1 6, 7 = 1 7, 8 : 8. 29 F. H. Weissbach, "Zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichtkunde," ZDMG 6 5 ( 1 91 1 ) , 675; idem, "Neue Beitrage zur keilinschriftlichen Gewichtskunde," ZDMG 70 ( 191 6 ) , 79; E. F. Schmidt, The Treasury of Persepolis (Chicago, 1939 ) , 62; G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets (Chicago, 1948) , 37; E. F. Schmidt, Persepolis II, Contents of the Treasury and Other Discoveries (Chicago, 1 9 57 ) , 1 0 5ff.
S TANDARD OF LIVING
67
to it. This is most likely the meaning of the formula "2 r to the ten ( 10) ," 80 "2 r to one karsh" 31 "zuz to the ten ( 10 ) " ( K 3 : 1 5, 1 8, 7 : 1 7, 8 : 8 ) , or "zuz to one karsh" ( C 43 :3; K 3 :6) which was almost regularly added to any notations of the karsh and even the shekel ( cf. C 43 : 3; BK 2 : 6) .3 2 The smallest denomination in the papyri is the "Qallur. In Neo-Babylonian texts it is the equivalent of 'lio sheke1.sa In the Aramaic papyri, on the other hand, it can only be *0 sheke1.34 This would yield a unit weight of approximately .22 grams, a small but not inconceivable figure for a single weight.a 5 References to the "Qallur in the papyri fall into two categories. They are either ( a ) fractions or multiples of the unit "five: " 5 ( K 7 : 6, 16, 23, 27 ) , iY:! (K 2 : 5, 7 ) , 10 ( C 36:4; K 7 : 14 ) , 1 5 ( C 36:4 ) , 20 ( C 1 5 : 14, 36: 3; K 7: 14f ) ; or (b) multiples of "two" in accounting figures for a rate of interest ( C 10:5, 1 1 : 2, 4) . In the latter category, both loans yield a monthly interest of eight "Qallurs, i.e., � shekel. It is thus possible that there existed individual weights in denominations of VB shekel ( 1.09 grams ) or � shekel ( 1 .75 grams ) . In fact, the Persian monetary system known to us from PersepoIis contained a weight, the danaka, which was Ys (Persian ) shekeJ.36 One of the two above-mentioned loan contracts states that "4 shekels 30 C 6 : 1 5, 8 : 14, 21, 9 : 1 5; K 3 : 1 5f, 1 8, 7 : 32, 8 : 8. 31 C 20: 1 5, 2 5 : 1 6; K 4 : 1 5 . 32 For discussion see Appendix I . For recognition of the zuz in these texts ef. R. Yaron, "ksp zwz" (Hebrew ) , Lesonenu 3 1 ( 1 966-67 ) , 287-2 88. 33 A. Ungnad, "Aus den neubabylonischen Privaturkunden," Beiheft zum OLZ ( 1908 ) , 26ff. 3� A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxx-xxxi. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 39, gives no rea son for assigning only 1 0 I:Iallurs to the Elephantine shekel. 35 Although the smallest stone weight known from Palestine is 1 . 5 2 grams (R. B . Y. Scott, "Sh�kel-Fraction Markings on Hebrew Weights," BASOR 173 [1964], 60) , five Persian period YHD coins range in weight from .23 grams (the Jehezekio coin from Beth-zur [ef. below Chap. 9, n. 24] ) to . 5 3 50 grams; Y. Meshorer, Jewish Coins of the Second Temple Period (Tel-Aviv, 1967 ) , 1 16. Many weights in the Petrie collection are approximately one gram, the small est ( # 3922 ) weighing .62 grams (9.6 grains ) . There are also many Greek coins of small denominations. The Colophon collection reveals some 8 5 speci mens ranging from .06 grams up to .29 grams; ef. C. M. Kraay, "Monnaies provenant du site de Colophon," Revue suisse de numismatique 42 ( 1962/63 ) , 5-1 3 and 1 Plate. ,See also C . Seltman, op. cit., 108ff; C. M. Kraay, JHS 84 ( 1964 ) , 76ff. 36 G. G. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 1 3 2; idem, JNES 22, 1965, 1 72, 1 83ff. .
68
STANDARD O F LIVING
by the stones of Ptal;, silver, 1 sh[ekel] to the 10" were lent out at the rate of "2 l;allurs to 1 shekel of silver per month" (C 1 1 :2f) . Here, units from three different systems were used: a Pta1:t standard shekel, a Persian karsh, and an Elephantine l;allur. This is the only place where silver reckoning is not definitely given according to the "stones of the king." How can these facts be explained? The standard of Pta1:t is that commonly referred to in demotic documents Qeginning with Persian rule (M 4:2, 5 : 5; L 6:2, 7 : 3; MP 32 :7, 37:4; L 1D : 1 ) 37 and extending through the Ptolemaic ( L 4D :2, 5D: 3f, 7D : 3f, etc. ) and Roman ( L 1 2D : 2 ) periods.38 The formula there is "silver, x kite of the Treasury of Pta1:t, refined." The term "Treasury" seems to indicate that these particular silver pieces bore some identification mark by which their weight was easily determined and that this mark was impressed upon these pieces by the Pta1:t temple Treasury at Memphis.39 While such pieces may still have been weighed in the commercial trans actions at Elephantine, as Greek coins indeed were throughout Egypt, they were accepted as representative of their own standard and not weighed according to the "stones of the king." The kite weight standard at this period was maximally 9.53 grams ( 147 grains ) ; 19.2 percent of the 41 2 specimens from the Twenty-sixth to the Thirtieth Dynasties belonged to this standard.40 The "Ptal;" kite was thus over Y2 gram heavier than the "royal" shekel. This particular creditor-only the Aramaic patronymic is preserved in the document-happened to have some kite silver which had to be lent as is, i.e., on the basis of the weight of the individual pieces. To bring these pieces into relation with the Persian karsh, the formula '' 1 sh[ekel] to the 10" was appended. This means that one shekel of the kite standard was to be added to the karsh to bring the weights of one karsh and one deben ( 10 kite ) in line.41 37 F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 76; M. Malinine, Choix de textes juridiques (Paris, 1 9 S 3 ) I, 2 Sf. 38 For discussion of whether this designation in the post-Persian period had reference to an independent issue of stamped silver bars by the PtaJ:t temple at Memphis or whether it is simply an archaism cf. C. Preaux, L'economie royale des Lagides (Brussels, 1939 ) , 273f; E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische Ehevertrage (Agyptologische Abhandlungen, 1; Wiesbaden, 1960 ) , 3 1 6f; P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt ( Leiden, 1961 ) , l O S . 89 Cf. preceding note. From the 4th century we begin to find actual coins, in silver and gold, bearing demotic and hieroglyphic characters; cf. G. K. Jenkins, "Greek Coins Recently Acq uired by the B ritish Museum, " The Numismatic Chronicle 6th series, 1 S ( 19 S S ) , 144ff. �o F. Petrie, Ancient Weights, 1 3f; A. S. Hemmy, TEA 23 ( 1 937 ) , So. 41 For discussion see Appendix I.
S TANDARD OF LIVING
69
The interest on this loan was calculated in terms of the l)allur and the loan was to be repaid out of the wage which the debtor received from the government house ( C 1 1 : 2-6) . It is likely that this wage was weighed out according to the "stones of the king" but the document is silent about the weight standard of the four shekels to be repaid. If both the interest and principal were meant to be paid according to the "stones of the king" the debtor would benefit, paying a somewhat lower rate of interest than usual and returning lighter shekels than he received. If, on the other hand, he had to pay shekels weighed according to the "stones of Ptal)," this might sug gest a wider use of that standard at Elephantine than appears from the documents. Although "kite" weights continued to be found down through the Ro man period,42 the kite of the demotic contracts ceased to be paid in silver of the Treasury of Ptal) and commenced to be brought into relation with the Attic stater. The earliest evidence for this change is a marriage contract of 364/63 (L 8 : 2 ) , but it most likely occurred earlier, probably at the end of the fifth century when the Elephantine shekel came to be specifically related to the stater.43 This second kite weight is thus brought into line with the shekel since 2 kite = 1 stater = 2 shekels. This same 2 : 1 kite stater formula continues to be found in demotic documents down through the end of the Ptolemaic period (cf. L 53 :4) /4 even though the Ptolemaic -
42 A. S. Hemmy, JEA 23 ( 1937 ) , 5 1 . 43 In the case of the shekel it must have been recognized that weight "by the stone of the king" was exactly half that of the Athenian tetradrachm and as that coin became more and more popular in commerce it became customary to refer to it as the standard. It is of note that in a fragmentary letter written from Memphis at the end of the 5th century the correspondent informs the Ele phantine Jewish leaders that some government officials gave him 1 2 silver staters (C 3 7 : 1 1f) . Was he presented with Athenian "owls" which he accepted at face value or were the silver coins weighed out? Despite the appearance of a few locally minted Egyptian coins of the 4th century, the bulk of the numis matic evidence from Egypt-Greek coins punched, stamped, and cut away indicates that until the time of the Ptolemies Greek coins circulated among the Egyptians by weight and not by face value; cf. H. Dressel, "Altgriechischer Miinzfund aus Agypten," Zeitschrift filr Numismatik 22 ( 1900 ) , 23 1-58; G. F. Hill, "Greek Coins Acquired by the British Museum 1914-191 6," The Numis matic Chronicle 4th series, 1 7 ( 19 1 7 ) , 9f; H. Dressel and K. Regling, "Zwei agyptische Funde altgriechischen Silbermiinzen," Zeitschrift filr Numismatik 37 ( 1927) , 1-1 3 8. Cf., too, E. Bresciani, "La sa trapia d'Egitto," Studi classici e orientali 7 ( 1 9 58 ) , 1 36. 44 Cf. M. Lichtheim, Demotic Ostraca from Medinet Habu (Chicago, 1 9 57 ) , 1 .
70
STANDARD OF LIVING
stater underwent a continuous drop in weight to 1 7.13, 15.09, 14.99 and finally to 14.28 grams.45 This kite-shekel equation is valuable since, even allowing for a certain rise of prices with the advent of the Ptolemies and the lowering of the silver content in the coinage ( though the silver-gold relationship remained the same ) /6 comparisons may be made of such items as the dowries of the Elephantine women with those of the Egyptian as evidenced in demotic marriage contracts from 364/3 to 198 B.C.E. Gold is never mentioned as a metal of exchange. The Temple vessels were made of gold (C 30: 12//31 : 1 1 ) , and gold is mentioned once again in a comprehensive list of possible possessions ( C 10:9) .47 Knowledge of the system of weights operative at Elephantine comes almost exclusively from private contracts, but that of the system of meas ures derives primarily from official accounts and letters. Though we do not know how the Persian officialdom recorded transactions of silver-income and disbursements-we do have such accounts for grain and legumes. The system of measures consisted of three units : handful, griw and ardab ( C 24 : 38) .48 These units derived from an official account book and corre sponded to the measures employed in the distribution of rations to workers at Persepolis during the earlier part of the fifth century, even though in one case the scribes wrote in Aramaic and in the other in Elamite: 45 c. F. Hill, Historic Greek Coins ( New York, 1 906 ) , I07ff; A. Segre, op. cit., 29ff; Fr. Heichelheim, Wirtschaftlichen Schwankungen der Zeit von Alexander bis Augustus (Jena, 1930) , 22ff. 46 It should be noted as well that the weight of the gold stater was also re duced from the value of the Persian daric so that through the end of the 3rd century B .C.E. the gold-silver ratio remained essentially the same as during the Persian period. Cf. Th. Reinach, "Du rapport de valeur des metaux monetaires dans l'itgypte au temps de Ptolemees," REG 41 ( 1928 ) , 122-40; Fr. Heichel heim, op. cit., 6-1 2. 47 It is unlikely that a bribe of gold was offered to Bagohi in C 30:28//3 1 :27; cf. M . Vogelstein, "Bakshish for Bagoas?" JQR 3 3 ( 1 942-43 ) , 89ft 48 Though Cowley correctly surmised that the letter aleph in the term S> must abbreviate ardab in C 2 :4ff, he failed to appreciate that g is the abbrevia tion of gryw) even though he cited J. N . Epstein's suggestion to that effect. Moreover, Epstein himself had no better suggestion for IJ than IJlk, "part"; cf. "Weitere Glossen zu den 'aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka: " ZAW 3 3 ( 19 1 3 ) , 148. The key to the proper understanding o f these abbreviations lies in a bilingual Pahlevi-Greek inscription of Shapur I (cf. n. 50 below) which speaks of bread to the measure of "one griw and 5 handfuls ( lJwpn ) ." Strangely, though G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B .C. (Oxford, 1 9 57; abridged and revised) , 60, connects the IJ in C 24: 38, 41 with IJpn, "handful," he fails to see that the g there abbreviates griw.
STANDARD O F L IVING
71
irtiba = 3 BAR (i.e., sutu = seah ) = 30 qa 49 1 ardab = 3 grlw (seah ) 50 = 30 handfuls 51 The capacity of the qa at Persepolis has been estimated as being the equiva lent of roughly one liquid quart.52 This would be the capacity of the hand ful.5a An ardab of thirty quarts also accords well with Egyptian equivalents for the ardab derived from other sources.54 The handful was both a popular and an official measure. It appears in Arsham's letter authorizing the officials in his domains in Babylonia and Syria to supply NakhtI:wr and his men with daily rations of flour ( D 6:3ff) and in the marriage contracts as a measure of oil ( C 1 5 : 15 [read in the interlinear phrase tqm f:zpnn 5]; K 2: 5f, 7:20f) . The measures gnw and ardab are not found in the contracts, even where expected. If a clause in a loan contract is correctly interpreted, Ananiah b. Haggai borrowed two ardabs of emmer from Pakhnum but the amount is listed as "2 p'ras 3 seah" and the quantity to be returned is "2 times 6 seah" ( K 1 1 : 3f) . These units also occur in another account written on the back of a Behistun fragment : "s [abbreviation of scm, "barley"] p ['ras] 4," "p['ras] 1
�9 Cf.
R. T. Hallock, "A New Look at the Persepolis Treasury Tablets," JNES 19 ( 1 960) , 92, n. 5 . Dr. Hallock informs me that "1 BAR = 10 qa" and the BAR probably stands for the siltu. This equation corresponds perfectly with the system at Elephantine. 50 The Peshitta translates seah in 2 Ki . 7 : 1 , 1 6, 1 8 by gryb,. The Armenian translation griw renders Creek modias in Matt. 5 : 1 5; cf. M. Sprengling, "Shah puhr I the Great on the Kaabah of Zoroaster ( KZ ) ," AJSL 57 ( 1 940 ) , 387ft The modias "is a classical loan-word for the housewife's seah-measure"; A. R. S. Kennedy, "Weights and Measures," J. Hastings (ed. ) , A Dictionary of the Bible (New York, 1 903 ) , IV, 9 1 2f. Also, in several passages in th e Talmud (e.g., Ab. Zar. 43a, Erub. 29b, Pes. 32a, Ned. 5 1a, etc.) the term grlwa, ap pears. Finally, we may note the calculation of E . C. Kraeling, ap. cit., 263, that 3 seah = 1 ardab. Although he cites no source for this equation, it does fit. 51 It is evident from the Shapur inscription that 1 griw = 1 0 handfuls; cf. M. Sprengling, ap. cit., 3 87ff, 39°, 416. 52 E. F. Schmidt, Persepalis II, 108f; W. Hinz, "Zu den Persepolis-TafeI chen," ZDMG 1 1 0 ( 1 961 ) , 2 37f. 53 C. R. Driver, ap. cit., 60, writes that "the amount that can be held in the hand is approximately 500 gr." but Dr. Hallock wondered whether the amount of 1 liquid quart = < 1 liter = < 1000 grams may not have been held in both hands cupped together. The capacity of the "handful" may well have changed beyond the etymological meaning of the word. 54 Cf. W. Hinz, lac. cit.; E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 26 1 . It should be noted, however, that this equation does not accord with what Hdt. 1.192 reported : 1 artaba = 5 1 choenices, i .e., roughly 5 1 quarts. Hinz thought Herodotus' figure applied to a double-ardab but it is too far off for that.
72
S TANDARD OF LIVING
2 seah 4" ( C 63 :2f) . This account is a list of "memoranda" (C 63 : 10, 1 2, 14) and it is not possible to determine whether it is official or private. In a fragmentary contract, a payment of barley was to be made at the rate of "1 qab to 1 p'ras all the months and years . . ." ( C 45 : 8 ) .55 It seems that the people employed the familiar seah rather than gnw and the circumlo cution 2 p·ras for 1 ardab. The qab, moreover, is unknown in the official accounts; it occurs once in the Bible ( 2 Ki. 6 : 2 5 ) where it probably equals 116 seah.56 Thus, the traditional terms continued to be used even though they were brought into relationship with the Persian system!7
Value and Price The foregoing clarification of the system of weights and measures prevailing at Elephantine enables us to estimate the standard of living of the Jewish soldier. The royal treasury-storehouse disbursed both a monthly ration (Pip) [pal.lfa1 ) 58 in grain and legumes ( C 2; K l l : 3ff; d. D 6 : 2, 4ff, 9: 1 ) to men and women ( C 43 :8) and a monthly payment in silver (p'ras ) to men and women ( C 2 : 16, I I :6; BK 1 : 5, 8f) . Information on the size of the ration comes from an account drawn up during the reign of Darius II ( C 24 ) . Of fifty-four men in the Syenian garrison covered by the account 22 men received 1 ardab of barley 2 men received 1 V2 ardabs of barley 30 men received 2V2 ardabs of barley. A three-level scale of payment, though with varying ratios, is found both in military and civilian life during this century. Greek mercenary soldiers, serving either a Greek or a "barbarian," were paid as follows (Xenophon, Anab. 1.3.21; Y.6.23; VII.2.36, po, 6.1 ) : soldier-l gold daric officer-2 gold darics general-4 gold darics. 55 For the term "all the months and years" cf. R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," JNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 128. 56 For value of the qab cf. J. Benzinger, Hebriiische Archiiologie ( Frei burg i .B., 1 894 ) , 1 82ff; A.-G. Barrois, Manuel d'arcMologie biblique ( Paris, 1 9 5 3 ) II, 247ff. The measure appears also in the ostraea (A. H. Sayee, PSBA 3 3 [ 1 9 1 1 ] , 1 83ff, convex : 2; N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 [1926] , 29ff, convex: 2 ) . 57 The p'ras as a measure apparently means liz of another measure, whether liz shekel as in Dan. 5 : 2 5 or liz homer as in the Bauer-Meissner papyrus, line 5 . 58 Cf. W . B . Henning, "Mitteliranisch," B. Spuler, ed., Handbuch der Orientalistik 1/4 (Leiden, 1958) , 1 1 3 ·
ST ANDARD O F LIVING
73
The soldier was also entitled to a food ration but whether this was distrib uted in addition to his wage or whether he was expected to pay for it him self is a disputed point.59 The payments of sheep and silver or wine and silver to workers at Persepolis are illustrated by several Elamite tablets. The "sheep texts" indicate a three-part scale with four subdivisions within each part : 60
A B C
Full Ration
Half Ration
3 1 112 1
1 112 %
112
Third Ration 1 112 V3
Quarter Ration %
% �
Unfortunately, we do not know how much the Elephantine soldier re ceived per month in silver. Expressed in terms of the Elephantine weight standard, the wage of the Greek mercenary equalled roughly 12112 shekcls per month.61 Mercenary service being what it was at this period, he was by no means assured a steady annual income at this rate, i.e., 1 50 shekels per annum. Nevertheless, it has been estimated that the minimum annual cost of living for an Athenian worker with wife and child at the end of the fifth century was 136 shekels ( 272 drachms ) .62 l\lost of the knowledge of prices at Elephanti �e derives from evaluated objects in the marriage contracts. From this it seems clear that the families of Mahseiah b. Jedaniah and Meshullam b. Zaccur were much above the class of hired workers in Baby59 Cf. Xenophon, Anab. 1.2.18, 3.14, 5.6 which suggest that "Greek troops were not supplied with rations in the modern way, but bought their rations from day to day from sutlers who accompanied the army. The commander's duty ended with providing a market." Cf. C. L. Brownson, The Loeb Classical Library. Xenophon ( London, 1932; 2nd printing ) apud Anab . 1.2.1 8. On the other hand, G. T. Griffith, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World (Cam bridge, 1 93 5 ) , 264-73, 295, n. 3, argues on the basis of Anab. VI1 .3.1O and other texts that a mercenary might expect ( 1 ) pay (misthos) , ( 2 ) rations (sitos) and ( 3 ) a possible bonus. His argument from the Xenophon passages is not fully convincing. 60 R. T. Hallock, JNES 1 9 ( 1 960 ) , 92. 61 The gold daric weighed 8.43 grams (cf. A . S. Hemmy, Iraq [1938], 70) and the gold-silver ratio was 1 : 1 3 1;3; so 8.43 X 1 3 · 3 = 1 1 2 . 1 19 -;- 8.76 = 1 2 .7 Elephantine shekels. 62 Cf. H. Michel, The Economics of Ancient Greece, 1 3 2f, who cites other higher estimates of 280, 396, and 400 drachms. Moreover, if the Cyreian sol dier received a grain ration in addition to his pay, he would have had an annual income of 206 shekels; cf. G. T. Griffith, op. cit., 308, who adds another 2 obols/day to the soldier's wage as the equivalent of gra in.
74
STANDARD O F LIVING
Ionia whose average annual wage was twelve shekels,63 and of more sub stantial means than the Egyptian families whose daughters married native, Greek, and Nubian soldiers. The comparative material from the marriage settlements is presented in Table 1 . 1 64 VALUE OF BRIDAL GIFTS AND DOWRIES TABLE
Document
Place
Year
Husband
Bridal Gift (Shekel /kite)
C 15 K7 L8 L 16 L 18 L 23
Elephantine Elephantine Edfu Edfu Thebes Edfu
43 5 ( ? ) 420 364/3 247-221 226 219
Builder of the King Servant of YHW mslJ, (soldier? ) Servant of Horus Greek (soldier? ) Blemmian (police? )
5 10 5 10 10 20
L 24 L 26 L 28
Edfu Edfu Elephantine
2 1 7/16 208 198
Nubian (police? ) Servant of Horus Man from cfnt (soldier? )
10 10 30
Dowry ( Shekel /kite )
•
60lh 68lh 14 1 2 ( 1 67 ) 50 14 + 5 artab wheat 13 73 35
The figure given for dowry does not include the bridal gift which in most instances was included in the list of the bride's possessions, either as an amount paid or to be paid. •
63 Cf. sources cited by W. H. Dubberstein, ATSL 56 ( 1 939 ) , 39f; I. Mendel sohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East (New York, 1949 ) , 1 1 8. 64 The conflicting views of M. Lichtheim, Demotic Ostraca, 3f-who thought that P. Berlin 1 3 59 3 ( = L 28) reflected the introduction of the new copper standard since most of the items bear extraordinarily high values in comparison with the earlier marriage contracts-and of E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische Ehe vertriige, 308-who thought that the new system was not yet reflected in this papyrus since the bridal gift is the low figure of three deben-may be resolved by assuming that both are partially right. Six categories of items are listed : ( 1 ) bridal gift substitute, three deben; ( 2 ) and (4) seven objects of gold jew elry valued at 1 1 Y2 kite; ( 3 ) and ( 5 ) sundry objects plus cash valued at 878 copper kite; (6) five copper objects valued at 5 3 5 kite, apparently also copper kite. It would be strange to find objects of gold so cheaply valued on a copper standard when copper objects are so dearly valued on that same standard. So ( 1 ) and (4) must be valued in silver deben and kite while the rest are valued in copper units. This document reflects the first stage in the monetary devaluation where the ratio is sixty copper drachms to one silver drachm and copper had not yet com-
S TANDARD
OF
L I VING
75
An idea of the relative value of objects a t Elephantine can be obtained by enumerating the several evaluated items in the marriage contracts plus others whose price is known or can be estimated. Using an assumed mini mal annual income of 144 shekels (selected for convenience of calculation ) for a family of three, Table 2 also shows how many months' pay each item cost. 2 PRICE AND RELATIVE VALUE TABLE
Item Average fines Dowry (less mohar) Adult Slave Expensive woolen garment House, 34.2' x 1 2 . 5' b Average woolen garment Bridal gift (mohar) Divorce mOl1 ey Average loan Temple contribution Linen garI11ent Bronze utensil a
Ct. p. 76, below.
Value (shekels )
Months' Pay
Passim C 1 5 : 14; K 7 : 1 5£ Estimated ' C 1 5 :7£
50-200 60Yz-68lh 24-48 28
41Al-1 6% 5-5% 2-4 2Jh
K 3 : 6, 1 2 : 5, 14 C 1 5 :9ff; K 2 :4f, 7 : 6ff
14-1 8* 7-1 2
1 1Al-1 * Y12-1
C 1 5 :4f; K 7 :4£ C 1 5 : 24; K 2 : 8, 1 0, 7 :26 C 1 O : 3f, 1 1 :2£ C 22 K 7 : 1 0-12 C 1 5 : 1 1ff; K 7 : 1 3ff
5-1 0 7* 4 2 1 YZ-1*
%2-%
Source
b
*+ *
� �2 Y24-�2
For size see n. 65, Chapter III.
Other observations can be made on the basis of Table 2. For instance, the cost of a medium-priced woolen garment is virtually the same as the amount ( thirteen shekels ) paid for part (23.9' X 7-7' ) of an average size dwelling with beams, windows, and two doors ( K 1 2 : 12ff) . The whole dwelling measured 34.2 X 12.5 feet, and in a state of disrepair sold for four teen shekels. To put such a structure in good condition cost only about four and one half shekels.65 These Elephantine plots and houses were inpletely replaced silver. The later documents already indicate a ratio of 400: 1 . Accordingly, we have 141 3 copper kite X 2 (drachm ) = 2826 -;- 60 = 47.1 -;- 2 ( drachm ) = 2 3 . 5 5 silver kite plus 1 1 . 5 silver kite worth of gold jewelry = 3 5.05 kite, within the range of the other dowries. 65 For these calculations cf. H. L. Ginsberg, "The Brooklyn lVluseum Ara maic Papyri," TAOS 74 ( 1954 ) , 1 62 . The Egyptian cubit is calculated at 1 7.6
76
STANDARD OF LIVING
deed quite cheap when compared to the cost of forty shekels ( ca. thirty nine Elephantine shekels ) for a small plot and house in Babylonia at this time.66 Under such circumstances, it is very possible that most persons owned their own little houses. On the other hand, it is doubtful that every bride was as well endowed as were Mibtahiah and Jehoishma. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah had at least three children-Gemariah (C 8 : 29) , J edaniah (C 8: 3 1 ) , and Mibtahiah. His grandson, Jedaniah b. Gemariah, was leader of the Jewish community at the end of the fifth century (C 21 :2, l l , 22 : 1 20f; 30: 1/131 : 1 ) and it is most likely that Mahseiah had held that same post earlier. He owned several houses, two of which he deeded to his daughter (C 8, 1 3 ) . Sometime during her second marriage she was in a position to provide her father with fifty shekels' worth of unspecified goods (C 1 3 : 5f) . When she married the third time, she possessed, inter alia, a fine, large, dyed, woolen garment (C 1 5 : 7f) worth four times as much as the ordinary woolen garment. Upon her death she bequea thed to her sons four slaves : a mother and three children (C 28) . In Babylonia, the price of a slave varied between forty shekels under Nebu chadnezzar and one hundred shekels ( ca. 95 Elephantine shekels ) during the reign of Darius 1.67 During the Twenty-fifth to Twenty-sixth Dynasties in Egypt, the price of a slave was twenty-three kite ( ca. 25 shekels ) .68 If the same price variation occurred there as in Babylonia, a slave could cost be tween twenty-five and fifty shekels. Meshullam b. Zaccur, master and later adoptive father of Jehoishma, was also a man of substance. Besides possessing the handmaiden Tamut and her child ( K 2, 5 ) , he owned a house which he sold to Mahseiah b. J edaniah (C 1 3 : 3) and was in a position to lend at interest four shekels to the woman Jehoben d. Meshullach ( C 10) . His son Zaccur endowed J ehoishma very well ( K 7) . He possessed a slave lad, Jedaniah, whom he inches; d. R. B. Y. Scott, "Weights and Measures of the Bible," BA 22 ( 19 59 ) , 2 2ff. I f Ananiah b . Azariah sold %0 of the plot which he bought from Baga zusht for 14 shekels to Ananiah b. Haggai for 1 3 shekels then the added value which he put into it (cf. K 3 : 2 2a, 2 3a) was worth, in the course of 3 5 years, 4Yz shekels. 66 W. H . Dubberstein, ATSL 56 ( 1 939 ) , 38. It is not known where these houses were located. They may all have been situated in a rich neighborhood. Caution must be exercised in interpreting these comparative figures since the data is meager. I am grateful to Dr. D. B . Weissberg for his letter of May 2, 1966 discussing prices of houses and slaves in Babylonia. 67 W . H. Dubberstein, ATSL 56 ( 1939 ) , 34ff; I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 1 1 7. Too many factors entered into the price of a slave (e.g., health, age, training, family status) for us to be certain that these figures indicated a rise in price. 68 M. Malinine, "Un jugement rendu a Thebes sous la xxv· dynastie," RE 6 (1951 ) , 1 71, n. 1 .
STANDARD O F L IVING
77
manumitted ( K 8 ) and may have had, like his father, a house for sale ( cf. C 42 : 5 ) · The loan contracts shed some light directly upon the needs of the aver age Jew and, indirectly, upon his means. Ten Egyptian documents deal with loans and obligations : four demotic (M 3, 4, 5; P. Strassburg 4 69 ) and six Aramaic ( C 10, 1 1, 29, 35, 49; K 1 1 ) . In no two of these documents are the terms alike. Yet, in three documents concerning lending of silver, the amount of the loan was small-four shekels ( C 10) or 4 shekels/kite by-the-stones-of-Ptal;1/of-the-Treasury-of-Ptal;1 ( C 1 1; M 4 ) -and interest was high. One ( C 10) and perhaps both of the Elephantine loans were made for a year. Interest was to be paid monthly at the rate of two l;1allurs per shekel, i.e., five per cent per mensem or sixty per cent per annum.70 Any unpaid interest was to be capitalized and bear interest along with the prin cipal. The demotic contract from Gebelen provided for the repayment of six kite after eight months, interest per annum thus being seventy-five per cent. The high rate of interest is especially conspicuous since the rate preva lent in Babylonia and Assyria over the centuries was twenty to twenty five per cent.71 It is apparent that the Egyptian loans were for purposes of consumption in a tight money market where the creditor had all the advantage. ' Various penalties were applicable in case the debtor failed to pay by the due date : ( 1 ) the creditor might seize as pledge "house of bricks, silver and gold, bronze and iron ( vessels ) , slave and handmaiden, barley, emmer and any other food to be found" (C 1O:8ff)-in short, anything but the debtor's children-until the loan was repaid. No vital objects were exempt nor could the debtor protest in court the seizure of a pledge against his will (C 10: 12ff) . Both Biblical and Babylonian law regulated the taking of pledges (CH 1 1 3f; Deut. 24: lOff) .72 Should the debtor or creditor die before the loan was repaid, the power to collect and the obligation to repay fell upon their heirs (C 10:8, 1 4£) . ( 2 ) The outstanding principal and interest were 69 M. Malinine, "Un pret de cereales a l'epoque de Darius I," Kemi 1 1 ( 1 9 50 ) , 1 -23. 70 In his discussion of "The Rate of Interest and the Text of Neh. 5 : 1 1 " E. Neufeld indicated his preference for the conjecture of Ch. Clermont-Can neau that there were 192 l:lallurs in the shekel and that the rate of interest was only 12 per cent;, cf. JQR 44 ( 1 953-54 ) , 204. He gives no reason for his pref erence and in the light of A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxxi, it is hard to see what can be given. 71 C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, I, 1 73ff; E. Neufeld, JQR 44 ( 1953-54) 194f. Some Neo-Assyrian documents specify higher rates, ' particularly where the interest is paid per mensem. 72 Cf. C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, op. cit., I, 208ff.
78
STANDARD OF LIVING
doubled 73 (e 1 1 :8f) and continued to bear interest. Such a stringent pen alty was probably due to the fact that the creditor was not empowered to levy a distress . ( 3 ) The balance bore interest at the rate of ten per cent per mensem or 120 per cent per annum ( M 4: 3f; d. M 5:6f) . Penalties of exorbitant interest in case of default are also to be found in a few Old and Neo-Babylonian and Assyrian contracts.74 Should the debtor in the demotic contract fail to pay, the creditor might levy a distress ( though it is not clear at what point ) upon all his possessions-"grain, field, slave, hand maiden, son, daughter, ox, ass, silver, bronze, clothing, anything"-until he was reimbursed ( M 4 : 5ff) . It will be noted that even the debtor's son and daughter were not withheld from the creditor. If silver was expensive, grain was even more so. A loan of grain made in Thebes in 499 required that 1 1/2 times the amount borrowed be repaid a month later ( M 3 ) . At Elephantine, for six seahs ( 2 ardabs ) of em mer borrowed in Thoth, twice 75 that amount was to be repaid out of the debtor's ration given him from the government house (K 1 1 :3ff ) , probably at the beginning of the following month. Both contracts provided for a penalty in case of failure to repay-the demotic contract required the pay ment of ten per cent grain per month ( M 3 : 5 ) and the Aramaic docu ment stipulated a fine of ten shekels was to be paid within twenty days after receipt of rations ( K 1 1 : 5ff) . The original loan of grain, in effect, was converted to one of silver. The fine of ten shekels was quite small compared with the usual Elephantine fine and probably bore some relation to the value of the grain, perhaps something like double the amount due (d. e I I :8f) }6 After the twenty-day "grace period," the creditor might seize as pledge any of the debtor's property to be found "in Elephantine, in Syene, or in the province" (K 1 1 : 1 1 ) .77 A provision with a grace period of 73 Double-payment penalties are frequent in Neo-Assyrian contracts; cf. K. Deller, "Zur Terminologie neuassyrischer Urkunden," WZKM 57 ( 1 961 ) , 3 5ff. I am indebted to Professor Y. Muffs of the Jewish Theological Seminary for this reference. 74 G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, op. cit., 176f; E. Neufeld, lac. cit. 75 A Twentieth Dynasty document shows that a loan of grain made at high Nile yielded 1 1/2, probably at harvest. When not paid, the amount due became twice the original amount a year later. Cf. T. E. Peet, "The Egyptian Words for 'Money,' 'Buy,' and 'Sell,' " Studies Presented to F. Ll. Griffith (London, 1932 ) , 1 26. For a different interpretation of Aramaic kp II ("in two install. ments " ) , cf . R . Yaron, "M"mubae Aramalcae. " 76 There is a figure for 1 40 B . C.E. where 1 ardab of emmer is worth 2 drachms; cf. P. W. Pestman, Marriage in Ancient Egypt, 148. 77 R. Yaron, TNES 20 ( 1961 ), 1 27£.
S TANDARD OF LIV ING
79
thirty days can be found in a demotic loan contract of 249 B.C.E. (P. Louvre 2443 ) .78 In the Elephantine document, the obligation devolved not only upon the debtor's heirs but on his guarantors as well (,drng [K 1 1 : 8ff] ) . Reference to a guarantor ( orb ) is also found in one of the Hermop olis letters (BK 1 : 9 ) . The other Aramaic documents are not loan contracts but deeds of obli gation. One case concerns two shekels of a woman's dowry which the hus band still owed the wife ( C 3 5 ) , probably after divorce. In the second case, the amount owed was fourteen shekels though it is not clear how the obli gation was incurred (C 29 ) . Both documents are broken off midway and the penalty clauses are missing. Nevertheless, the debtors at Elephantine were in a somewhat better position than were their brethren in Judah before the arrival of Nehemiah. Large sections of the population had become impoverished due to heavy land taxes and perhaps drought leading to famine. To maintain themselves they had to borrow the very necessities of life-grain, wine, and oil-and if unable to repay they were forced to hand over their fields, vineyards, and olive groves and even sons and daughters as pledges. When Nehemiah and his staff arrived, they, too, lent to the poor. But things reached such a pass that the people cried out to Nehemiah about their state of impoverishment, and he berated the rich for their exactions and forced them under oath to remit all debts (Neh. 5 : Iff ) .7g The situation of the Elephantine Jews does not suggest any widespread incurring of debt because of impoverishment or famine. These soldiers and their families received monthly rations and silver. Although the creditor might seize as pledge any property of the defaulting debtor, he could not seize the debtor's children. Now the Torah neither expressly countenances nor forbids the pledging of children or their seizure, but the practice did obtain in Israel ( 2 Ki. 4 : 1 ; Is. 50 : 1 ) as elsewhere in the Near East 80 and Egypt (M 2 : 6, 3 : 7, 4 : 6[?] ) . That this practice was not found in Elephan tine might be attributed to the fact that the Elephantine Jews were in the service of the Persian king and he could hardly tolerate a situation whereby 78 P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 68, n. 4. 79 Y. Kaufmann, Toledot ha-Emunah ha-Yisr"elit (Jerusalem, 1956 ) , IV/I, p off.
80 Laws of Eshnuna Par. 22, Code of Hammurabi Pars. 1 1 6f; C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, op. cit., I, 208-221; E. Szlechter, "L'affranchissement en droit sum ero-akkadien, " AHDO and RIDA 1 ( 1 952 ) , 1 44; Middle Assyrian Laws Pars. 39, 44, 48; C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws ( Oxford, 193 5 ) , 271-<)0; D. J . Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets (London, 1953 ) , Nos. 1 8-28, 30, 32, 36, 47-49; for the Nuzi material d. I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 29ff.
80
STANDARD O F LIVING
one of his soldiers or cadets would be held in bondage to another.81 It is worth noting in this regard that the slaves held by the Jews were Egyptians, as their names or those of their parents testify: Tebo and her three sons, Petosiri, Bela, Lilu (C 28 :4ff, 1 3 ) ; Tamut, daughter of Pethu (K 1 2 : 3 ) ; and Jedaniah, son of the woman Telw ( K 8 : 3 ) . In short, if not every family was as well off as the families of Mahseiah and Meshullam, who owned slaves and houses and were in a position to lend money, each was 'at least guaranteed a secure livelihood. Possession of a house, small and meager as it may have been, was apparently within the reach of most. If the needs of the moment made the position of the debtor an unenviable one, he had one advantage over his brethren in Judah prior to the arrival of Nehemiah-his children, and a fortiori he, might not be sold or seized for default. Whether he had to pay any taxes we do not know. Finally, his diet extended beyond the grain and legumes distributed by the government. It was enhanced especially by local products, some of which he himself may have raised on the small patches allotted to him or to his degel by the government. Food
The three major grains of Egypt during the Persian period were wheat, barley and emmer; an equal measure of each grain bore a cost value one to another of 9:6:4 (or 5 : 3 :2? ) .82 In terms of nutritional value, the ratio 81 l owe this suggestion to Professor R. Bowman of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. Bocchoris decreed that creditors might seize the property but not the person of a defaulting debtor. "The bodies of citizens should be long to the state. For it would be absurd, he felt, that a soldier, at the moment perhaps when he was setting forth to fight for his fatherland, should be hailed to prison by his creditors for an unpaid loan, and that the greed of private citi zens should in this way endanger the safety of all." As demotic loan documents from the Persian period indicate, the children of a debtor were subject to seizure but no right is given to the creditor to seize the debtor himself. The omission of such a right in the Aramaic contracts even with regard to the children is considered merely a coincidence by R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 41£, who writes, "There are no plausible grounds for holding that the Elephantine practice concerning the pledging of one's children was in advance of all other contemporary systems." But it should be noted that the Greeks also forbade debt enslavement; cf. W. L. Westerman, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia, 1 95 5 ) , 50ff; J. Korner, Das soziale und relig iOse Leben der Militarkolonie von Elephantine ( unpublished diss., Friedrich Schiller University, Jena; 1962 ) , 1 10. 82 For discussion of these relationships cf. Fr. Heichelheim, op. cit., 5 8f; M. Malinine, Kemi 1 1 ( 19 50) , 14f.
S TANDARD O F L I VING
81
means that four measures of wheat were the equivalent of six of barley, which, in turn, were the equivalent of nine of emmer.83 The Greeks assumed that two choenices of barley ( roughly two dry quarts ) 84 served as the equivalent of one choenix of wheat,85 the minimum daily grain ration for a man ( Hdt. VI.57, VIL187; Thuc. IY.16) . The barley equivalent in Greece was thus larger than in Egypt. Wheat is mentioned but once in our papyri (C 49 : 2 ) and was probably as rare in Elephantine as in Egypt generally during this period.s6 The grain most commonly mentioned in the papyri was barley.81 The following scale of payment at Syene is arrived at by using as a base the ration of one ardab of wheat per month 88 and as suming the Egyptian ratio of 2 : 3, which was probably used elsewhere in the Persian Empire: 89 Amount of barley 1 ardab l Yz ardabs 2Yz ardabs
Size of ration 1
�
l�
Number of men 22
2
30
88 E. N. Adler, J. G. Tait, Fr. M. Heichelheim, F. LI. Griffith, The Adler Papyri (London, 1939 ) , 99, n. 1; M. Mali nine, lac. cit. 84 For the equivalent of the choenix cf. F. O. Hultsch, Pauly-Wissowa, Real Encyclopedie ( Stuttgart, 1 899 ) , VI, 2356ff. 85 For full discussion of this relationship with emphasis that the amount of grain consumed per day varied from place to place as well as between male, female, and child and free and slave cf. A. Jarde, Les cereales dans l'antiquite grecque ( Paris, 1 92 5 ) , 1 2 8ff. Note too the reference in 2 Ki. 7 : 1 , 16, 1 8 where a seah of fine (wheat? ) flour sold for a shekel and 2 seahs of barley for the same price, showing a 2 : 1 ratio. 86 F. LI. Griffith, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri, III, 78, n. 1 . 81 C 2 : 3ff, 7f, 3 :4, 4 : 5, 1 0 : 1 0, 24: 38, 3 3 : 14, 3 5c, 4 5 : 8, 49 : 2, 64, 1 8, 66,4 88 Such a ration of one ardab of grain a month continued into the Hellenistic period; cf. M. Launey, Recherches sur les armees hellenistiques (Paris, 1 9 50 ) , 771, though it is not certain from all the documentation whether the ratio varied with the grain. 89 Travelling through Babylonia and Syria to Egypt Nakhtl:Ior was authorized by Arsham to receive from the supervisors of his domains 2 handfuls of white and three of inferior ( ? rmy) meal per day while each of his men received but one handful, probably of white meal, daily ( D 6 : 3ff) . We may note the follow ing: ( 1 ) an inferior and a superior meal stand in relation one to another of 3 : 2; ( 2 ) the officer is entitled to several times more than his men; ( 3 ) the grain ration of the average man is one quart per day, no doubt wheat being meant. In "The Ancient Mesopotamian Ration System" two quarts of barley was the average daily ration of that grain for the large class of semi-free work ers; cf. I. J. Gelb, TNES 24 ( 1965 ) , 230, 236.
I
)I 1 I
II
I
82
STANDARD OF LIVING
Since nothing is known of the rank o r position o f these men, one can only speculate why most of them received either more or less than the "mini mum" ration. Did the man also receive a ration for his wife? Women generally received less than men.90 Was an additional ration of emmer dis tributed (cf. K 1 1 :4) but recorded elsewhere (cf. AG 87 ) ? 91 Like wheat, barley was used not only to bake bread but also to brew beer, a very popular drink in Egypt (Hdt. 11.77; Strabo XVII.2.5, 824) .92 Indeed, bread and beer were the basis of the Egyptian meal from ancient times .93 Mishnaic law ( Pes. 3 : 1 ) expressly forbade the drinking on Passover of Egyptian zythos, a beer which smelled like wine ( cf. Strabo XVII. 1. 14, 799 ) and which was compounded of Y3 barley, Y3 safHower seed and Y3 salt ( Pes. 42b ) .94 Such a prohibition may also have been directed against the Elephantine Jews (C 21 :7 and Cowley thereon ) .95 90 Cf. the calculation of A. JarM:, op. cit., 1 3 2f, who assumed a % ration for women. The usual annual barley ration which husbands contracted to provide their wives was 24 40-hin measures. Unfortunately, the Egyptian hin-measure has not been precisely determined but taking the value of .46 liters found fre quently, we get an annual sum of 441 .6 liters of barley or 36.8 liters/month. Taking 1 Y2 ardabs of barley as the minimum monthly ration for a man we get ( .94 liters X 30 = 28.2 plus 14.1 = ) 42.3 liters as the value of a man's ration. The average woman's monthly ration was thus 87 per cent of that of the mini mal ration for the man. For the demotic marriage contracts cf. E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 260f, and P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 1 47; for the measure cf. C. F. Nims, "A Demotic Document of Endowment from the Time of Nectanebo I," Mit teilungen des deutschen archaologischen Institute Abteilung Kairo 16 ( 1 958 ) , 2 4I f; for the value of the hin cf. G . P . G . Sobhy, "An Eighteenth Dynasty Measure of Capacity," lEA 1 0 ( 1924 ) , 283f. 91 This papyrus fragment, discovered in 1 924-2 5 by J equier at the southern side of Ma�tabat-Firun, was not fully understood by its editor, N. Aime-Giron. It appears to be a record of accounts just like C 24. As in the Cowley papyrus So stood for "barley, ardab" so here k, apparently stands for knth 'rdb, "emmer, ardab," i.e., so many ardabs of em mer. Among the recipients whose names are legible a few ( 87a : 8, 1 1, 87b :4, 1 5, 1 9 ) are feminine, though they are among the recipients of the larger and not the smaller ration. Notice that in 87a : I 4 lentils are distributed instead of emmer; cf. C 2 where" ardabs of lentils and barley are distributed. N. Aime-Giron dates the papyrus toward the end of the Persian rule in Egypt, but J. Naveh, The Development of the Aramaic Script (Hebrew) , 52, prefers a date in the second half of the fifth century. 92 For the brewing process cf. A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials and In dustries (London, 1962; 4th ed. ) . l Off; P. Montet, Everyday Life in Egypt in the Days of Ramesses the Great ( London, 1 9 5 8 ) , 87£. 93 A. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt ( London, 1 894 ) , 192. 94 H. F. Lutz, Viticulture and Brewing in the Ancient Orient (Leipzig, 1922 ) , 74f, 8 1 f. V5 Most recently P. Gre1ot, "Etudes sur Ie 'Papyrus Pascal' d'Elephantine,"
S TANDARD O F LIVING
83
The grain most widely cultivated during the Persian period was bt (de motic; Coptic, boti ) = olyra ( Greek) . Herodotus ( 11.77 ) observed that the Egyptians lived on a bread made of this grain which they baked into loaves called kyllestis (Egyptian krilt) .96 Both the Greek and demotic words are often translated "spelt" but it seems clear that what is indicated is "emmer" (triticum dicoccum ) .91 The same meaning must attach to Aramaic kntn, translated "spelt" by both Cowley (C 10 : 10 ) and Kraeling (K U : 3ff) .98 If the account fragment from Ma�tabat Firun is correctly interpreted,99 it would show the following three-part ration for emmer: :100 2 Yz ardabs 5 ardabs 10 ardabs
4 persons
2 persons 2 persons
The reason for the difference is not known, but according to my interpreta tion of the three-part scale of barley rations at Syene, a full emmer ration would be ( I Y2 : 2 : :x : 3 = ) 2 � ardabs, close to the minimum ration noted above. The sum of six seahs ( 2 ardabs ) borrowed by Ananiah b. Haggai ( K l l : 3 ) was thus almost a full month's ration. The terms of the loan contract ( K 1 1 :4 ) assume that his monthly ration amounts to at least four ardabs of eIl1mer or its equivalent. In a loan contract provision would often be made for repayment in a kind of grain different from that borrowed.101
I
VT 4 ( 1 954 ) , 361ff and his revised opinion in "Le Papyrus Pascal d'Elephan tine et Ie probleme du Pentateuque," VT 5 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 2 5 5f, especially n. 2 on p. 2 5 5 · 96 Cf. S . Sauneron, "Pain," G . Posener (ed. ) , Dictionnaire de la civilisation egyptienne ( Paris, 1 9 59 ) , 210; A. Erman and H. Grapow, "Worterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache (Leipzig, 19 3 1 ) V, 1 36. 91 Cf. the discussion in A. H. Gardiner, "Ramesside Texts Relating to the Taxation and Transport of Corn," TEA 27 ( 1 941 ) , 27f; F. Ll. Griffith, op. cit., III, 78f, n. l l ; 226, n. 1 1 . E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 260; P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 1 47f; and the unequivocal statement of C. F. Nims that "spelt was never grown in ancient Egypt"-"The Bread and Beer Problems of the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus," TEA 44 ( 1 958 ) , 63. He calls special attention to the study of Percival, "Cereals of Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia," Nature 1 3 8 ( 1 936), 271. 98 Cf. W. Zohary, "Flora," G. A. Buttrick (ed. ) , The Interpreter's Diction- , ary of the Bible (New York, 1962 ) , 11, 286. 99 See n. 91, above. 100 One person gets only 2 ardabs, not 12 as erroneously recorded by Aime Giron for 87a: 13, and another 2 5, a multiple of these rations. The sons of I:Iap[ican lh receive 1 5 ardabs, also a multiple. Again we do not know to what the differences are due. 101 Cf. the demotic loan contract studied by M. Malinine, Kemi 1 1
84
ST AN DARD OF LIVING
Some kind of exchange is indicated in an ostracon addressed to the woman Islal) (CG 1 52 concave : If, 5 ) , "I am sending you vegetables ( bql» tomor row . . . Now, exchange for me barley. . . ." 102 Grain was also used as a means of payment. Makkibanit wrote to Apries, "Take barley from Tashi and give (in exchange ) for beams" (BK 3 :9) . As noted, the other staple distributed by the government was lentils ( C 2 :4f/ 13 : 5; AG 87a : 14) .103 Lentils appeared alongside barley in Egyptian tombs. They may have been cooked into a stew to be eaten with bread (d. Gen. 2 5 : 34) or ground into flour and baked into bread, especially among the poor, as is still done in southern Egypt to this day.l04 Another vegetable which may have been eaten by the Elephantine Jews was the bean ( CG 16 convex: 5) .105 This, too, was usually made into a stew. Beans and lentils, always part of the diet of the Israelite, were among the foods offered the fleeing David upon his arrival at Mahanaim ( 2 Sam. 17 :27f) . In addition to the staples provided by the government, the soldier's diet was enhanced by fruits native to Elephantine and its environs and vegeta bles he grew or bought in the local market. There were certain products for which Egypt was always famous and these, too, may have been found upon the Elephantine table. Two different kinds of palm trees were grown in and around Elephan tine-the date-palm and especially the dam-palm.l06 Both yielded edible fruits. The dates were used to make wine and to sweeten beer as well as for medicinal purposes. The fruit of the dom-palm was made into cakes and ( 19 50 ) , Iff, and the support clauses in many later demotic marriage contracts; E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 260ff. 102 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, "L'ostracon arameen du Sabbat," Semitica 2 ( 1 949 ) , 3 5f; B . A. Levine, "Notes on an Aramaic Dream Text from Egypt," TAOS 84 ( 1964) , 20; F. Rosenthal, ed., An Aramaic Handbook ( Porta Linguarum Orientalium, 10; Wiesbaden, 1967 ) 1/1, 1 2f. 103 The word tlPl,tn is to be translated "lentils" and not "beans," as in Cow ley; cf. F. Perles, "Zu Sachaus 'Aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka,' " OLZ 14 ( 191 1 ) , 500 with reference to Pliny, Nat. Hist. XVIII .31, 1 2 3 . I. Low, Ara maeische Pjlanzennamen ( Leipzig, 1 881 ) , 140; H. L, Strack, ZDMG 65 ( 19 1 1 ) , 836. 104 Cf. I. Low, Die Flora der Tilden (Vienna, 1924 ) , II, 444f; G. E. Post, "Lentils," J. Hastings (ed. ) , A Dictionary of the Bible (New York, 1900) , III, 95; J. C. Trever, "Lentils," G. A. Buttrick ( ed. ) , The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (New York, 1962 ) , III, 1 1 1 . 105 A. Dupont Sommer, "Ostraca arameens d'1'tIephantine," ASAE 48 ( 1948 ) , 109-1 1 6 with Plate and Fig. 106 For full discussion of these trees and their products cf. V. Tackholm and M. Drar, Flora of Egypt (Cairo, 1950 ) , 11, 1 64-296. See also Plate 7a, -
S TANDARD O F L IVING
85
also used medicinally. The Egyptians loved wine but the home production of grape wine was not sufficient to meet the demand. In the district around Elephantine, the vine was probably not cultivated till the Ptolemaic pe riod.l07 Herodotus ( 111.6) reported that "earthen jars full of wine are brought into Egypt twice a year from all Greece and Phoenicia besides." 108 The remains of about sixty Phoenician jars were discovered in two adja cent rooms of the Aramean building on site k at Elephantine. From the few jars which were successfully restored, two types were distinguishable: Type I was somewhat stout of body and fifty cm. high; Type II was narrow and sixty-five cm. high. Both types narrowed down to a point at the bottom and were meant to rest in stands or be pushed into the ground. The sides of the jars were very thick and the clay well-levigated. All of those of Type I and some of Type II were coated within to make them impermeable.l09 These jars resemble those pictured elsewhere in Egypt and known to con tain wine; 110 it is not unlikely, therefore, that they contained imported Phoenician wine.11l The theophorous names in Phoenician and Aramaic inscriptions written on their outer surface suggest that the jars originally arrived in Memphis and passed into the possession of Phoenician settlers there. They were subsequently transported to Elephantine, filled with wine or grain supplies for the garrison.112 ( See Plate 5b. ) Fig trees, also widely cultivated in Egypt,ll3 were famous at Elephantine during classical antiquity for their perennial leaves (Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. 1.3.5 ) . 107 Cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. XVI.33, 81; H. F. Lutz, Viticulture and Brewing in the Ancient Orient, 14. 108 Elsewhere he states, "For wine they use a drink made of barley for they have no vines in their country" (11.77.4) . He apparently did not visit the vine growing districts of the Delta; cf. W. G. Waddell, Herodotus Book II (Lon don, 1939 ) , 194. For viticulture in general in Egypt, cf. A. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, 1 96ft; Lutz, op. cit., 2-19. 109 W. Honroth, O. Rubensohn, F. Zucker, "Bericht tiber die Ausgrabungen auf Elephantine in den J ahren 1906-1908," ZAS 46 ( 1909-10 ) , 2 5ft; figs. 6 and 7· 110 Cf. the figures in A. Erman, op. cit., 192, where the wine jars are resting in stands and adorned with wreaths and embroidery; p. 198, where they are resting in the ground. III For discussion of wines imported from Phoenicia cf. H. F. Lutz, op. cit., 1 6f, 22ft. 112 Cf. M. Lidzbarski, PhOnizische und aramaische Krugaufschriften aus Elephantine (Berlin, 1 9 1 2 ) , 20. 113 A. Erman, op. cit., 1 99; R. Muschler, A Manual Flora of Egypt (Berlin, 191 2 ) , I, 246ft, for the various varieties of cultivated and wild figs.
86
STANDARD OF LIVING
It will be recalled that in their wanderings through the wilderness, the Israelites longed for the "fish, cucumbers, melons, leeks, onions and garlic" which they had left behind in Egypt (N urn. 1 1 : 5 ) . Elephantine was known as the habitation of the "fish-eaters" who were called upon by Cambyses to undertake an intelligence mission for him in Ethiopia (Hdt. III.I9ff) . Although these particular "fish-eaters" were not Jews,114 undoubtedly Jews did eat fish,115 roasted" boiled (Hdt. 1I.77 ) , or salted.ll6 There is also evi dence that cucumbers were not only eaten by the Elephantine Jews (CIS 2/1, 137 verso ) 117 but also cultivated by them ( SC N : 2 ) .118 A correspond ent informed AI:mtab that there was no more cucumber seed and added some reference to "seed of gourds" ( dilliic'in ) , a "digging" plant i n the same family as melons.1l9 It is not known whether the pungent leeks, onions and garlic were used by the Elephantine Jews to spice their meals. The usual spice at Elephantine was simple salt, to which there are several references in the ostraca (CG 16 concave : 2, 169 concave : 2, convex :l, 1 86 concave : 5 ) /20 and which was found in Egypt in abundance?21 A supposed reference to the borage ( CIS 2/1, 1 37) 122 is unlikely.123 Since some of the Elephantine Jews raised sheep and goats 1 24 they may 114 Cf. E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 27. 115 Cf. the dispute regarding some fish in C 45 and CG 1 86 convex : lf; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un astracan inedit d'Elephantine," RSO 32 ( 1 9 57 ) , 408. Fish were imported by the land-locked Judahites from such sea-dwellers, mari ners and merchants as the Tyrians ( d. Neh. 1 3 : 16 ) and sold in Jerusalem at the Fish Gate (Zeph. 1 : 10, Neh. 3 : 3 ) . 116 For the process d. A. Lucas, op. cit., 304f. 117 A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 ( 1 948 ) , 1 2 8f; but d. p. 275, below. 118 A. E. Cowley, "An Aramaic Ostrakon from Elephantine, " PSBA 37 ( 1 91 5 ) , 221 . 119 A. E. Cowley, Zoe. cit. In Mishnaic sOurces (Terumoth 8: 6, Maaseroth 1 :4) gourds, watermelons and muskmelons are frequently classified together with cucumbers. For the term 1:tapirah d. Tos. Ned. 4 : 3 . 120 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 ( 1948 ) , 109ft; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un ostracon arameen in edit d'Elephantine adresse a Ahutab," RES ( 1 94245 ) , 65ft; idem, RSO 32 ( 1 957) , 407. 121 The Ptolemies made salt a royal monopoly; d. C. Preaux, op. cit., 249ft and A. Dupont-Sommer, RES ( 1942-45 ) , 73f. The latter would interpret such passages as Ez. 4: 1 4, 7 : 22 as indicating that the Persians also had established a salt monopoly. He translated CG 1 69 concave:4f zbnw mn ,Zpy ,bwf> zy yb "buy (salt) from Alphaios the ferryman of Elephantine" and suggested that he was in charge of the sale of salt; but d. J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1967 ) , 5 5 5 . 122 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 ( 1948 ) , 1 21f. 123 Cf. B . A. Levine, JAOS 84 ( 1 964 ) , 1 9; H. Donner and W. Ri:illig, Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1962-64 ) , No. 270. 124 See section on "Clothing."
STANDARD O F LIVING
87
have enjoyed milk, curds, and cheese. Goat's milk was popular in Israel ( Prov. 27:27 ) , and cheese and curd were among the products brought to David at Mahanaim ( 2 Sam. 17:27ff ) . A correspondent wrote, " [Your wel fare may the Lor]d of Hosts see[k at all times. Now, I have se]nt you one piece of cheese" ( CG 1 67) .125 In the earlier periods, at least, the Egyptians ate a considerable amount of meat and fowP26 For the Israelite, a meat meal required ritual slaughter, i.e., drawing out all the blood (Gen. 9 :4; Lev. 1 T 1Off; 1 Sam. 14: 32ff) , and resembled a sacrifice ( Lev. 1 7 : 1 ff; 1 Sam. 14: 33ff) with its attendant rituals ( 1 Sam. 9 : 12f, 22ff ) . The Elephantine Jews probably performed the paschal sacrifice,127 and they did offer up holocausts of ovine, bovine and caprine animals (C 33 : 10) . Allusion was made to dNm (C 3° : 28//3 1 : 27) , "wel fare sacrifices," and perhaps also to the distribution of such a choice part as Samuel presented Saul at Ramah ( 1 Sam. 9: 24; SC P ) y8
Clothing When the Israelites first descended into Egypt they were shepherds (Gen. 47 : 3 ) . Their descendants in Elephantine also raised sheep, perhaps pasturing them on royal land.129 A fellow wrote to Uriah, "Now, verily, your large ewe has reached shearing. Her wool is already being plucked by the thorns .. Now come and shear her." If Uriah could not come that day, his correspondent volunteered to wash the ewe, thereby readying it for his 125 A. Dupont-Sommer, " 'Yaho' et 'Yaho-Seba)ot' sur des ostraca arameens inedits d'EIephantine," CRAl ( 1 947 ) , 1 79f. 126 P. Montet, op. cit., 7 5ff. 127 Cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 9 5, and P. Crelot, VT 4 ( 19 54 ) , 349ff, 5 ( 1 955 ) , 2 50ff; d. pp. 1 2 8ff, below. 128 Cf. C. R. Driver, "Problems in Aramaic and Hebrew Texts," ANOR 1 2 ( 1 93 5 ) , 58; for discussion o f the sacrifices a t Elephantine, see A . Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine (Paris, 1937 ) , chap. iv. 129 Two demotic ostraca from Elephantine during the 3rd century B.C.E. have been interpreted as being receipts for pasturage tax. Their editor, C. Mattha, Demotic Ostraka from the Collections at Oxford, Paris, Berlin, Vienna and Cairo (Cairo, 1945 ) , 17 If wrote "the lJ.t rm-e-f-mn (if correctly trans cribed ) is quite likely the ennomion of C. O. [= U. Wi1cken, Criechische Os tralw aus Agypte'n und Nubien] I, p. 191, a tax paid by private owners of live stock for feedin g their flocks or herds upon th e pas tu reland of which the king was owner and operator." Such pasture land around Aswan, however little it might have been, may already have been under royal control during the Phar aonic and Persian periods in which case it could have been given or leased to the Elephantine soldiers as grazing land.
88
STANDARD OF LIVING
arrival ( Sachau PI . 63, 1 ) .130 On another occasion a son wrote to his mother, Kaviliah, to go to Syene and lend assistance to NPn>, shepherd of Sekhemre, who was seeking to sell. One good turn deserves another and the corre spondent hoped to gain from the shepherd a promised goat in return.l3l In addition to serving as sacrifices and providing dairy products, sheep may have furnished some of the wool for the garments which every woman brought into her hus1Jand's house upon marriage. Such garments seem to have been of two standard sizes : S x 5 cubits ( 1 1 .7' x 7.3' ) and 6 X 4 cubits ( S.S' x 5.9 ' ) , though slight variations of one half to one cubit are also indicated ( C 1 5 :7ff, 36: 2f; K 7:6ff) . Three different words were used to designate woolen garments, lbS, gmydh and sbyt,132 but it is not clear what the differences were. Two descriptive terms, medr ( K 7:S) and ns1.rf ( C 1 5 : 10) were appended to some of the names but their meaning is un certain.133 Some of the garments were described as having been dyed ( C 1 5 : 7f ) ; in one case (K 7 : S ) o nly a border of a handbreadth ( 2 .9" ) and 130 Cf. M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 2 5 5f; J. C. Greenfield, " 'Le bain des brebis,' Another Example and a Query," Orientalia 29 ( 1 960 ) , 98ft 131 Cf. A. Cowley, "Two Aramaic Ostraka," JRAS ( 1 929 ) , 1 07-1 1; J. Hem pel, ZAW 47 ( 1929 ) , 1 50; S. Daiches, "Some Notes on Ostrakon A," JRAS ( 1929 ) , 584£. 132 Lbs is the general word for "garment," "piece of clothing." The second word, read by Kraeling ( T 7) gmyrh is probably Akkadian gammidatu men tioned on several Neo-Babylonian tablets; cf. G. R. Driver, PEQ 87 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 93; E . Y. Kutscher, "New Aramaic Texts," JAOS 74 ( 1 954) , 2 3 6 who com pares gwmdyt in M. Kelim 29 : 1 . The etymology of sbyt ( C 1 5 :9; K 7 : 9 ) has been connected by E. Y. Kutscher, loco cit., with Syriac sbp, "a smooth gar ment." A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 48, sought to connect it with Hebrew sbt, "weav er's rod" and thought of "closely woven stuff." The demotic marriage con tracts use about three times as many different words for women's garments and the precise differentiations are not always certain there, either; d. E. Liiddeck ens, op. cit., 292ff. 1 33 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 210, suggested that the first word derived from the root cdr but was uncertain as to the translation: "hacked?" i.e., "flounced?" or "damaged?" But the garment is new and not likely to be damaged. J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1 953-54) , 340, translated a "stripped garment," short and sleeveless, though upon what authority is not clear. J . Korner, op. cit., 45, equated medr = mqdr, "dark," "black." This equation cannot be maintained because of the etymological koph in mqdr. The second word has been derived from Akkadian sa1;atu "pull off skin," hence, fleece with wool pulled off; F. E. Peiser, OLZ 1 1 ( 1 908 ) , 28; and from Hebrew root si:rf ( d. Jer. 9 : 7 si:rwf, "drawn out" ) and translated "finely woven" by A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 48. M. Lidzbarski, DLZ ( 1 906 ) , 3 2 1 4, noted that the Niphal form implied a non-Aramaic origin and suggested that the word was a trade term of the Phoenician merchauts.
S TANDARD OF LIVIN G
89
in another ( K 7: 10 ) , one of two fingerbreadths ( 1 .5") were so decorated.134 In almost every case the garment was described as new. The extraordinary size of even the smaller garment suggests that they were draped around the body. Whether the drapery follo"wed the style of Egypt or that of Judah is not known.135 The usual Egyptian garment was made of linen. It is strange that, of the three marriage contracts, only that of Jehoishma lists any linen garments ( K 7 : lOff) . Along with her four woolen garments she possessed four of linen. One is designated snt" a term also found in a demotic marriage contract (Snt) of 364/3 B.C.E. ( L S : 3 ) .136 Though the Elephantine garment was twice as long ( 6 X 3 cubits ) as the Edfu one ( 3Y2 X 2 cubits ) , it was worth less than half as much ( ca. 1 shekel as against 21/3 kite ) ; Egyptian linen varied considerably in texture 137 and such variations, no doubt, ac counted for differences in price. Men, too, we are told by Herodotus ( II.Sl ) , wore garments of two dif ferent kinds of material : "linen tunics with fringes hanging about the legs . . . and loose white woolen mantles over these." Among the items de posited by Shelomam b. Azariah with Asl;or b. Sel;o were "garments of wool and linen" (C 20 : 5 ) . In their letters, correspondents made frequent reference to the acquisition and transport of various items of clothing. 134 G. R. Driver, PEQ 87 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 93, maintained that Myb $bc ydyn meant not "dyed on both sides" (so Cowley and Kraeling) but "twice dyed," making the color fast and adding to the value of the garment; d. Pliny, Nat. Hist. IX.63, 1 37. For general discussion of Egyptian dyes d. A. Lucas, Ancient Egyptian Materials, 1 50ft 135 The size of the garments seems nowhere near that of any of the several garments described by M . G. Houston, Ancient Egyptian, Mesopotamian and Persian Costume and Decoration (London, 19 54; 2nd ed. ) , 74-97. Most of these garments, whether worn by men or women, are roughly of body length and width. The shawl, or Indian Sari type, draped around the woman, is several times longer than it is wide, whereas the Elephantine garments are not even twice as long as they are wide. For detailed discussion of the historical develop ment of Egyptian fashions and modes of dress d. A. Erman, Life in Ancient Egypt, 200-1 8. The garment worn by the Syrian ambassador from the time of Tutankhamon, figured on p. 2 1 7, appears to have been of rectangular shape, draped around the body. H . Anneler, op. cit., 2 8f, 32f, thought that the objects indicated in C 1 5 were rugs or carpets and not clothing since the hot Egyptian climate would seem to exclude woolen garments. But Hdt. 11.81 clearly indi cates that woolen garments were worn; for brief discussion and citation of references cf. A. Lucas Ancient Egyptian Materials, 146f. 136 B. Comoyer, "Termes egyptiens dans les papyri arameens du Musee de Brooklyn," RB 6 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 5 59; E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 236. 187 A. Lucas, op. cit., 1 66f. ,
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Writing from Memphis, Hosea called upon the recipient of the letter to acquire some five or six different kinds of garments from Bethe1tdn, to come immediately to Memphis, and to bring a cloak for him ( C 42 : 8ff, 1 3 ) . It is not clear what kind of garments were meant, though one was woolen and another perhaps was dyed. In a letter from Migdol, Osea in formed his son Shelomam, who was accompanying a caravan bound for Elephantine, that his 'earlier request for cloak and clothing had been ful filled though Osea had failed to bring the article to Shelomam at Memphis. Osea further informed Shelomam that he had bought for himself a linen cloak ( Padua 1 :8ff) .138 Writing to their family at Syene, Makkibanit and Nabushezib reported from Memphis the purchase of a tunic (BK 2 : 1 1 ) and some colored cloth ( BK 3 : 10) and expressed dissatisfaction with a garment sent ( BK 4 :4f ) .139 Another epistle, this one on a potsherd, records the request of a soldier, out cultivating a field, for some salt for his food; a pick to hoe and seed to sow; and a cloak to change (CG 16 ) .140 Elephantine-Syene had its tailors; Gadal requested that Micaiah send him the garment he was wearing so that it could be fixed (CG 70 ) .141 Another ostracon, according to an in genious interpretation, was addressed to the woman Salluah. It requested that Uriah consecrate a garment left by the addressor at the Temple.142 Unfortunately, none of the references to men's garments gives any indica tion as to the size or value of this clothing or as to how it was worn. Hides were tanned in Egypt from earliest times 143 and leather objects were included among the possessions of the Elephantine-Syene Jews and Arameans. Correspondents to Elephantine-Syene requested the dispatch of skins (C 37 : 10) 144 for a leather garment (BK 3 :7f) , while a marriage 138 E. Bresciani, "Papiri aramaici egiziani di epoca persiani presso il Museo Civico di Padova," RSO 3 5 ( 1960 ) , 1 1 -24; J . A. Fitzmyer, "The Padua Ara maic Papyrus Letters," JNES 21 ( 1 962 ), 1 5-22. 139 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 3 88, suggested that the word tqbtjh was also a garment. No etymology was given and I would offer a different explanation; d. below, pp. 267f, n. 7. 140 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Ostracons arameens d'Elephantine," ASAE 48 ( 1 948 ) , 1 09-1 1 6 and Fig. 1 . 141 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Le syncretisme re1igieux des juifs d'Elephantine," RHR 1 3 0 ( 1945 ) , 1 7-28. For a possible Syenian locus for Gada1. see p. 275. 142 N. Aime-Giron, "Trois ostraca arameens d'Elephantine," ASAE 26 ( 19 2 6 ) , 27-29 and PI. 2; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Maison de Yahve et vetements sacrees a Elephantine d'apres un ostracon arameen du Musee du Caire," fA 23 5 ( 1946-47) , 79-87; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 96£. 143 A. Lucas, op. cit., 3 3ff. 144 G. R. Driver, JRAS ( 1932 ) , 81 .
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contract referred to leather sandals 145 or a leather bag 146 ( K 7 : 20; cf. C 1 5 : 1 6, 5 5 : 8; K 2 : 5 ) . The soles of such sandals may have been made of leather, papyrus reed or palm bast, the latter from the local palm trees.141 In the latter part of the eighth century, the women of Jerusalem were subjected to a mocking denunciation by the prophet Isaiah ( 3 : 16ff) . We are indebted to him for a catalogue of feminine adornments. Although Isaiah did not include the use of eye-paint in his castigations, the Bible does refer to this practice, primarily with regard to foreigners ( 2 Ki. 9: 30; Job 42 : 14) or harlots ( JeL 4 : 30; Ezek. 23 :40 ) . Still, limestone cosmetic palettes were discovered in Iron II Megiddo,14 8 Beth-zur/49 Tell en-Na� beh/50 and elsewhere. In Egypt, eye-paint was used by both men and women. This cosmetic was commonly made of galena, a substance found on the Red Sea coast and near Aswan.l5l In house m, where most of the Ara maic papyri were found, the German excavators discovered a palette in the sh a pe of a fish with a lotus flower in its mouth.152 Such fish-shaped cosmetic dishes were common in Egypt. Also common were bronze mirrors 153 and at Elephantine these items were duly recorded in the marriage contract as property of the bride. By the time of her third marriage, Mibtahiah owned a mirror worth 1 Y2 shekels ( C 1 5 : 1 1 f) ; J ehoishma was the possessor of one worth a shekel (K 7: 1 3 ) ; and the slave girl Tamut had a very cheap one worth only 7Yz l;iallurs (K 2 : 5 ) . The Elephantine women did not confine their attention to their faces but also took proper care of their bodies. To counteract the effects of the 145 Cf. E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 234, with reference to J. N. Ep stein, ZAW 33 ( 1 91 3 ) , 2 2 5, who would have read C 1 5 : 1 6 snn mS>l1 / zy lJ-$n '/:tdt, "a new shoe of palm bast." It is more likely, however that the last three words go with prks. For pictures of ancient Egyptian sandals cf. A. Erman, op. cit., 227. 146 J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1953- 54) 339. ' 141 For sandals of palm fibre cf. Tackholm and Drar, Flora of Egypt, II, 227. 148 R. S. Lamon, G. S. Shipton, Megiddo I (Chicago, 1939 ) , PIs. 96, 1 08ff. 149 O. R. Sellers, The Citadel of Beth-Zur (Philadelphia, 1 9 3 3 ) , Fig. 53, No. 5· 150 C. C. McCown, Tell en-Na$beh Excavated Under the Direction of the Late William Frederic Bade (Berkeley and New Haven, 1947 ) I, 266, PI. 1 06. 151 A. Lucas, op. cit., 80ff, 1 96f; A. Erman, op. cit., 230; Beauty Treatment in Ancient Egypt (Egyptian State Tourist Dept., Cairo ) presents a popular and reliable treatment of the subject; A. Lucas, "Cosmetics, Perfumes and In cense in Ancient Egypt," lEA 1 6 ( 1 930 ) , 41-43. 162 Cf. W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-1 0 ) , 30. 153 Cf. A. Erman, op. cit., 2 30f.
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dry climate on their skins, both the men and the women of Egypt 154 and Judah ( 2 Sam. 1 2 : 20; Ru. 3 : 3 ) anointed their bodies with oil after wash ing themselves.155 In some of the later demotic marriage contracts the hus band promised to provide his wife with food, clothing, and oil, the latter presumably for her toilet.1ss In the Elephantine contracts, oil is listed among the objects that the bride brought into her husband's household. Jehoishma possessed no fewer than four different kinds : oil ( 2 handfuls ) , olive oil (four handfuls ) , scented oil (one handful ) , and castor oil ( K 7 : 2 0f) . The unspecified oil was probably the Egyptian n7J (sesame) , which is mentioned frequently in the demotic marriage contracts and used for food and buming in lamps as well as for anointing.157 Oil was frequently scented in both Egypt 15B and Judah (Song of Songs 1 : 3 ) , and the handmaidens Tamut and Jehoishma possessed a half and a full handful, respectively ( K 2 : 5f, 7 : 20 ) , of such perfume. The most popular oil was castor oil ( Ricinus communis ) for which there were two Egyptian terms : bb transcribed as qyqywn in Hebrew (Jon. 4: 6 ) , and as kiki in Greek ( Hdt. II.94; Diad. I. 34. 1 1 ) ; and tgm, transcribed as tqm in the Aramaic. The Greek word kroton applied to both ( cf. Pliny, Nat. Hist. XV.7, 25 ) .159 Herodotus ( II.94) reported that the kiki plant was very prolific and its oil was extracted by either bruising and pressing the seeds or else boiling them. Dioscorides stated that the oil was prepared by 154 For discussion of oil cf. J. A. Thompson, "Ointment," G. A. Buttrick (ed. ) , Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible ( New York, 1 962 ) III, 593fl'. 155 A. Erman, op. cit., 231ff; P. Montet, op. cit., 70f; N. E. Scott, The Home Life of the Ancient Egyptians (New York, 1 944 ) , "Toilet and Dress" opposite Fig. 2 1 . 156 Cf. E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 262, n. 2. 157 A. Lucas, op. cit., 3 36; L. Keimer, Die Gartenpflanzen im alten Agypten (Hamburg, 1924 ) , 1 8ff, 1 34f. 15B Cf. A. Erman, op. cit., 23If; A. Lucas, op. cit., 85fl'. 159 The equation of the Egyptian and Aramaic terms was first called to my attention by the late Professor W. Erichsen of Copenhagen; for this equation and for the identification of tgmjtqm with castor oil, d. L. Keimer, "Bemer kungen und Lesefriichte zur Altagyptischen Naturgeschichte," Kemi 2 ( 1 929 ) , 100ff; P . Grelot, "L'huile de ricin a Elephantine," Semitica 1 4 ( 1 964 ) , 63ff; E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 3 89 . For brief discussion of castor oil in Egypt, cf. A. Lucas, op. cit., 332. The term tqm also appears in CG 1 30, 1 3 6 and 1 37; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Note sur Ie mot TQM dans les ostraca arameens d'Elephantine," Semitica, 14 ( 1964) 7 1ff. See, too, I:I. Farzat, "Encore sur Ie mot TQM dans les documents arameens d'E1ephantine," Semitica 1 7 ( 1967 ) , 77-80.
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93
grinding the seeds in a mill, putting the ground mass into baskets and press ing it ( 1.38) . A similar process is followed today. In ancient times, this oil was used by laborers and the poor for anointing (Strabo XVII.2.5, 824) and is still used for this purpose today in Nubia. Tamut brought in with her six handfuls of tqm ( K 2 : 6) and Mibtahiah and Jehoishma five each ( C 1 5 : 1 6; K 7 : 20f) . On the basis of what the average Egyptian woman re ceived, this meant, respectively, a six- and a five-month supply.160 Aramean soldiers away at Memphis writing to their family at Syene made frequent requests for tqm, also in quantities of five handfuls (BK 2 : 13, 3 : 1 2, 4:7; cf C 37: 10) . In fact, there may have existed at Syene a place known as "the castor place" ( tqrm) (AG 99) .161 Perfumed oil or olive oil was bought by these soldiers in the north to be sent by messenger to their families at Syene ( BK 2 : 1 1 f, 3 : 10 ) . Sometimes the castor oil which they received was exchanged for (less likely, mixed with ) some other oil (sesame? ) (BK 4:7) . The olive oil may have been im ported from Palestine, since olive trees were virtually unknown in Egypt in early times.162 Containers for the oil, "ladles" ( kpn ) , both of wood and of stone, are listed for Mibtahiah and Jehoishma (C 1 5 : 16; K 7 : 19) . Various bronze ob jects, such a� cups (C 1 5 : 1 2f; K 7 : 1 4 ) , bowls ( tm[s)]; C 1 5 : 1 2 ) and "jars" (C 1 5 : 1 3; K 7 : 1 5, 1 8 ) may have been items of the toilet as well as of the table.16B The Egyptian women kept their toilet in special chests which they 160 As noted, the demotic contracts mention two types of oil which the hus band agreed to provide the wife. The annual amounts vary: 1 2 hin of nlJ ( L 1 3 , 29 ) ; 1 2 hin of nlJ and 1 2 hin of tgm (L 19-21 , 25, 27, 3 5 ) ; 24 hin of tgm (L 1 0 ) ; 36 of nlJ (L 14) ; 24 of nlJ and 24 of tgm ( L 1 7 ) . The average seems to have been a hin of each kind per month, i.e. in toto roughly a quart a month; but d. P. Grelot, Semitica 14 ( 1 964 ) , 64, 7°, n . 2. 161 A sarcophagus inscription from South Saqqarah read "To Sheil, priest of Nabu, who resides tqm) at Syene." Aime-Giron suggested that tqm) meant "ordinarily" but Dupont-Sommer has now suggested the meaning, "the castor place"; d. E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 389 . A report on "Seed Oil Production in Egypt" in 1920 states that "The castor plant can be extensively and successfully grown in the South of Egypt. The feddan in these localities gives about three ardebs of seeds containing forty-eight to fifty-three per cent of oil." Cf. Y. E. Milad, Agricultural Journal of Egypt, 1 0 ( 1 920 ) , 39f. I am grateful to Professor P. F. Knowles, University of California, Davis, for this and other references on the castor bean . .162 Cf. A. Lucas, op. cit., 33 3ft 16B Cf. P. MOntet, op. cit., 69, who notes that "the usual toilet articles com prised a basin and a spouted vessel [here the zlwc?], the latter generally kept under the table on which the food stood." So, too, bronze tableware was com-
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STANDARD O F LIVING
put away under their beds?64 Such a chest may be indicated by the "wooden container (t[wy] ) 165 for her valuables" which belonged to Jehoishma ( K 7: 19 ) · In addition, she had a container of palm bast for her many woolen and linen garments ( K 7: 17) 166 and another object, perhaps also a con tainer, of papyrus reed, "inlaid ( ? ) with alabaster stones" ( C 1 5 : 1 5f; K 7 : 1 7f) .161 In house n the excavators discovered wickerwork objects-a bas 1 ket, a dish, and a tub, (Wanne) . 68
Shelter Demotic and Greek papyri from the Ptolemaic and Roman periods indi cate that Elephantine was divided into an "upper," a "middle" and a "lower" quarter.169 The Aramaic papyri, however, contain no references to any districts on the island or in the fortress. While it would seem that the majority of Jews lived near their Temple, they were not always the sale occupants of this area. Jews living opposite the Temple had as neighbors various peoples plying different crafts and pursuing diverse occupations. There was Marduk b. Palto, priest of I:I[an and 'At]ti (C 1 3 : 1 5 ) ; 110 the Khorazmian soldier Dargman b. I:Iarshin (C 6 : 2 ) ; the Caspian soldier Samon in Egypt throughout the centuries; cf. N. E. Scott, op. cit., "Tableware" and Fig. 1 5. 164 N. E. Scott, op. cit., "Toilet and Dress," and Fig. 27. 165 So perhaps we may restore on the basis of K 7: 17. 166 For the use of the leaves and stalks of the date- and dom-palm in making mats, baskets and bags, see V. Tackholm and M . Drar, Flora of Egypt, II, 1 87, 2 2 8, 276. 161 E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 236. 168 W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-10 ) , 30. For such Egyptian objects cf. N. E. Scott, op. cit., Figs. 9, 10, and 26. 169 U . Wilcken, "P. Eleph. und P. Eleph. dem.," Archiv filr Papyrusfor schung, 2 1 7, thought that the division had reference to the island, while O. Rubensohn, ZAS 46 ( 1 909-10) , 1 6f, thought that the reference was merely to the town, i.e., the ancient kom on the southern part of the island, since he saw no evidence of ancient settlement further north. Seb. Ronzevalle, however, who directed a 7-week expedition on the isand in 1 9 1 8, was of the opinion that the first few houses of the Nubian village in the northern part of the island, built as they were on an artificial mound, lay over part of the ancient site. This area still awaits excavation; d. A. Strazzul1i, P. Bovier-Lapierre, Seb. Ronze valle, "Rapport sur les fouilles a Elephantine de l'Institute Biblique Pontifical en 191 8," ASAE 1 8 ( 1 91 9 ) , 2. See Plates 1 and 8a. 110 Cf. Kraeling, op. cit., 78, n. 1 1 .
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tibar (K 3 : 8) and his daughter and son-in-law, Ubil and Bagazusht (K 3 : 2 ) ; the Egyptian cataract boatmen : Peftoneith ( C 5 : 1 3 ) and his son Espemet ( C 8:7f) , the brothers Pel:Ii and Pemet, sons of Tawi (K 1 2 : 20) ; and the Egyptian I,Ior b. Peteisi, gardener of the god Khnum (K 10:6) . The German excavator O. Rubensohn reported that the houses were built so close together that hardly any room was left for even a narrow street or a small courtyard 171 (Figure 2 and Plate 2 ) . At the same time, the director of the French expedition, Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, reported that their own excavations revealed "a network of streets and alleys clearly enough characterized." 112 Unfortunately, no plan of the French dig was published. The papyri make frequent references to 8Wq, "street" (C 5 : 1 2, 14, 1 3 : 14; K 6:6) and swq mlk), "street of the king" (K 3 : 8, 10, 4 : l Of, 1O : 4f, 1 2 : 19, 2 1 ) , and once mention ,ri:t mlk), "road of the king" (C 2 5 : 6f) . In most instaQces the "road" or the "street" separated the building in ques tion from the Temple of YHW. A "street" also separated private houses from each other ( C 5 : 12ff) and a "street of the king" even intruded upon a person's property, lying "between," as it were, Ananiah's "courtyard" and his "southern side" ( K 1O:4f, cf. 6:6) .173 Such streets of the king apparently designated, in many instances, nothing more than a public thoroughfare, an area not contained in a private courtyard or enclosure.174 The maih task of both the German and French excavators was the search for papyri. Still, the German excavators explored the buildings that had been uncovered and drew up a few plans. It was not possible to estab171 Cf. O. Rubensohn, Elephantine-Papyri (Berlin, 1907 ) , 3 . 172 Clermont-Ganneau to de Vogue, March 5, 1908; cf. J.-B. Chabot, "Les fouilles de Clennont-Ganneau a Elephantine," Journal des Savants ( 1 944 ) , 136. 173 In K 9 : 14f we learn that trb$ = lJ-yt ( demotic; cf. W. Erichsen, Demoti sches Glossar, 377 ) , "courtyard/porch," had a gate ( tre) of exit in it. In K 1 0 : 3 the scribe writes "and the courtyard-that is the gate ( bbh ) of exit"; for this reading d. Milik apud B . Couroyer, RB 6 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 5 57. In K 1 O : 4f Professor Z. Ben-Haim of the Hebrew University suggested to me that we translate, "west of it (is) that gate (hw bb, ) of yours for exit and the street of the king (is ) between them." (Cf. K 6 : 6 which also mentions the "street of the king" as intervening. ) Reversing the identification of 10: 3 we should understand that what lay on the other side of the street was not simply a gate but the courtyard/ porch with the gate. The scribe placed special emphasis upon the gate since a grant of part of the house would be of less value if it did not provide access to the outside. It is not to be understood from K 10 :4£ and K 6 : 6 that the street split the house in ·half. It merely intruded upon the house. For the reading rsy, "southern," instead of dsy cf. E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 954) , 237. 174 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 77.
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Figure 2. Sketch plan of the German excavations at Elephantine. Aramaic papyri were discovered in houses k, m, and n. W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1009-10 ) , Plate 3 .
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!ish a clear stratigraphy of the site for two reasons : ( 1 ) The German exca vators could not distinguish any differences in the method of construction of the private dwellings from earliest times down through the Arabic pe riod; (2) successive builders had never bothered to clear away the, debris or level off the construction work of their predecessors. They simply built on top of it. ( See Plate 7b.) In one spot four such superimposed structures were ascertained. The transactions recorded in the papyri either omit any reference to an upper story (e.g., C 1 3 ) or specifically indicate that the property under consideration was a "lower house," i.e., a "lower story" ( K 4:8, 9 : 12f, 10:2, 1 2 : 12; cf. Gen. 6 : 1 7 ) .175 The excavators reported, however, that most houses had two stories . Access to the upper story was by a staircase built against the wall, such as that on the southwest wall of the house of Ananiah b. Azariah ( K 6 : 5 [where restore wplg drg,), la, 13, 9:4, 7, 10, 1 5, 10 : 3 ) , or by a ladder raised to a hole carved into the ceiling. A hole found in the floor of a lower story indicated that it had been the upper story of an earlier building.176 In Egypt a house that was intact was described as "built and roofed" 177 or "fully provided with beams and doors." 178 A house in a state of disrepair would be described as "in ruins, but with its walls still standing." 179 Simi larly at Eleppantine, a structure in good condition was described as "built, containing beams, windows and ( two ) doors" ( K 1 2 : 1 2f, cf. 4 : 8, 9 : 1 2f, 1O:2f) . The particular section referred to in this description was part of a larger structure which had been purchased from the Caspian couple Baga zusht and Ubil by Ananiah b. Azariah and repaired by him. When pur chased it had either been unoccupied for some time or allowed to fall into a state of disrepair, for it was then described in the following terms : "its walls standing, its courtyard is (barren ) land and not built; windows are in it but it does not contain beams" ( K 3 :4f) .180 On another occasion, a piece 175 For discussion of the term cf. B . Couroyer, RB 6 1 ( 1 9 54) , 5 56f; E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 236; R. Yaron, TNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 1 29. 176 W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1909-1 0 ) , 1 7ff. 177 Cf. S. R. K. Glanville, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri in the British Museum ( Oxford, 1 9 39 ) , 4; so, too, almost all the conveyances in M. el-Amir, A Family Archive from Thebes (Cairo, 1 9 59 ) , where cf. p. 87. 178 p. Ryland 1 7 : 3; 44 : 5, 4 5 : 8; cf. F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of Demotic Papyri, III, 143f, 1 70, 1 7 3 . 179 Cf. the expression i n P . Strassburg 1, "the house o f P . son of H., which (is ) in ruins, but with its walls still standing"; S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., xxix. 180 Cf . E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 234f; B. Couroyer, RB 61 ( 19 54 ) , 5 59. Both cite the demotic parallels.
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like this was described as a "plot of land" (C 8: 3 ) .181 Such a plot was pre sented by Mahseiah to his daughter Mibtahiah upon her marriage to Jeza niah b. Uriah. Express permission was granted to the husband to "build up this plot" ( C 9: 5 ) . Its size was 2 1 .9 X 1 6.1 feet.182 Whether Ananiah's house, once repaired, contained two stories is not certain; whenever described, it is spoken of as "built is the lower story" ( K 4:8, 9 : 1 2f, 1 0 : 2, 1 2 : 1 2 ) .183 In any case, this lower story consisted of a large side (try rbi» , part of which was known as the southern side (try rsy) ( K 4 : 3, 6; 9:4, 1 l ; 10:3, 6, 1 2 : 1 3, 2 1 ) ; 184 a chamber; a courtyard or porch; 185 and a stairway under which there was some sort of room (byt prs» .186 This layout is very similar to that detailed in later demotic documents.187 TIle house's trapezoidal shape ( the two short sides, 8 and 1 2.4 feet, were parallel to each other and the sloping sides were 34.2 feet) approximated the size and shape of the house on site k that held a batch of Aramaic docu ments which disintegrated upon exposurc. The length of the latter house was approximately 34-4 feet, while its short sides measured approximately 1 1 .5 and 1 6.7 feet.188 Tne rooms were long and narrow as in other houses excavated at Elephantine.189 Since there was little wood available in the 181 Cf. already M. Lidzbarski, DLZ ( 1 906 ) , 3 2 1 3 ; E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 234f. 1 82 For the equivalent of the cubit d. R. B. Y. Scott, BA 2 2 ( 1 9 59 ) , 22f. 183 Cf. n. 1 7 5 above. If there was no upper story in this house then the stairs led to the terrace upon which some light structure might be erected; d. G. Per rot and G. Chipiez, A History of Art in Ancient Egypt (London, 1 883 ) II, 3 3ff. In fact, the roof itself was sometimes called the "upper house" in Egypt and such usage alone would account for a one-story dwelling being designated a "lower house"; for the Egyptian term cf. E. B. Smith, Egyptian Architecture as Cultural Expression (New York, 1938 ) , 201 . 1M For these two terms cf. H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 5 8; E. Y. Kutscher, ibid., 2 3 5, 237. 185 The Aramaic trblf' is explained in two of the documents as being the equivalent of Egyptian tlJ,yt ( K 6 : 5, 9 :4 ) , which means "a pylon gateway or porch, similar no doubt to the rooms in the thickness of the wall, which serve as gateway and quarters for the bawwab in eastern houses today"; d. S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., xxxiii. Cf. n . 173 above. E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 237, n . 30, says that from a meaning of "courtyard" one o f "entrance" might well develop; d. twrbll hwst: 'the wide part of the gullet.' '' (See Figs. 8-10.) 186 B. Couroyer, RB 61 ( 1954) , 5 54ft 187 P . Strassburg 1 : 1 ; S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., xxvii-xxviii, xxxiii-xxxiv as corrected by B. Couroyer, loco cit.; P. Ryland 1 7 : 3 . 188 W. I-Ionroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 9°9-10 ) , 23ff, 28ff; see Fig. 3 . Another possible interpretation of the dimensions of Ananiah's house is given in Fig. 10. 189 Ibid., Tafel IV-house g-a late Roman or Byzantine house; see Fig. 4.
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Figure 3 . A Persian period house on site k. Aramaic papyri, totally disinte grated, were discovered by the east wall of room 1 . A deposit of large jars was discovered in the southeast corner of room 2 and in room 3. On the southwestern wall of the late Roman house there was a Greek inscription, "Homage of the Foreigners." W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1909-10) , Plate 5.
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Figure 4. Brick house g from the late Roman or Byzantine period. The inner walls were coated with a thin layer of white stucco and contained three stone-lined wall niches. The rooms and part of the corridor were roofed by barrel vaults. There was only one window and so the entry court was unroofed to provide additional - -\
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STANDARD O F LIVING
101
area for ceiling beams, the roofs in most of the excavated houses were brick barrel vaults. Still, there are many references in the papyri either to the presence of beams ( K 4:8, 6:4, 9 : 13, 10:2, 1 2 : 1 3 ) or to their absence (K 3 : 5 ) . Two Hermopolis letters also refer to beams. Makkibanit wrote to Ta shi, "Give grain (cbr) to Apries and let him buy beams and leave them in his house. Do not stand in his way. Let him buy every beam which he finds" (BK 2 : 14ff) . At the same time he wrote to Apries, "Take barley from Ta shi and give ( in exchange ) for the beams. Leave every beam which you find with Mmh" ( BK 3 :9f) . The timber of the date-palm or the dam-palm from around Elephantine is good and was used in ancient and modern times for posts, beams, doors, etc. 190 The regular building material used on the island for the construction of private dwellings was sun-dried brick made of Nile mud.l9l In contracts of obligation (C 10 :9; K 1 1 : 1 1 ; cf. C 3 : 1 8 ) , "a house of bricks" headed the lists of objects which could be seized by a creditor from a defaulting debtor. 192 The walls of these buildings were usually carefully laid out with alternating layers of headers and stretchers and were extra thick ( 2 to 2¥2 brick sizes ) to provide support for the downward thrust and weight of the vault roof. Bricks used in the arches were of smaller size and provided with four finger depressions to aid in the bonding. Stone was rare and was found only in steps, thresholds and window embrasures.193 Two of the houses for which a plan was provided show windows. The late Roman/Byzantine house g had only one window, in its southwest wall, facing the middle room ( cf. Figure 4) but the late Roman house on site k had five windows in its southeastern wall (see Figure 3 ) . In the Egyptian climate, windows were most welcome in the northern wall to catch the cool northern breezes in hot weather.194 Descriptions of the Elephantine houses contain several 190 Cf. V. Tackholm and M. Drar, Flora of Egypt II, 1 87, 22 5f, 276ff; J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967 ) , 5 5 1 . 191 "By Nile mud is signified material, brought down in suspension and de posited by the Nile which coheres on drying into a tough solid mass. . . . The toughness and hardness of the material when dried is taken advantage of in the manufacture of native unburnt bricks. . . . once properly baked in the sun, the mud bricks have a surprising resisting power"; J . Ball, Aswan Cataract of the Nile, 60. For a general discussion of brickwork in Egypt cf. e.g., F. Petrie, Egyptian Architecture ( London, 1938 ) , 3-1 3 . 192 C . G . Wagenaar, D e joodsche Kolonie van Teb-Syene in de 5" Eeuw voor Christus ( Groningen, 192 8 ) , 41, n. 3; H. L. Ginsberg, "Notes on Some Old Aramaic Texts," TNES 18 ( 19 59 ) , 1 49; J. Hoftijzer, UNotae Aramaicae," VT 9 ( 1959) , 3 16. 193 W. Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-1 0 ) , 1 8. 184 A. Badawy, "Architectural Provision against Heat in the Orient," TNES 17 ( 1958), 122ff.
1 02
STANDARD O F LIVING
references to windows (K 3: 5, 4:8, 1 2 : 1 3 ) ; in one case three are enumerated (K 9 : 1 3 ) . In the two instances where locations are given, the windows ap pear to have been in the northern wall ( C 25: 5f; K 1 2 : 21 ) 195 Doors (K 9 : 13, 10:3, 1 2 : 1 3 ) and gateways ( K 9 : 1 5, 1O:3f) are also expressly men tioned in the deeds of conveyance. Descriptions of the gateways assumed special importance since they stipulated rights of exit to and entry from the public thoroughfare (K 9 : 14f, 10:4, 1 2 : 2 1 £ ) , rights which might be denied by a co-owner or a neighbor unless expressly specified ( d. C 5 : 12f ) . The five gateways in the Temple of YHW were made of carved stone (C 30 : 10//31 :9) .196 The description continues, "and their doors were stand ing," i.e., in good, strong condition.197 Similarly, the expression in a deed of conveyance ( K 9: 1 3 ) , "one door is in it, shutting and opening," indicates that the door was in operating condition. Otherwise reference was made to a door to indicate that what was meant was an actual door, perhaps of palm timber, and not a simple hanging cloth.198 Unfortunately, the two houses in which most of the Aramaic papyri were discovered, houses m and n, were so badly destroyed that it was im possible to draw up a plan of their structure. .
195 See Appendix n. 196 A. Vincent, op. cit., 348f. 197 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 0 1 , n . 5. 198 C . Perrot and C. Chipiez, op. cit., 3 5, quote an earlier work to the effect that "Doors and windows opened generally in the middle. They opened inwards and were fastened by means of bolts and latches. . . . Most of the inner doors were closed merely by hangings of some light material."
PART
II
RELIGIOUS LIFE
IV WORS H I P O F YHW
Temple of YHW The name of the Israelite deity is the tetragrammaton YHWH. In this form it appears over six thousand times in the Bible; once in the ninth cen tury Mesha Stela (line 1 8 ) from Moab; reportedly in an eighth century seal; 1 a dozen times or so in the early sixth century ostraca from Lachish; 2 and several times in the ostraca from Arad.3 An abbreviated form of the name, YH, appears some twenty times in poetic passages of the Bible.4 The tetragrammaton never appears in personal names. In these, the regular form is YHW (occasionally YW ) , either as the initial or the final element of the name. In the post-exilic period, both in fifth century Judah and at Ele phantine, the trigammaton at the end of a name is shortened to YH. The noteworthy fact, however, is that the tetragammaton never appears at Ele phantine. The regular form of the divine name in the papyri, when not part of a personal name, is YHW, while in the ostraca it is written YHH.6 Even
1 For the Mesha inscription d. A. H. van Zyl, The Moabites (Pretoria Oriental Series, 3; Leiden, 1960 ) , 1 36ff. The unpublished seal is in the Har vard Semitic Museum; d. F. M. Cross, "Yahweh and the God of the Patri archs," HTR 5 5 ( 1962 ) , 2 5 1 . 2 Lachish 2 : 2, 5 , 3 : 3, 9, 4 : 1 , 5 : 1 , 7f, 6 : 1 , 1 2, 8 : 1 , 9 : 1 , 1 2 : 3. For translation of the Lachish letters cf. W. F. Albright apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 32lf. 8 Two ostraca have been published so far and in one the name appears twice; d. Y. Aharoni, "Hebrew Ostraca from Tel Arad," IEJ 1 6 ( 1 966 ) , 5f (Fig. 2, lines 2, 9 ) . 4 Ex. 1 5 : 21lIs. 1 2 : 21IPs. 1 1 8 : 14, Ex. 1 7 : 1 6; Is. 26 :4, 3 8 : 1 1; Ps. 68 : 5, 19, 77 : 1 2, 89 :9, 94 :7, 1 2, 102 : 1 9, 1 1 5 : 1 7f, 1 1 8 : 5, 1 4, 1 7ff, 122 :4, 1 30 : 3, 1 3 5 : 3f, 1 50:6. 5 The spelling YHH is probably an orthographic variation of YHW; cf. yrlJ,h for Jericho ( 1 Ki. 1 6 : 34) . In th e papyri YHH alone appears only in C
1 06
WORSHIP OF YHW
the common Biblical compound "YHWH of hosts" is written "YHH of hosts." 6 Classical writers, the Church Fathers, magical papyri, and a Qum ran fragment of Leviticus (4QLXX Levb ) have preserved in Greek a form of the divine name, "lao," no doubt the equivalent of YHW.7 It seems that this triliteral form of the divine name found in pre-exilic personal names, dominant at Elephantine, and popularly known in the Hellenistic-Roman period, was virtually cop fined to the vernacular.s The literary form was al most always YHWH and in some of the Qumran scrolls, as well as in Greek translations of the Bible, it continued to be written in the old script.9 Unfortunately, no sacred writings were uncovered at Elephantine. 1 3 : 14 but that document possesses numerous orthographic peculiarities. It is also found in the personal names J ehour (C 1 : 2 ) and J ehodad (C 1 1 : 1 3 ) and appears regularly in the ostraca (CG 70 : 3; Cairo 49624 : 3 ) , especially in the oath "by the life of YHH" ( CG 1 4 convex: 1, 20 concave: 3, 41 convex : 5, 56 concave: 7, 1 52 concave :3, 7, 174 concave :2, 1 8 5 convex:6, 214 concave : 2 ) and "YHH of hosts" (cf. n. 6 ) . Cf. N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1 926 ) , 27ff; A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI ( 1947 ) , 175ff. E. G. Kraeling read YH in the endorse ment to K 3 but it is possible that the word was originally written YHW and that the waw has faded; cf. the plate. In two names the initial theophorous element is written defectively, YH : Jahnathan (C 2 : 2 1 ) and Jahishma (K 5 :4, 7, 9ff, 6 : 2, 1 0 : 2 1 [?] ) . 6 CG 1 67 concave: 1, 1 7 5 concave:2, 1 86 concave: l f; cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI ( 1 947 ) , 1 7 5ff. Cf. the stimulating study of M. Tsevat, "Yahweh Sega,ot," HUCA 36 ( 1 96 5 ) , 49ff, who renders this term "Yahweh (Is) Armies," comparing the new Jewish Publication Society translation of Num. 1 0 : 36, "Return, 0 Lord, You who are Israel's myriads of thousands." 7 For references see A. Vincent, op. cit." 3 7ff; P. W. Skehan, "The Qumran Manuscripts and Textural Criticism," Supp. to VT 4 ( 1 9 56 ) , 1 57. 8 Cf. already the view of Kittel quoted by L. Elau in the fine article on the "Tetragrammaton" in I. Singer, ed., The Jewish Encyclopedia (New York, 1907 ) XII, 1 1 8ff; differently, G. R. Driver, "The Original Form of the Name 'Yahweh,' '' ZAW 46 ( 192 8 ) , 20f. For more recent surveys of the subject cf. B. W. Anderson, "Names of God," G. A. Buttrick, ed., The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, II, 409ff; U . Cassuto in Encyclopaedia Biblica (He brew) I, 307ff; J. Korner, Der Militarkolonie von Elephantine, 1 3 8ff. See, too, the remarks of F. M. Cross, HTR 55 ( 1 962 ) , 2 5off. 9 Cf. e.g. 1 QpHab. 6 : 14, 1 0 :7, 1 4, 1 1 : 1 0 and discussion by A. M. Haber man, Megilloth Midbar Yehuda (Tel-Aviv, 1959 ) , 30ff; lQPS 127, lQpMic, 1 QpZeph (cf. D. Barthelmy and J. T. Milik, Qumran Cave 1 [Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, 1; Oxford, 1955], 71, 77, 80 ) . The tetragrammaton is regularly written in Palaeo-Hebrew script in the Psalms scroll; cf. J. A. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 1 1 ( l 1 QPS" ) (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan, IV; Oxford, 1965 ) , 6.
WORSHIP O F YHW
107
The Israelite deity was at the same time far and near, transcendent and im manent. 1o Three terms which express this polarity are "God of Heaven," "Lord of Hosts," and "indwell" (skn) . YHWH created heaven and earth (Gen. 1, 14: 22, etc. ) , dry land and sea (Jon. 1, : 9 ) , and "took" Abraham from his homeland to father a nation which would possess the land of Ca naan (Gen. 24:7) . This deity was the "God of heaven and (the God of) earth" (Gen. 24 :3; Ez. 5 : 1 1 ) , or simply "the God of heaven" (Gen. 24:7; Jon. 1 :9; Ez. 5 : 1 2; d. Ps. 136:26) . From His heavenly Temple, He heard the cry of His people in Egypt and He came down to deliver them (Ex. 3 : 7f; d. 2 Sam. 22:7//PS. 1 8 : 7 ) . He descended again upon Mount Sinai to conclude with them a covenant (Ex. 19: 1 1, 20 : 19; d. 24: 10) . The term used to designate God's presence on earth was sa�an, "indwell," or "abide." The Lord was He who "dwelt in the bush" (Deut. 33 : 16) when He first revealed Himself to Moses and later the "presence of the Lord dwelt on Mt. Sinai" (Ex. 24 : 16) . That Israel might experience his continuous pres ence, He commanded the people to erect a miskiin, "a place for indwelling" (Ex. 2 5 : 8f) . The Lord who "bowed the heavens and came down" to earth, riding on a cherub ( 2 Sam. 22 : lOf/ /Ps. 1 8 : 1Of) , met with Moses from be tween the two cherubs which covered the ark deposited in the miskan (Ex. 25 :22; d. 40: 3 5 ) .11 The ark guided the people in their desert wandering (Num. 1O: 33ff; d. Ex. 40 : 36ff; Num. 10: 1 1f) . When it set out, the people would proclaim, "Arise 0 Lord and let your enemies be scattered" (Num. 10: 3 5 ) . The "God of the armies of Israel" ( 1 Sam. 17:45 ) was known as "the Lord of hosts who is enthroned on the cherubs" ( 1 Sam. 4:4; 2 Sam. 6:2; d. 2 Ki. 19: 1 5 ) or simply "the Lord of Hosts." When the ark was permanently established in Solomon's Temple in Jerusalem ( d. 1 Ki. 6 : 1 1-1 3 ) , YHWH became known as the one "who dwells in Jerusalem/Zion" (Ps. 1 3 5 : 21; Is. 8: 18; Joel 4 : 1 7, 21; Ps. 74: 2 ) . 10 For discussion of this transcendence-immanence tension in Israelite re ligion as reflected in forms and terminology, see G. E. Wright, "The Temple in Palestine-Syria," G. E. Wright and D. N. Freedman, The Biblical Archae ologist Reader ( Garden City, 196 1 ) , 1 75ff; F. M. Cross, "The Priestly Taber nacle," ibid., 224ff. See, also, R. E. Clements, God and Temple (Philadelphia, 1965 ) . For the dating of the Pentateuchal sources, however, cf. Y. Kaufmann, The Religion of Israel (trans. and abr. by M. Greenberg; Chicago, 1 960) , 1 53ff. It is the as�umption of this work that the Priestly Source is early and not late. H For discussion of the cherubs cf. W. F. Albright, "What were the Cherubim?," G. E. Wright and D. N. Freedman, The Biblical Archaeologist Reader, 9 5ff; M . Haran, "The Ark and the Cherubim," IEJ 9 ( 19 59 ) , 3 off, 89ft
1 08
WORSHIP OF YHW
After Judah was subjugated by the Chaldeans and some o f its people sent into exile, the cherubic throne of deity once more assumed mobility. Riding upon it to Babylonia, the Lord addressed Ezekiel by the Chebar canal ( Ezek. 1 ) . He would destroy the Temple, He told him, because of the pa gan practices performed there (Ezek. 8-1 1 ) . Seated on His chariot throne, the Lord had abandoned His dwelling in Jerusalem (Ezek. I I : 22f) . He later appeared to Ezekiel with a vision of the Temple reconstructed and the prophecy that He would dwell in the midst of the Israelites forever (Ezek. 43 : 7 ) . Full of messianic hope, Zechariah encouraged the repatriates to rebuild the Temple : "I come and I will dwell in the midst of you . . . and you shall know that the Lord of hosts has sent me to you" ( Zech. 2 : 14f) . "Thus says the Lord of hosts, 'I am greatly zealous for Zion . . . . I will return to Zion and will dwell in the midst of Jerusalem, and Jerusalem shall be called the faithful city; and the mountain of the Lord of hosts, the holy mountain" (Zech. 8 : 2f ) . The term "Lord of hosts" occurs some seventy-five times in the books of Haggai, Zechariah 1-8, and Malachi. The letter of Artaxerxes I to Ezra addressed him as "Ezra the priest, the scribe of the law of the God of heaven" and authorized him, inter alia, "to convey the silver and gold which the king and his counselors have freely offered to the God of Israel, whose dwelling is in Jerusalem" (Ez. 7 : 1 2, 1 5 ) . The term "God of heaven," rare in pre-exilic times, occurs frequently in post-exilic times.12 12 The term "God of Heaven" appears in any one or a combination of the following contexts : ( 1 ) Diaspora; ( 2 ) official documents; ( 3 ) conversation between Jew and gentile or (4) between gentile and gentile. ( 1, 2, 3 ) Proclamation of Cyrus (Ez. 1 : 2//2 Chron. 3 6 : 2 3 ) ( 2, 3, 4 ) Jews to Tattenai, reported i n his letter to Darius (Ez. 5 : 1 2 ) ( 1, 4 ) Darius to Tattenai (Ez. 6 :9f) ( 1 , 2, 3 ) Artaxerxes to Ezra (Ez. 7 : 2 1 ) ( 1 , 2, 4 ) Artaxerxes to treasury officials ( Ez. 7 : 2 1 , 2 3 ) ( 1 ) Prayer o f Nehemiah (Neh. 1 : 4f, 2 :4 ) ( 3 ) Nehemiah to Sanballat, Tobiah, and Geshem (Neh. 2 : 2 0 ) ( 1 ) Daniel to Hananiah, Mishael and Azariah (Dan. 2 : 1 8 ) . ( 1 ) Daniel's blessing (Dan. 2 :19) ( 1 , 3 ) Daniel to Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 2 : 37, 44; d. 2 : 2 8 ) ( 1 ) Raguel to Tobias and Sarah (Tob. 1 0 : l l ) (4) Achior to Hollofernes ( J dt. 5 : 8 ) Prayer of Israelites (Jdt. 6 : 1 9 ) ( 3 ) Judith to Hollofernes (Jdt. 1 1 : 1 7 ) A similar epithet was the less frequent "Lord of heaven." ( 1 , 3 ) Daniel to Belshazzer (Dan. 5 : 2 3 ) ( 1 ) Edna to Tobias (Tob. 1 0 : 1 2 )
WORSHIP OF YHW
1 09
Each of these three terms was employed by the Elephantine Jews. The and conclusion of the letter to Bagohi recommended him to the utation sal favor of "the God of heaven" (C 30:2, 27f//31 : 2, 26f ) and the same epi thet was employed in the salutations of two letters written by the scribes Mauziah b. Nathan (C 38: 2f, l 2; d. 1 8 : 3, 20: 1 6, 2 5 : 17; K 4 : 2 2, 7:42 ) and (his brother? ) Hoshaiah b. Nathan ( C 40 :1, 5; d. K 9:24) . In his letter, Mauziah also spoke of the help of "the God of he;lven" in securing his re lease from arrest ( C 3 8 : 5 ) . A memorandum from Bagohi and Delaiah re ferred to the Jewish Temple as "the altar house of the God of heaven" ( C 32 :3f) . The earlier letter to B;lgohi reported that the Jews prayed to "YHW Lord of heaven" for revenge against Vidranga ( C 30: 1 5 ) . The term "Lord of hosts" ( Yhh $b,t) , not found in the papyri, occurs in fragmentary contexts in three ostraca. In two of these, it appears in the salutation, "May the Lord of hosts seek your welfare at all times" ( CG 1 67 concave : I f, 186 concave :lf) . Both passages are partially restored. The third passage presents the phrase intact (CG 175 concave : 2 ) but no photograph of the text has yet been published. The third term appears in a contract dated December 1 2, 402, more than eight years after the destruction of the Temple. Tamut, Ananiah's wife, is called "ll:mh of YHW the God who dwells in the fortress of Elephantine" ( K l 2 : 2 ) . To the Elephantine Jews, the "Lord of hosts," no doubt heavenly hosts as well as military, was the "God of heaven" who "dwelt in Elephantine." His presence there was concretely indicated by the erection to Him of a Temple. The term regularly employed was the Aramaic word ,egora, (C 1 3 : 14, 2 5 : 6, 30//31 :passim, 33 :8; K 3 :9, 4 : 10, 1 2 : 18 ) though "house of YHW" 13 and "altar house" (C 3 2 : 3 ) also appeared. The term msgd, (C 44: 3 ) has been rendered "temple" but it may have had a more restricted meaning. In the Bible the word "house" is the usual term for both "pal;lce" and "temple" ( 1 Ki. 3 : 1 , etc. ) . Another frequently used word for both "tem ple" and "palace" is he�al ( 1 Sam. 3 : 3; 1 Ki. 2 1 : 1, etc. ) < Akkadian ekallu < Sumerian e.gal, "great house," i.e., palace, but not temple. Ara maic ,egora, is also a loan word, going back to Sumerian e.kur, "mountain house" > Akkadian ekurru, "temple." The Hebrew term "house" applied For discussion of this term cf. A. Vincent, op. cit., 104ff; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 84; D. K. Andrews, "Yahweh the God of the Heavens," W. S. McCullough, ed:, The Seed of Wisdom: Essays in Honor of T. J. Meek ( To ronto, 1964 ) , 4 Sff. 13 Cairo 49624:2; cf. N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1 926 ) , 27ff; A. Dupont Sommer, JA 2 3 5 ( 1946-47 ) , 79ff. Padua 1 : 1 ; cf. E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 18.
1 10
WORSHIP O F YHW
also to pagan temples (1 Sam. 5 :2, 31 : 10) as did the Aramaic )eg6ra) (C 30: 1 4//3 1 : 13 ) , but hekal designated only the shrine of the Lord.14 Details about the Temple derive from the papyrus recording its destruc tion and asking assistance for its reconstruction ( C 30//3 1 ) . It was built prior to the Persian conquest of 525 B .C.E. and contained stone pillars, five gateways of carved stone with bronze hinges, a "cedarwood" roof and wood work (? )srm) 15 ( C 30:9ff//3 1 : 8ff) . Neither the German, French, nor Ital ian expeditions succeeded in locating the site of the Temple though each of the excavators held certain views as to its possible site.1 6 Several deeds of conveyance provide valuable hints regarding the size and orientation of the Temple complex. Houses are located in relation to the four adjacent prop erties. Mibtahiah and her first husband Jezaniah b. Uriah each had a house which lay northwest of the Temple, separated from it by the "road of the king" ( C 1 3 : 1 3f, 25:6f ) . Since the side of Jezaniah's house facing the Temple measured over thirteen cubits ( C 8:4f) and at least three other houses are known to have fronted the Temple in ad.dition to Jezaniah's and Mibtahiah's, the length of the Temple was at least sixty cubits. A width of approximately twenty cubits may be inferred from the presence of two buildings lying northeast of the Temple, across the "street of the king" ( K 3 : 8ff ) . The side of one of these, Ananiah's house, measured at least 8Y2 cubits ( K 9:6) . The dimensions of sixty by twenty cubits are reminis cent of those given for Solomon's Temple ( 1 Ki. 6: 2 ) .17 The Elephantine Temple was probably smaller, situated in a courtyard measuring sixty by twenty. ( See Figure 5.) The five carved stone gateways with their doors "standing" and attached by bronze hinges suggest an enclosure wall; it would be difficult to locate all of these in the Temple building proper.18 In his vision of the recon structed Jerusalem Temple, Ezekiel was shown six gateways, distributed on three sides each of an outer and inner courtyard ( Ezek. 40:6ff, 19ff, 24ff, 14 For discussion of these terms cf. A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute judeo-arameenne, 52ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 3 1 2ff. 15 For discussion of this term cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 101, n. 6; J. T. Milik, RB 61 ( 1954 ) , 24; C. G. Tuland, ">u5sayya> and >ussarn�," JNES 1 7 ( 1 958) , 271ff, who ignores the Kraeling discussion; C.-F. Jean and J . Hoftijzer, Dictionnaire des inscriptions semitiques de l'ouest ( Leiden, 1965 ) , 2 8, with references. 16 See my discussion, "The Structure and Orientation of the Jewish Temple at Elephantine-A Revised Plan of the Jewish D istrict," JAOS 81 ( 1961 ), 39£, n. 8. 17 Ibid., 3 8ff. 18 A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 52ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 340ft
WORSHIP O F YHW
111
28ff, 32ff, 35ff) . The Temple of Onias at Leontopolis included an enclosure wall of brick with stone doorways (Josephus, Jew. War VII·1O·3, 430 ) ' In any case, the "cedarwood" roof indicates that the Temple structure was rectangular. Does the "woodwork" refer to logs alternating with the brick or stone layers in the walls ( 1 Ki. 6: 36; Ez. 5 : 8, 6:4) /9 or to interior wain scoting ( 1 Ki. 6:1 5ff) ? As noted, the shrine was called an "altar house" (C 32 : 3 ) and it is pos sible that it contained two altars, a small one for burning incense inside the sanctuary (ef. Ex. 30: Iff; 1 Ki. 8:64b ) and a large one for sacrifices in the courtyard (ef. Ex. 27: 1 ff; 1 Ki. 8 : 64; Ezek. 43 : 1 3ff) . In their petition to Bagohi, Jedaniah and the priests reported that since their Temple was destroyed "no meal-offering, incense, nor holocaust have been offered" and they promised him that "the meal-offering, incense, and holocaust will be offered in your name and we shall pray for you at all times . . . ," were he instrumental in having the Temple rebuilt. They added, "And you shall have a merit before YHW the God of heaven more than a man who offers to Him holocaust and welfare sacrifices worth a thousand talents of silver and (because of) gold" 20 (C 30 :21f, 25ff/13 1 : 21, 25ff) . The holocaust (Hebrew
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Figure 5. Jewish Temple and its environs. Orientation of temple is toward Jerusalem. Dimensions approximate these of the Solomonic Temple.
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113
offered. The climax was reached with the appearance of the presence of the Lord : "fire came forth from before the Lord and consumed the holocaust and the fat upon the altar." The people shouted and prostrated themselves (Lev. 9 ) . The stories of Gideon, Manoah, and Elijah all show the same combina tion : holocaust-divine manifestation ( Ju. 6 : 1 9ff, 1 3 : 1 5ff; 1 Ki. 1 8 : 30ff) . The annual pilgrimage festivals had the same end in view: appearing in the presence of the Lord with offering in hand (Ex. 23 : 1 5b, 1 7, 34: 20b, 23f; Deut. 16: 16, 3 1 : 1 1; Is. 1 : 1 1f; d. Ps. 42 : 3 ) .23 In fact, the purpose of the regular holocaust, offered twice daily, morning and evening, "as a pleasing odor," was to maintain the constant presence of the Lord in the midst of His people Israel. The Lord "meets with" Israel at the spot where the sac rifices were offered. "I will dwell among the people of Israel and be their God" (Ex. 29:38ff) . It is likely that the three terms used by Jedaniah and the priests to indi cate the cessation of their cult, namely "meal offering, incense (lbnh ) 24 and holocaust" had reference to the daily regular offerings designed to maintain YHWH's presence. The Israelite regular offering of a yearling lamb was accompanied by a meal offering of fine flour and beaten oil and by a drink offering of wine ( Ex. 29:40; Num. 28 : 1ff) . The gold and silver basins looted by the Egyptians who destroyed the Temple ( C 30: 1 2f// 3 1 : l 1 f) doubtless served as containers for meal- and drink-offerings alike (d. Num. 7 : 1 3, 25, etc.; Zech. 9 : 1 5 ) . In addition to the holocaust and meal-offering, the Israelite regular sacrifice included the burning of incense on a special incense altar (Ex. 30 : 1ff, 34ff) . 25 Although reference is made to "welfare sacrifices" elsewhere in Jedaniah's letter, the term is not used in the statement on the cessation of the cult or in the request for its re newal. No mention is made at all of purification- (/:laNit) or reparation offerings ('GSiim ) ( Lev. 4-5 ) but it is not to be assumed out of hand that these were not offered at Elephantine. Both were ancient sacrifices in Israel 23 S. R. Driver, The Book of Exodus (The Cambridge Bible; Cambridge, 191 8 ) , 242f. 24 Frankincense trees are native only to southern Arabia and northern Somali land and incense was imported by Israel (Jer. 6:20) and Egypt; cf. C. W . Van Beek, "Frankincense and Myrrh," D. N. Freedman and E. F. Campbell, The Biblical Archaeologist Reader, II, 99ff. For meal and incense offerings, d. R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 42 1 ff, 430ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 204ff. 25 For differentiation of three uses of incense in offerings, viz., ( 1 ) an in gredient of the meal offering (Lev. 2 : 1 , 1 5, 6 : 8 ) ; ( 2 ) an offering on a censer (Lev. 10: lff; Num. 1 6 : 1 6ff ) ; ( 3 ) and offering on the gold altar (Ex. 30:1ff) cf. M. Haran, "The Censer Incense and Tamid Incense" ( Hebrew ) , Tarbiz 26 ( 1 9 56-57 ) , 1 1 5ff, I-II ( English summary ) .
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(2 Ki. 1 2 : 1 7; Hos. 4 : 8) . 26 They shared with the welfare sacrifice the char acteristic that the whole animal was not burned on the altar ( Lev. 4 : 27ff, 7 : 1 ff) . Moreover, all three were sacrifices offered in specific circumstances. Meal-offering, incense, and holocaust, on the other hand, had this in com man : they were all part of the regular service performed twice daily. It is possible that the Persian government subsidized this daily service in return for prayers offered in its behalf, as was the practice at the Jerusalem Temple (Ez. 6:9f) . The Jews wrote to Bagohi that if he achieved the rebuilding of their Temple, they would pray for him "at all times" ( C 3°:26//3 1 : 25 ), i.e., daily. Despite the survival of certain terms suggesting the contrary, the Israelite sacrificial cult was not meant to provide deity with his daily sustenance.27 Rather, it was designed to secure the blessing of YHWH for the one (s ) offering the sacrifice. This idea goes back to earliest times. 28 Emerging from the ark, Noah built an altar and offered holocausts thereon. The Lord "smelled the pleasing odor" and blessed Noah and his sons ( Gen. 8: 20-9 : 1 ) . Because of his readiness to sacrifice his beloved son Isaac, Abra ham won God's blessing ( Gen. 22: 16ff) . At the conclusion of the ordina tion ceremony of Aaron, sacrifices were offered : the presence of the Lord appeared, and Moses and Aaron blessed the people ( Lev. 9 :22ff) . The priestly blessing assumed a standard three phrase formula, the first phrase containing three words, the second five, and the final seven (Num. 6: 22ff) . When David brought the ark into the tent in Jerusalem and Solomon later established it in the Temple, each offered sacrifices and blessed the people ( 2 Sam. 6 : 1 8; 1 Ki. 8: 54ff) . Prophetic opposition ( d. Amos 5 : 2 1ff; Hos. 6:6; Is. 1 : l lff; Jer. 7:21ff) was not to sacrifices per se but only to their being offered by immoral persons.29 "The Lord repays ( a righteous sacri fice ) sevenfold," said Ben-Sira ( 3 5 : 1 1 ) •
26 A. Vincent, op. cit., 1 56ff, thought that the expiatory sacrifices as wen as the regular (tiimz4) service was absent from Elephantine. On the antiquity of the expiatory sacrifices cf. Y. Kaufmann, Religion of Israel, 1 1 2ft; R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 4 1 8ft, 429f. For the antiquity of the regular service cf. M. Haran, "The Symbolic Significance of the Complex of Ritual Acts Performed Inside the Israelite Shrine," M. Haran, ed., Yehezkel Kaufmann Jubilee Volume (Jerusalem, 1960 ) , 20ft (Hebrew section ) . I am grateful to Prof. J. Milgrom of the University of California, Berkeley, for discussion of sacrificial terminology . 27 Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., I 1 1 f, 1 2 5f; R. de Vaux, op. cit., 449£. 28 Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 1 1 2, 301ft; A. Vincent, op. cit., 1 7 3ft. 29 Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 1 60f, 34 5, 3 6 5ff; R. de Vaux, op. cit., 4 54ff. A. Vincent, loco cit., over-emphasized the pre-exilic prophetic opposition to the cult and thereby missed the post-exilic prophetic support for its reconstitution.
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It was Ezekiel who foretold the reconstruction of the Jerusalem Temple (Ez. 40-44) and Haggai and Zechariah who encouraged the repatriates to carry through the actual work (Ez. 5 : 1f, 6: 14) . Haggai said, "From the day that the foundation of the Lord's Temple was laid . . . from this day I will bless (you ) " ( Hag. 2 : 18f ) . The last of the prophets, Malachi, re buked the priests for offering blemished sacrifices and promised the people abundant blessings if they would bring their tithes to the Temple (Mal. 1 : 6ff, 3 : 10 ) . The sacrifice established a merit before God designed to in duce His blessing upon the offerer. With this in mind, Jedaniah and the priests wrote to Bagohi that if he achieved the rebuilding of their Temple he "shall have a merit ($dqh ) before YHW the God of heaven more than a man who offers to him holocaust and welfare sacrifices worth a thousand talents of silver and (because of ) gold" (C 30 : 27f//31 : 26f) . A sacrifice was also like a good deed and the identical expression-"you will have a merit ($dqh) before the Lord your God "-was applied to a creditor who showed proper consideration toward the debtor and his pledge ( Deut. 24: 1Off) . The Israelite cult was imageless. When YHWH spoke to Israel from heaven at Sinai, the people saw no figure and were, therefore, enjoined from erecting any cult statue (Ex. 20: 19ff; Deut. 4: 1 5ff) . Wherever the Lord would manifest His presence, there Israel might build an altar, offer sacrifices, and receive the Lord's blessings (Ex. 20 : 2 1 ) . Once Israel was settled in Canaan, however, it became clear that only the promised land was the proper place for a sacrificial altar. Other lands were impure.3o The two and one-half tribes who settled in the Transjordan aroused the wrath of the Israelites when they built a huge altar on the eastern bank of the Jordan. The people were only placated after being told that the altar was not for sacrifices but simply a "witness" that the two and one-half tribes belonged to the people of the Lord (Josh. 22 ) . Before crossing into the land of the Philistines, David rebuked Saul for pursuing him relentlessly and so forcing him to leave "the heritage of the Lord" and, as it were, "serve other gods" ( 1 Sam . 26: 19, 27: If) . When the leprous Aramean commander Naaman was cured of his dis ease by Elisha, he vowed to offer holocaust and welfare sacrifice only to YHWH. In order to erect his altar on sacred soil, he took with him two mules' burden .of earth ( 2 Ki. 5 : 1 5ff ) . The idea that foreign soil was un clean and that, therefore, no Temple to the Lord might be erected on it underlay several prophetic oracles of exile (Hos. 9 : 3ff; Am. 7: 17; JeI. 16 : 1 3 [ef. Deut. 4: 27f, 28: 36f, 64] ; Ezek. 4 : 1 3 ) . Once settled i n Babylonian exile, 80
A.
van Hoonacker, op. cit., 61f; Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 1 26ff.
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the people were counselled by Jeremiah to settle down and pray [not sacri fice] to the Lord for the welfare of the city where they lived (Jer. 29: 7 ) . In exile, Ezekiel said the Lord was to Israel a "reduced sanctuary" ( 1 1 : 1 6 ) , a term understood by rabbinic exegesis to mean synagogue (Meg. 29a ) . But the psalmist refused to sing his sacred song on Babylonian soil ( Ps. 137) and there is no evidence that any Temple to YHWH was erected in Babylonia. With what j,ustification, then, did the Jews at Elephantine erect their Temple? Since direct evidence for an answer to this question is absent we must resort to analogy. Two and perhaps three other Jewish Temples are known to have existed outside of the one in Jerusalem : the Temple of Onias at Leontopolis in Egypt, the Samaritan Temple on Mount Gerizim, and per haps the Qa�r eVAbd of Hyrcanus at CAraq el-Emir in Transjordan. Each of these shrines has in common a background of political rivalry, the dis affection of its priestly founders with affairs in Jerusalem, and the marked military character of its location. In two instances, the roots of disagree ment reached back to the fifth century. Two of Nehemiah's opponents were Tobiah, the Ammonite servant ( royal official?) , and Sanballat, gover nor of Samaria (Neh. 2 : 19, 3 : 33ff, 6 : 1 ff; C 30 :29 ) . Tobiah was allied by marriage to prominent families of Judah ( Neh. 6 : 17ff) and during Nehe miah's absence Eliashib, the high priest, assigned him a large chamber in the Temple ( 1 3 :4ff) . Sanballat's daughter was married to a grandson of Eliashib and Nehemiah reported that he "chased him away" (Neh. 13 : 28) . A century later, Nikaso, daughter of Sanballat III, governor of Samaria, was married to Manasseh, brother of the high priest Jaddua. Authorities in Jerusalem objected to the marriage and Manasseh was given a choice between his wife and priestly office. He thereupon accepted the offer of Sanballat to be high priest in the Temple to be erected on Mount Gerizim and "governor of all the places" under Sanballat's control. Many Jewish priests followed him to Samaria (Josephus, Ant. XI.7.2, 302ff) .81 The Tem31
Until most recently the marriage of Nikaso to Manasseh described by Josephus was taken to be a duplicate account of the marriage of Sanballat's daughter to a grandson of Eliashib mentioned by Nehemiah; d. the discussion of R. Marcus, "Josephus on the Samaritan Schism" in vol. VI of the Loeb Classical Library translation of Josephus ( Cambridge, 1 9 5 1 ) , 498ft, with bibli ography. The discovery of yet unpublished papyri from Samaria indicates that there were at least three Sanballats who ruled Samaria in the fifth and fourth centuries B .C.E. Cf. F. M . Cross, "The Discovery of the Samaria Papyri," BA 26 ( 1 963 ) , 1 2of; J. M. Myers, Ezra ' Nehemiah (The Anchor Bible; Garden City, 1965 ) , 21 7f; F. M. Cross, "Aspects of Samaritan and Jewish History in Late Persian and Hellenistic Times," HTR 59 ( 1 966 ) , 203ft.
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pIe was completed in the early years of the reign of Alexander (Ant. XI.8.4, 324) and the city of Shechem, lying just north of Mount Gerizim, was rebuilt and strongly fortified at the same time.32 In the second quarter of the third century, Toubias, no doubt a descendant of Tobiah, headed a cleruchy in the "fortress (birta ) of Ammon," otherwise known as "the (land) of Toubias" in Transjordan.33 His son Joseph, nephew of the high priest Onias II, played a prominent role in public affairs. In his old age and again after his death, Joseph's seven sons by one wife vied for power with the youngest son, Hyrcanus, whose mother was Joseph's niece. Simon II, successor to Onias II, sided with the brothers and Hyrcanus was forced to retire to the ancestral estate in Transjordan. There, he built a place called Tyros ( Hebrew $iir) which contained an imposing building ( Greek baris) and several rock hewn caves (Ant. XII.4, 1 54ff ) . This Tobiad outpost is doubtless
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After the Maccabees regained the Jerusalem Temple, the high priest hood was given to A1cimus ( 1 Mac. 7= 5ff; 2 Mac. 14:3ff) . The rejected Onias IV, son of the earlier high priest Onias III, fled to Egypt and entered the service of Ptolemy VI Philometor. He was placed in charge of a Jewish military contingent, established in the fortress of Leontopolis (Tell el Yahudiyeh ) , and granted permission to erect there a Temple to the Lord, wherein priests and Levites officiated. The territory under Onias' control was known as the "land of Onias" and the Jewish soldiers played a promi nent role there down through Roman times.36 Although Josephus is not fully consistent about the shape of Onias' · Temple, he does say that it was built on the model of the one in Jerusa lem.37 We have seen that the Elephantine Temple complex resembled the dimensions of the Jerusalem Temple. Onias is reported (Josephus, Ant. XIII.p, 62ff; Menal:J.Oth l09b) to have been motivated in part by the prophecy of Isaiah, "In that day there will be an altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt and a pillar to the Lord at its border" ( Is. 19 : 19) . This prophecy was one of five oracles describing the time when the "Lord will smite Egypt, smiting and healing." "On that day . . . the land of Judah will become a terror to the Egyp tians. . . . "On that day there will be five cities in the land of Egypt which will speak the language of Canaan and swear allegiance to the Lord of hosts. 1 6 5 ( 1962 ) , 24ff; idem, BASOR 1 7 1 ( 1963 ) , 2off; M. J. B. Brett, "The Qa�r el-'Abd : A Proposed Reconstruction," BASOR 171 ( 1963 ) , 39ff; D. K. Hill, "The Animal Fountain of 'Araq el-Emh," BASOR 171 ( 1 963 ) , 50f, 55. 36 Josephus, Jew. War 1. 1 . 1, 33; 9.4, 190ff//Ant. XIV.8.1, 1 27ff; War VII.10.2-3, 420ff; Ant. XII.9.7, 387f; XIII .3 .1-3, 62ff; lO.4, 284ff; XX.1 0.3, 236; Ag. Ap. 11.5, 49ff. A garbled version of the establishment of the temple in Egypt, shifting its locus to Alexandria, is found in MenaQot l09b. But it, too, preserves the recollection of jealousy on the part of Onias. For discussion of the career of Onias IV and its after-effects cf. V. A. Tcherikover and A. Fuks, op. cit., 2f, 1 3, 20ff, 44ff, 52, 80; V. Tcherikover, op. cit., 276ff. 87 The passages which assert that the Oniad temple was similar to that in Jerusalem are War 1.1.1, 33; Ant. XII .9·7, 3 88; XIII.3·1, 63, 67; lO.4, 285; XX.10.3, 236. The passages in War VII.10.3, 427f says it "was not like that in Jerusalem, but resembled a tower. . . . The altar, however, he designed on the model of that in the home country and adorned the building with similar offerings . . . . " F. Petrie, Egypt and Israel (London, 19 1 1 ) , lO2ff, excavated Tell el-Yahudiyeh and purported to uncover the outlines of the temple. He con cluded that not only the temple but the whole temple-fort complex "was planned to be as close an imitation of the temple hill" in Jerusalem "as could be arranged on a small scale."
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"On that day there will be an altar to the Lord in the midst of the land of Egypt and a pillar to the Lord at its border. "On that day there will be a highway from Egypt to Assyria . . . and the Egypt ians will worship with the Assyrians. "On that day Israel will be a third with Egypt and Assyria, a blessing in the midst of the earth . . . " (Is. 19 : 16ff ) . The eschatological intent of the prophet is clear and the five cities speaking Canaanite do not refer to existing Jewish communities in Egypt.s8 But the prophecy which inspired Onias IV in the messianically tense times of the early Maccabean era may well have inspired the Jews at Elephantine during the oppressive years of Manasseh.s9 Political considerations have led to the suggestion that the Elephantine Jewish community was established during the reign of Manasseh, i.e., ca. 650. Religious considerations suggest that the Jewish Temple was also built during his reign. Manasseh ruled fifty-five years ( 2 Ki. 2 1 : 1 ) , the longest period of any Israelite king. The one outstanding feature of his reign was his many pagan innovations. These included the erection of altars to the host of heaven in the courts of the Temple and the establish ment there of a graven image of Asherah and probably one of Baal as well ( 2 Ki. 21 :5ff, 23 :4; 2 Chron. 3 3 : 1ff) . These acts brought on prophecies that the Lord would destroy Jerusalem. Manasseh's reign was accompanied by much bloodshed ( 2 Ki. 2 1 : 10-16) and it may be surmised that priests as well as prophets opposed his paganization. Some of these priests fled to Egypt, joined the Jewish garrison at Elephantine, and there, inspired by Isaiah's prophecy of a pillar to the Lord at the border of Egypt, erected 88 For an attempt to connect Is. 1 9 with the Egyptian Jewish communities, including that at Elephantine, d. S. Daiches, "Ketavot Aramiot mime Ezra," Haschiloah 17 ( 1907 ) , 508; O. C. Whitehouse, "Some Problems Suggested by the Recent Discoveries of Aramaic Papyri at Syene (Assuan ) , " Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions ( Oxford, 1908) I, 283; C. Steuernagel, "Die jiidisch-aramaischen Papyri und Ostraka aus Ele phantine," ZDPV 3 5 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 97ff; J. Offord, "The Elephantine Papyri as Illustrative of the Old Testament," PEF ( 19 1 5 ) , 75; etc. See, too, the discus sion in E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 6ff. Offord, op. cit., 76f, thought that Isaiah's description of Nubia in chap. 1 8 derived from information supplied to him by Jews who had penetrated far up the Nile valley until they reached the eastern tributaries of the river. For a discussion of Is. 1 9 d. Y. Kaufmann, Tol'dot ha Emunah ha-Yis:" elit (Tel-Aviv, 1947 ) III/I, 226f; H. L. Ginsberg, "Isaiah in the Light of History," Conservative Judaism 22/1 ( 1 967 ) , 1 6 . 39 In the Talmudic discussion of the temple of Onias, R . Meir applied the "altar-in-Egypt" verse of Isaiah to events in the reign of Hezekiah following the withdrawal of Sennacherib from Jerusalem ( Men. I09b-l loa ) .
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the Temple to YHW. It is likely that the adytum of this shrine contained a sacred pillar, as did the inner sanctum of the Israelite Temple at Arad. That Temple, too, was part of a military garrison and its plan and orienta tion followed that of the Solomonic Temple.40 It is unlikely that a shrine to a foreign deity would be constructed on an island presided over by the Egyptian god Khnum without Pharaonic con sent. The Samaritan Temple was erected at the time of the transition of power from Darius III to Alexander. Josephus' account of its construction bristles with difficulties, but it is clear that Sanballat III required the Con sent first of Darius (Ant. XI.8.2, 3 1 1 ) and later of Alexander. He pointed out to the latter that a Temple on Mount Gerizim would benefit Alexander by splitting the Jews into two groups ( Ant. XI . 8 .4, 323ff) .41 The Jewish repatriates had also required royal consent for the reconstruction of their Temple, but then it was they who appeared to be the separatists (Ez. 1 :2f, 4: I ff, 5 : 3ff, 6: Iff) . Onias formally requested permission for his shrine from Ptolemy Philometor and Cleopatra "in order that," he said, "the Jewish inhabitants of Egypt may be able to come together there in mutual har mony and serve your interests" (Ant. XIII.3.I, 67) . Onias was a good general and Ptolemy VI pursued a philo-Semitic policy (Ag. Ap. II.5, 49) in order to consolidate his position vis-a.-vis the Seleucids, who still con trolled Palestine. The idea of a "central" Jewish Temple in Egypt under the jurisdiction of one of his generals appealed to him.42 Psammetichus I 40 The Arad sanctuary was in use from the tenth century down through the end of the eighth century; d. Y. Aharoni, "The Second Season of Excavations at Tell Arad ( 1963 ) ," BIES (Yediot) 28 ( 1964 ) , 1 67ff; Y. Aharoni and R. Amiran , "Arad : A Biblical City in Southern Palestine," Archaeology 17 ( 1964 ) , 5 3 ; B. Mazar, "The Sanctuary of Arad and the Family of Hobab the Kenite," JNES 24 ( 1 965 ) , 297ff. On the stricture of Y. Yadin, "A Note on the Stratig raphy of Arad," LEJ 1 5 ( 1965 ) , 1 80, Y. Aharoni wrote to me (October 19, 1966 ) , "As to your question about Yadin's note. His statement includes nothing new that we had not mentioned already in the first preliminary report." 41 Cf. the discussion of G. E . Wright, Shechem, 1 7 5ff. 42 For the policy of Ptolemy VI Philometor toward the Jews d. V. A. Tcheri kover and A. Fuks, op. cit., 19ff; V. Tcherikover, op. cit. 275ff. In the letter which Onias IV was alleged to have written to Ptolemy VI and Cleopatra he explained his desire to build a temple as follows : "When I came with the Jews to Leontopolis . . . and to other places where our nation is settled . . . , I found that most of them have temples, contrary to what is proper, and that for this reason they are ill-disposed toward one another." The proposed temple at Leontopolis would allow "the Jewish inhabitants of Egypt . . . to come together there in mutual harmony . . ." (Ant. XIII.3.1, 65ff) . Were there, indeed, other Jewish temples ( and not just synagogues ) in Egypt in the first half of the second century B.C.E.?
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must have had similar feelings. The Jewish military contingent at Elephan tine was reliable, and Israelite and J udahite emigrees had settled in the country. Egypt had won its independence from Assyria but Palestine had not. Manasseh, hauled before Ashurbanipal, had been restored to his king dom and allowed to expand the fortifications of Jerusalem and to garrison his other outposts ( 2 ehron. 33: IOff) . If these steps were directed against Egypt,43 Psammetichus may have hoped to consolidate the loyalty of the Egyptian Jews by allowing them the erection of a shrine to their deity. The Elephantine Temple was oriented toward Jerusalem. Although the Jerusalem Temple was defiled by the abominations of Manasseh, it re mained the Lord's chosen site. The Elephantine Jews were apparently inspired by Solomon's prayer delivered on the occasion of the dedication of the Jerusalem Temple. If the Israelites abroad "prayed to You towards their land which You gave to their fathers, the city which You have chosen, and the house which I have built for Your name, then hear in Heaven Your dwelling place their prayer and their supplication and maintain their cause" ( 1 Ki. 8 : 48f) .44 YHWH dwelt in the heavens but He manifested His presence in the Temple in Jerusalem (Ps. 20 :3, 7, 76 :3, 9; cf. 14:2, 7, 80: 2, 1 5 ) . If His attention could be called to a momentary need by prayer directed to the site of His Temple in Jerusalem ( d. Dan. 6 : 1 1; Jon. 2 : 5, 8 ) , then His presence could be permanently assured by the erection of a shrine oriented toward Jerusalem. The God of heaven would now also abide in Elephantine. The temple of Onias is mentioned once in Tannaitic literature and it is clear that the Tannaim granted it a limited and begrudging recognition (Mena"Q.oth 1 3 : 10) .45 The Elephantine Temple would have remained com pletely unknown were it not for the discovery of the papyri. As will be seen in the last chapter, the Jerusalem priestly authorities preferred to ignore its existence completely, but the lay authorities extended it a limited recogni tion. The depaganization of the Jerusalem Temple under Josiah ( 2 Ki. 23 :4ff) must have reconciled the Elephantine priests to the purified cult in the mother city, but Josiah's defilement of the local shrines outside Jerusalem ( 2 Ki. 23 : 8) was not likely to reconcile the Jerusalemite priests to the Elephantine Temple. Once the Jerusalem Temple was destroyed, 43 E. L. Ehrlich, Theologische Zeitschrift 21 ( 1965 ) , 28 5£; J. M. Myers, II Chronicles (The Anchor Bible; Garden City, 196 5 ) , 198£. 44 For the early date of this prayer cf. Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 268f; B. Porten, "The Structure and Theme of the Solomon Narrative (I Kings 3-1 1 ) ," HUCA 38 ( 1967 ) , I07ff. 45 Cf. the discussion of I . H. Weiss, Dar Dar ve-Dorshav (Berlin, 1 924; 2nd printing) , I, 1 29ff.
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the one at Elephantine was likely to have gained in stature. The Elephan tine Jews were proud of the fact that their Temple was not harmed by Cambyses, although the Egyptian temples were "overthrown" ( C 30: 14// 3 1 : 13 ) . The effect on the Elephantine Temple of the reconstruction of the J erusa1em Temple is unknown, but it continued to exist until it was de stroyed at Egyptian instigation in the summer of 410 B.C.E.
Sabbath and Passover The concept of Creation and the experience of the Exodus were basic to the Israelite religion. The Sabbath commemorated both. In six days the Lord created the universe and on the seventh he ceased ( Gen. 1 : 1�2 :4a ) ; Israel was to labor six days and rest on the seventh ( Ex. 20: 8-1 1 ) . Because the Lord redeemed Israel from Egyptian bondage, the Israelite was to ob serve the Sabbath and allow his slave a like privilege ( Deut. 5 : 1 2-1 5; cf. Ex. 23 : 1 2 ) . The Sabbath was a sign of the covenant between God and Israel (Ex. 31 : 1 3; Ezek. 20: 1 2, 20) . The work prohibited on the Sabbath included gathering food ( Ex. 1 6 : 2 1 ff ) , plowing and harvesting ( 34: 21 ) , kindling a fire ( 3 5 : 3 ) , gathering wood ( Num. 1 5 : 32ff) , buying and selling (Amos 8 : 5 ) , and carrying burdens out of a house or into a city ( Jer. 1 T 19ff ) . The conclusion of the instructions for the erection of the desert tabernacle with a section on the Sabbath (Ex. 3 1 : 1 2ff, 3 5 : 1ff) implied the prohibition of all work involved in the construction of the shrine ( Shab. 49b, 70a ) . This was later broken down into thirty-nine categories (Shab. 7 : 2 ) . Observance of the Sabbath was as important as reverence for one's parents ( cf. Ex. 20:8-1 2; Lev. 19:3; Deut. 5 : 1 2-16) and veneration of the sanctuary (Lev. 19 : 30, 26:2 ) . Twelve loaves of bread were set out on the table in the sanctuary every week on the Sabbath ( Lev. 24: 5ff) and an additional sacrifice was made (Num. 2 8 4 ) . The Sabbath was also the day for the changing of the guard at the palace and the Jerusalem Temple ( 2 Ki. 1 1 : 5ff/ /2 Chron. 23 : 4ff) . The day provided an opportunity for visit ing a man of God ( 2 Ki. 4: 22f) and may have been an occasion for a sacred assembly ( d. Lev. 23 : 2f; Is. 1 : 13 ) . It was certainly an occasion of joy (d. Hos. 2 : 1 3 ) .46 The festival par excellence which commemorated the Exodus was Pass over. It consisted of two parts : the shlUghtering of the paschal animal at 46 For general discussion of the Sabbath, see J. H. Greenstone, "Sabbath," I. Singer, ed., The Jewish Encyclopedia X, 587ff; R. de Vaux, op. cit., 47 5ff; Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 1 1 7, 305f.
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twilight on the fourteenth day of the first month (Abib = Nisan ) and the celebration of the Feast of Unleavened Bread from the fifteenth to the twenty-first. The first and last days of this festival were sacred occasions on which no work was done other than that required for the preparation of food. All leaven was to be absent from homes during the seven days of the festival and unleavened bread was to be eaten (Ex. 1 2 : 1-1 3 : 10, 34: 18; Lev. 23 : 5 ff; Num. 28 : 1 6ff) . If reasons of ritual impurity, such as absence on a journey or involvement with a dead body, prevented someone from slaugh tering the paschal animal on the proper occasion, he might do so a month later (Num. 9 : 1ff) . The Festival of Unleavened Bread was one of the three pilgrimage festivals, the occasion for an appearance at a shrine ( Ex. 23: 14ff; d. 34:23 ) . Special sacrifices were offered there (Num. 2 8 : 1 6ff) and Solo mon is reported to have offered up sacrifices on the three festivals ( 1 Ki. 9: 2 5; 2 Chron. 8: 12f) . Of the three festivals we are most well informed about the history of the celebration of the Passover. On the eve of the Exodus the slaughtering of the paschal animal was an apotropaic rite and an animal was chosen from the flock on the tenth day of the month, slaughtered on the fourteenth, roasted and eaten in the house that night with unleavened bread and bitter herbs. The blood of the animal was sprinkled on the doorposts and lintels of the house as a sign to the Lord that He not smite its Israelite inhabitants as he would the Egyptian firstborn. The observance of the whole ceremony is commanded upon future generations of Israelites ( Ex. 1 2 : 1 ff, 24ff) . On the "eve" of the encirclement of Jericho, Joshua and the Israelites per formed the paschal sacrifice at Gilgal and apparently celebrated the Feast of Unleavened Bread (Josh. 5 : lOf) . Hezekiah began his reign ( in Nisan ) by dedicating the Temple neglected by Ahaz. The work lasted beyond the day for the paschal sacrifice ( 2 Chron. 29) so he deferred it until the second month when he gathered a large assembly in Jerusalem from the remnants of the former kingdom of Samaria and from Judah. Since many of this assembly were impure, the Levites slaughtered the paschal animal for them and delivered the blood to the priests who performed the ritual sprinkling. Hezekiah's prayer that the impure be allowed to partake of the paschal meal was heeded. The Festival of Unleavened Bread was celebrated in Jerusalem for seven days, during which special sacrifices were offered and praises rendered to the Lord. The occasion was so festive that an additional seven day festivity at royal expense was proclaimed. Not since Solomon had such a two week celebration been held ( 2 Chron. 30 ) . The celebration of the Passover in Jerusalem was apparently the idea of Hezekiah and his advisors and was, at first, resented by the priests and
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Levites (2 ehron. 30: If, 1 5 ) . After the celebration was held so successfully, it apparently became the impetus for the Deuteronomic reformation. Heze kiah destroyed all the local sanctuaries ( 2 Ki. 1 8 :4; 2 ehron. 3 1 : 1£) and the Book of Deuteronomy declared that all sacrifices were to be offered in the one chosen place and all festivals celebrated there (Deut. 1 2, 16) . It was no longer permitted to slaughter the paschal sacrifice "in any of the settlements that the Lord your God is giving you; but at the place where the Lord your God will choose to establish His name" (Deut. 16:5f) . The discovery of this book prompted Josiah to destroy the local sanctuaries, since rebuilt by Manasseh ( 2 Ki. 2 1 : 3; 2 ehron. 33 : 3 ) , purify the Temple, and celebrate the Passover in Jerusalem. The king and his advisers, the leading priests, and Levites provided the animals. The Levites slaughtered and flayed the animals and the priests sprinkled the blood. In addition to the paschal animals from the flock, there were holocausts as well as "holy offerings" from the herd which were prepared by boiling. The Feast of Unleavened Bread was celebrated for seven days. Not since the days of the Judges and Samuel had such a paschal sacrifice been he1cl ( 2 Ki. 23 :21ff; 2 ehron. 3 5 ) .47 The Sabbath and festivals continued to be celebrated in exile and the names Shabbethai and Haggai became very popular.48 In his vision of the reconstituted nation, Ezekiel foresaw the performance of the paschal sac rifice and the celebration of the Feast of Unleavened Bread ( Ezek. 45 :20f) . He had rebuked the people for desecrating the Sabbath ( 20 : 1 3, 16, 21, 24, 22:8, 26, 23 :38) and foresaw the day when the priests would sanctify it (44:24 ) . Deutero-Isaiah considered the Sabbath a "delight" and promised 47 For general discussion of the Passover, cf. R. de Vaux, op. cit., 484ff; Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 1 0 5ff, 1 1 5f, 1 73ff, 1 8 3f, 23 5f, 2 88, 305f; J. B. Segal, The Hebrew Passover (London Oriental Series, 1 2; London, 1963 ) . Earlier views ' are reflected in H. C. May, "The Relation of the Passover to the Festivaf of Unleavened Cakes," TBL 5 5 ( 1936) , 65ff; 8 1 on Elephantine. For the reform of Hezekiah d. Sh. Talman, "Divergences in Calendar-Reckoning in Ephraim and Judah," VT 8 ( 1 958) , 58ff. Each scholar treats the Sabbath and Passover at Elephantine against the background of his own understanding of Israelite religion. Rather than discuss divergent views, I have presented my own under standing of the Sabbath and Passover as background for the Elephantine mate rial. Unfortunately, the scope of the present work precludes consideration of the many critical problems involved in a full understanding of Sabbath and Pass over. 48 The name Haggai is borne by over fifteen persons at Elephantine: C 1 2 : 1 , 5; 1 8 : 5, 1 9 : 8, 2 2 : 29f ( one man ) , 64, 72, 79, 99, 1 3 5; 24 : 3 ( ? ) , 2 8 : 1 6//61 : 2, 3 3 : 3//1 2 : 5, 5 3 : 3, K 7 : 1 //1O: 8//1 1 : 20//1 2 : 2, 9 : 26//10:20. Shabbethai is borne by three individuals at Elephantine (C 2 : 2 1 , 5 8 : 3 ; K 8 : 1 0) and by two at Syene (BK 4 : 1 0 ) . Haggai's at Nippur include : BE IX 2 8 : 1 4; X 85 : 1 6 L.E.;
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rich reward to the one who refrained from pursuing his pleasure/business ( l:tepe$ ) on that day ( Is. 5 8 : 1 3f) . The reconstituted community of Judah dedicated the Temple on 3 Adar (or 23rd?; d. 1 Esd. 7 : 5 ) , 5 1 5 B.C.E. and on the fourteenth of the next month performed the paschal sacrifice. The priests and the Levites had purified themselves and apparently the Levites slaughtered the animals. The meal was eaten by the repatriates and "every one who had separated himself from the impurity of the nations of the land (to join ) them in seeking the Lord God of Israel." The Feast of Unleavened Bread was joyfully celebrated for seven days for the Lord had inclined the heart of the king of Assyria toward them favorably (Ez. 6: 1 5ff). One of the regulations of the covenant subscribed to in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah was the prohibition of purchasing from non-Jews on the Sabbath or festivals ( Neh. 10:32 ) . Nonetheless, Tyrian merchants contin ued to offer their wares in the Jerusalem market on the Sabbath and Jews wefe engaged in treading grapes and transporting produce on that day. Nehemiah severely censured the nobles and locked the gates of Jerusalem from sunset to sunset, stationing a Levitical guard to guarantee the cessa tion of traffic and business (Neh. 1 3 : 15ff) .49 The association of Sabbath and Passover with the covenant between God and Israel had the effect of making their observance clear evidence of belonging to the community of Israel. Conversely, failure to observe either was tantamount to exclusion from the community. A mixed multitude accompanied Israel in their Exodus (Ex. 12 : 38 ) and provision was made early for participation by non-Israelites in the paschal sacrifice. A temporary worker from abroad might not eat of it; but a resident alien could, provided he was circumcised. A slave, too, had to be circumcised and was entitled to partake (Ex. 1 2 :43ff) . On the other hand, the Israelite who was ritually pure but did not participate in the paschal sacrifice "shall bear his guilt" and "be cut off from his kin" ( Num. 9: 1 3 ) . Similarly, whoever ate leavened bread during the seven days of the festival was "cut off from Israel" (Ex. 1 2 : 1 5 ) . In like fashion, whoever profaned the Sabbath was "cut off from UM 1 2 : 1 5, 2°9 : 1 1 . The name Shabbethai occurs in Nippur in : BE IX 4 5 : 3, 69 :21, 86a : l; X 7 : 1 7, 3 9 : 2, 6 5 : 1 8 U.E ., 8 5 : 1 6, 92:6; UM 1 2 : 1 5, 3 2 : 1 7, 185:2//2 1 8 : 3 . For these names cf. further N. Aime-Giron, BIFAO 38 ( 1 939 ) , 38f; S . Daiches, The Jews in Babylonia in the Time of Ezra and Nehemiah ac cording to Babylonian Inscriptions (Jews' College Publication No. 2; London, 1910), 35. The name Shabbethai is inscribed in Aramaic script on a sarcophagus discovered at Aswan; cf. W. Kornfeld, "Aramaische Sarkophage in Assuan," WZKM 61 ( 1 967 ) , 10, 1 2£. 49 For discussion of the eighteen regulations appended to the covenant cf. Y. Kaufmann, Tol"dot IV/I, 3 3 1ff.
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among his kin" (Ex. 3 1 : 14) and even put to death ( 3 1 : 14, 3 5 : 2; Nurn. 1 5 :32ff) . On the other hand, Deutero-Isaiah promised that the foreigne r who observed the Sabbath and kept the covenant of the Lord would be entitled to worship in the Jerusalem Temple ( Is. 56:6ff) . If the Sabbath was a day of abstention from work, including the prepara tion of food, it is evident that such preparation had to take place on the previous day. This was already indicated in the story about the manna. None was found on the Sabbath but a double portion appeared on the sixth day. On that day it was cooked to provide food for two days (Ex. 16: 5ff ) . Sabbath Eve, the Day of Preparation, thus achieved a special status. The widow Judith fasted every day except for festivals, Sabbaths, new moon and the day before the new moon, and before the Sabbath ( J dt. 8 : 6 ) . Judah Maccabee and his men halted their pursuit of Nicanor's men because it was the day before the Sabbath ( 2 Mac. 8 : 26 ) . The decree of Augustus in behalf of the Jews of Asia included among their rights that of not having to appear in court on the Sabbath or on Sabbath Eve after the ninth hour, i.e., about 3 :00 P.M. (Josephus, Ant. XVI.6.2, 163 ) . At Elephantine reference to the Sabbath is absent from the private contracts and public letters written on papyri but is to be found in the ostraca, letters about personal affairs. One was addressed to Jedaniah (CG 44) and the writer told of his incarceration and starvation diet and then, following a gap, apparently made reference to "the day of the Sabbath" ([y]wm sbh ) .50 A second ostracon was addressed to the woman IslaQ. ( CG 1 5 2 ) : "I am sending you vegetables tomorrow. Meet the boat tomorrow on Sabbath lest they get lost/spoiled ( crqy ,lp, m1;tr bsbh lmh hn pbd ) . By the life of YHH, if not, I shall take your lif[e] ( npsk[y] 'lq1;t ) ! Do not rely (ttkly ) upon Meshullemeth or upon Shemaiah. Now, send me barley in return. . . . Now, by the life of YHH, if not, you will be responsible for the [bi]ll ( [1;tsb] nh ) ." 61 A third ostracon, more fragmentary than the oth ers, may have been addressed to Uriah ( CG 186) . It referred to something being done before the day of the Sabbath (ywm sbh ) , perhaps the dis50 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un ostracon arameen in edit d'Elephantine (Collec tion Clermont-Ganneau No. 44) , " D . W . Thomas and W. D. McHardy, eds., Hebrew and Semitic Studies Presented to C. R. Driver ( Oxford, 1963 ) , 53ff. 51 This ostracon was found on Jan. 5, 1 908 and was published with plate by A. Dupont-Sommer, Semitica 2 ( 1 949 ) , 29ff; d. idem, eRAl ( 1945 ) , 261; idem, "Sabbat et parasceve a Elephantine d'apres des ostraca arameens inedits, " MAl 1 5/1 ( 1 960 ) , 71ff. The revised translation is that of F. Rosenthal, ed" An Aramaic Handbook, 1/1 , 12£.
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patching of fish.52 A fourth ostracon (CG 204 ) contained the sentence, "I am going and will not come until the eve (of the Sabbath ) (crwbh ) ." 53 These notes clearly indicate an awareness of the Sabbath as does the presence of the name Shabbethai ( C 2 : 21, 58:3; K 8: 10; BK 4 : 10 ) . At the sam e time they pose certain problems. For one, it is not certain that all five of the Elephantine-Syene Shabbethais were Jews. One Shabbethai ap peared as patronymic with the first name missing (C 58:3 ) . Another was son of Kibda (C 2 : 2 1 ) , probably a Hebrew name. The third was father of Sinkishir (K 8 : 10) who appeared as one of eight Aramean witnesses to a contract drawn up at Syene (K 8 : 1 ) . Thef ourth was son of swg (BK 4 : 1 0), one of the over fifty Arameans and Egyptians who appeared in the Her mopolis letters. If the latter two Shabbethais were both Jews, then the father swg may have been a proselyte and Sinkishir a Jew who bore the name of a pagan grandfather (d. the three-fold recurrence of Sanballat) . The fifth was buried at Syene with two others bearing non-Hebrew names. The attraction which the Sabbath must have had for certain pagans was indicated by Deutero-Isaiah. There were apparently those who were prepared to observe the Sabbath and "join themselves to the Lord" ( Is. 56 :6ft) . Others, like the many Sambathions in Egypt during the Roman period, adopted Sabbath observance without becoming proselytes to J uda ism. Both groups named their children "Shabbethai." However, the non Jewish context in which their names occur suggests that Shabbethai b. Swg and Shabbethai father of Sinkishir were neither Jews nor proselytes but sons of Arameans or Babylonians attracted by Sabbath observance. Yet, it is hard to deduce from the four above-mentioned ostraca the degree of observance prevalent among the Elephantine Jews. At first glance, the person who wrote to Islal). to meet the boat on the Sabbath lest the vegetables which he was sending get lost/spoiled is reminiscent of the con temporary men of Judah who brought grain, wine, and figs into Jerusalem on the Sabbath (Neh. 13 : 1 5 ) . On the other hand, the threat to take Islal).'s life unless she met the boat on the Sabbath may imply some extraordinary situation and indirectly attest the regular observance of the Sabbath. The possible dispatch of fish and the individual's arrival before the day of the Sabbath may indicate a deliberate unwillingness to profane the Sabbath by travelling or dispatching an object on that day. The injunction against Sabbath travel derived from the account of the 52 A. Dupont-Sommer, eRAI ( 1 947), 178ft; idem, RSO 32 (1 957 ) , 403ft; idem, MAl 1 5/1 ( 1 960 ) , 74. 53 Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, MAl 1 5/1 ( 1 960 ) , 68ft.
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manna : a double portion on the sixth day, therefore "let no man go out of his place on the seventh day" ( Ex. 1 6 : 29; Mekilta, ad loc.) . It would be interesting to know how this and derivative injunctions affected the Jews in their military capacity. Alexander accepted Jews into his army at the same time that he allowed them to adhere to their religious customs (Josephus, Ant. XI.S.5, 339; cf. Ag. Ap . 1.z2, 190ff) . Ptolemy I was abl(! to capture Jerusalem, because the Jews would not bear arms on the Sabbath (Ag. Ap. 1.22, 209ff ) . In the Roman Empire, Jews were exempted from military service in the provinces because they "may not bear arms or march on the days of the Sabbath" (Ant. XIV.1O.12, 225ff) .54 Mattathias was clearly innovating when he permitted defense against attack on the Sabbath ( 1 Mac. 2 :41 ); but his grandson John Hyrcanus, allied to Antiochus VII Sidetes in the Syrian's campaign against Parthia, refused to march his men on Sabbath and Pentecost (Ant. XIII.S·4, 249ff) . Moreover, Mattathias' allowance did not include preventing the enemy from raising siege works against a city on the Sabbath. Pompey's knowledge of this Jewish forbearance facilitated his capture of Jerusalem in 63 B.C.E. (Ant. XIV.4.2-3, 63ff) . In fever pitch of rebellion in 66 C.E., however, the Jews attacked the Romans on the Sabbath (Jew. War 11.19.2, 5 1 7 ) but the Mishnah subsequently prohibited even the carrying of a weapon on that day ( Shab. 6:2, 4; but d. Shabo 19a) . The celebration of Passover at Elephantine has achieved special atten tion because of a letter from Hananiah to Jedaniah and the Jewish garrison which apparently refers to the festival. Like most private letters, this one was written on both sides, beginning on the verso and concluding on the recto. The address was written on the recto. The papyrus is fragmentary; the first half of lines 4 to 10 and the last word or so of lines 2 to 9 are missing. If the papyrus has been restored with any degree of success it is only because its contents parallel several Biblical prescriptions. The original must have read along the lines of the following (see Plate 9) : 65 64 For discussion of this and other privileges extended to the J ews during the Hellenistic-Roman period d. V. Tcherikover, op. cit., 307, 5 1 0. 55 The restoration adopted herein is essentially that of P. Gre1ot, VT 4 ( 1 9 54 ) , 349ff; d. also the translation of H. L. Ginsberg apud J . B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 49 1 , and the treatment of A. Vincent, op. cit., 234ff. Professor Ginsberg has kindly provided me with a copy of his revised restorations prepared in the fall of 1 965. For the restored text d. Appendix III, Restored Texts. The restoration tentatively adopted in line 4 is based on that of K. Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter ( Tiibingen, 1964 ) , 1 53f. It accords well with the interpretation of the underlying events
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[To] my [brothers] . 2 . [Je]daniah and his colleagues the [J]ewish gar[ rison], your brother Ranan [iah] . The welfare of my brothers may God ( the gods? ) [seek]. 3. Now, this year, the fifth year of king Darius, it has been sent from the king to Arsa [mes the 4- prince, saying, "Keep away from the Jew]ish [garrison."] Now, do you count four[teen 5. days from the first day of Nisan and the Passover ke] ep. From the 1 5th day until the 21st day of [Nisan 6. keep the Festival of Unleavened Bread . . . . You] be pure and take heed. Work do no[t perform 7. on the 1 5th day or on the 2 1st day. Beer do no]t drink and anything of leaven do no[t eat. 8. Eat unleavened bread from the 14th day of Nisan at] sunset until the 21St of Nisa[n at sun9. set. And anything of leaven br]ing into your chambers and seal (it) up during [these d]ays. 10. [By order of the God of heaven and by order of the ki]ng. 1 1 . [To] my brothers Jedaniah and his colleagues, the Jewish garrison, your brother Ranani [ah]. The regnal year began on Nisan 1 and so this letter which began simply, "This year, year 5 of Darius the King," must have been written at the very 1.
presented in Chapter IX, pp. 279ff. In his new reconstruction Ginsberg pro posed "[ (Let there be) a festival for the Jew] ish [garrison in the month of Nisan.] " Since his original study, P. Gre1ot, "Le papyrus pascal d'E1ephantine : nouvel examen," VT 1 7 ( 1 967 ) , 1 14ff, has questioned the original width of the papyrus. He had assumed five folds widthwise and an abbreviated salutation. He now raises the possibility of three folds and a full salutation, "The welfare of my brothers may deity seek abundantly at all times." Accordingly, the left one third of the papyrus is missing and his former reconstruction falls short of the original length of the papyrus. According to his former reconstruction, the origi nal width of the letter would have been 27 cm., the regular width of the Her mopolis letters (BK 1 , 3-5; 7 [ 2 7. 5 cm.] ) . According to his alternate proposal the original width of the papyrus would have been ca . 3 3 cm., the approximate width of one of the Hermopolis letters (BK 2 [ 3 3 . 5 cm.] ) . The legal contracts had three folds and the Hermopolis letters had only two folds. It is not clear how many folds the other letters had (C 39-42; K 1 3 ) . Even according to his alternate treatment, however, the essentials of his previous reconstruction re main intact; "Le papyrus pascal d'EIephantine: essai de restauration," VT 1 7 ( 1 967 ) , 201ff; "Le papyrus pascal d'Elephantine e t les lettres d'Hermopolis," VT 17 ( 1 967 ) , 481ff.
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beginning of the year since it apparently called upon the Jews to count fourteen days from the beginning of the month and keep the Passover. The message of Darius II was either received at the end of his fourth year or the first day or so of the fifth year.5 6 The wording of that message is purely a matter of conjecture. The contents of the letter were from the hand of Hananiah. It seems to have said something like "By virtue of the ' decree which Darius .issued to Arsames, I hereby fill in the following details." Who was this Hananiah? At least two identifications are possible and each could result in a different reconstruction of events. To be sure, details from one reconstruction may not be incompatible with those from an other, but to sharpen the focus I prefer to present two distinct possibili ties. One follows here and the other is presented in the last chapter. The form of address of Hananiah's letter, "to my brothers . . . , your brother," was not that of a superior to a subordinate ( contrast C 26 : 1 ) . Accordingly, Hananiah was not likely to have be�n an official in Egypt to whom the Jews were directly responsible, but may have been identical with Nehemiah's relative, Hanani, i.e., Hananiah, who showed such concern over the poor status of Jerusalem and journeyed to Susa to inform Nehemiah thereof (Neh. 1 : Iff) . He was later appointed governor of the fortress of the rebuilt city (Neh. 7 = 2 ) ,57 and by 419 may have replaced Nehemiah as governor (pelJ-iih ) of the province of Judah. Ezra was earlier granted au thority to introduce and enforce Jewish law in the Trans-Euphrates ( Ez. 7 : 25 ) . Hananiah now received an extension of this authority to include the Jews of Egypt. He wrote to them about the Passover much in the man ner that Mordecai and Queen Esther wrote to the Jews throughout the Per sian Empire exhorting them to celebrate Purim (Est. 9 : 2off) and the Jews of Judea later wrote to the Egyptian Jews urging them to celebrate Hanuk kah (2 Mac. 1 : 1 ff) . The additional authority of Queen Esther in the Purim letter ( Est. 9:32) would have been comparable to that of King Darius in the Passover rescript. This is not to imply that the Elephantine Jews had not celebrated the Passover prior to Hananiah's letter. The total absence in the rescript of any explanation of the Passover-in contrast to the Purim and Hanukkah let56 W. R. Arnold, "The Passover Papyrus from Elephantine," JBL 3 1 ( 19 1 2 ) , Iff, thought that the letter was written at the end of the fifth year and referred to the Passover to be celebrated at the beginning of the sixth year. 57 C. C. Tuland, "Hanani-Hananiah," JBL 77 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 57 . Unfortunately, he confused Anani (C 3 8 : 4 ) with Hananiah (C 3 8 : 8 ) .
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ters-presupposes a knowledge of this festival on the part of the Elephan tine Jews.58 In fact, two ostraca contain the term pas/:la,. The interpretation of one is still very uncertain and reads something like the following: "Now, thus I sent to you . . . this by the boat of Pamhen, saying 'I will go up to Syene on this day.' Now, concerning the Sukkiens ( ? ) (sky» . . . this day -if you can perfor[m thi]s ( t,b [d/r zn] h) on the Passover. . . . " ( Ostraca Berlin P 10679) .59 The other has been dated to the beginning of the fifth century and is much clearer. It contained the request, "Send ( to inform ) me when you will keep/perform the Passover ( t
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before Nisan. 63 Even if the word pas�a, i n these two ostraca referred only to the paschal sacrifice, it is likely that the Elephantine Jews had cele brated the Feast of Unleavened Bread as well. 64 A third ostracon may allude to this feast. Addressed to Uriah, it con cluded with the statement, "Now, concerning that bread, eat until tomor row eve ( [c]rwbh ) . An ardab of flour remains here" ( , qm� s)r tnh ) . The first letter of the Aramaic word read as "eve" is smeared and consequentfy uncertain. If correctly read, the "eve" could refer to eve of the Sabbath or, more likely here, eve of the Passover ( cf. Ruth Rabbah to Ruth 1 : 17) . Uriah had asked his correspondent in an earlier note about some bread and was now told that he should eat it until the day before Passover. Tannaitic law forbade the eating of leaven after mid-morning of the fourteenth day of Nisan ( Pes. 1 : 4 ) , and this ostracon would indicate that a similar prohibi tion was known at Elephantine ( Sachau PI. 63, 1 ) . The letter of Hananiah would have been written under the impact of the canonization of the Torah, its proclamation at Jerusalem, and the elaboration of some eighteen interpretive statutes.65 The Israelites of the monarchy had sinned and were punished by exile. Their descendants were subjects of foreign rulers in their own land. To regain the favor of God it was necessary to observe all His laws (Neh. 9-10) . One of the interpretive statutes concerned the prohibition of the purchase of wares and food from gentiles on the Sabbath (Neh. 1O: 32 ) -a prohibition which was strictly enforced by Nehemiah ( 1 3 : 16ff) . There is no specific reference to Pass over, no doubt because its observance occasioned no particular problem. But what about the Egyptian Jews? Were the Elephantine soldiers keep ing the Passover? It certainly would do no harm to address them a re minder. Moreover, since their military duties might interfere with the proper observance of the seven day festival, it would be well to secure royal approval. The Jews at Elephantine had remainec1 loyal ( C 27 : 1ff) during the disturbances which followed the death of Artaxerxes I and now Darius Untersuchung zur Jiidisch-Hel1enistischen Geschichte," HUCA 8-9 ( 1 9 3 1-3 2 ) , 276ff, 3 1 8, 3 24f. This festive occasion has beeen traced by L. Ginzberg apud S. Zeitlin, Megillat Taanit as a Source for Jewish Chronology and History in the Hellenis tic and Roman Periods (Philadelphia, 1922 ) , 76, n. 209, to the seven day purification period observed by the early Hasmonean soldiers prior to the Pass over. A similar period of purity may have been observed even earlier; cf. J . B. Segal, op. cit., 32, 1 3 8f. 63 R. de Vaux, op. cit., 490. M Contra E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 94ff. 65 Cf. n. 49 above .
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I I could acknowledge their loyalty by guaranteeing their right to celebrate their leading festival. As will be seen, the Jerusalem priestly authorities looked askance at the fact that animal sacrifices were offered up in the Elephantine Temple. Yet the opening rite of the Passover week was the paschal sacrifice, an act which had been centered in Jerusalem since the days of Josiah and possibly since the time of Hezekiah. Instructions for the Passover could not omit refer ence to this rite. The tack was-if the letter has been correctly recon structed-to make but passing reference to the paschal sacrifice and to concentrate on the Festival of Unleavened Bread. The letter was addressed to "Jedaniah and the Jewish garrison" and not to "Jedaniah and the priests," which would have put special emphasis on the sacrificial ritual. It said, "Keep the Passover" which might refer to the whole festival that be gan at sundown on the fourteenth day, as well as to the "paschal sacrifice" specifically. Did the injunction, "be pure and take heed" refer to the purity of those slaughtering the paschal animal and partaking of the paschal meal (cf. Num. 9 : 1 ff; 2 ehron. 30 : 3 , 1 5ff; Ez. 6 : 19ff) ? Or did it refer to the otherwise unknown requirement to be pure on the first and last days of the festival? It did follow the command to keep the Feast of Unleavened Bread, as if it were in some way related to that. The other provisions forbade work on the fifteenth and twenty-first days of Nisan; forbade the eating of leaven and probably the drinking of beer, so popular in Egypt; called for the eating of unleavened bread during the seven days of the festival; and ordered all leaven to be locked up in special chambers. There is no Biblical reference to the prohibition of drinking (probably) beer, i.e., a beverage made of fermented grain. The Mishnah excludes several such drinks, including Egyptian Zytho8 (Pes. 3 : 1 ) . The letter, then, would not be introducing any new festival or new rites-it is too brief for that-but simply reminding the Elephantine Jewish soldiers of the festival practices.66 Nam es
Ancient names were of two types, secular and theophorous. The theophor ous name was composed of at least two elements; one was the name of the deity and the other told something about the deity. Taken together, the ophorous names are an indication of the beliefs which a community or peo86
For other views, d. Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 91ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. 17ff; E. C. Krae1ing, op. cit., 9zff; J . B. Segal, op. cit., 221ff. cit.,
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pIe held about its god or gods. Statistical studies reveal patterns and trends. The devotion of the Elephantine Jews to YHW is revealed by the over whelming proportion of names which contain the element YHWIH. Of the more than 160 different names borne by Elephantine Jews, · including hypocoristica, only a handful were non-tbeophorous. These included: Beeri: "The Beerite" (C 53 : 3 ) . Galgul : "Eye-ball'" in the sense of "Apple of My Eye" 67 (C 10:21, 49 : 1 ) . Jathom : ( C 2 2 : 23, 33 :4) Jethoma : ( C 1 : 21/67, 3 ) " (The) Orphan." Jathma: ( C 1 1 : 1 ) Mal::tath : "Pure One" ( C 2 2 : 82 ) .68 Zibiah : "Gazelle" (C 34:4) . Rachel : "Merchant" ( C 2 : 20; cf. Neb. 3 : 8, 31 ) . Shelewah : "Serene" ( C 39: 1 ) . Shewa : "The Like One" (C 23 : 1 5, 40 :1; K 1 3 : 1 ) . 69 Nehab: ( C 22 : 1 1 ) . Nehebeth : ( C 22 :91, 96, 107 ) . "Beloved." Agur (Hagur) : "Hired Laborer" (C 1 0 :22) .70
}
}
67 This name also occurs in the Bar Kochba documents; cf. P. Benoit, S. J. Milik, and R. de Vaux, Les grottes de Murabbacat (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, II; Oxford, 1961 ) , nos. 42 :2, 43 : 2, 44 : 1, 51 : 1 . From a Greek text ( 1 1 5 : 3£) we get the spelling Galgoula. M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personen namen im Rahmen der gemeinsemitischen Namengebung (Beitrage zur Wissen schaft vom Alten und Neuen 1estament, 3/10; Stuttgart, 1928 ) , 223, had con nected the name with Arabic gulgul, "bell," and interpreted it as an expression of parental joy at childbirth. Milik, op. cit., 1 57, compared it with Aramaic gilgiil, "eye-ball," and explained it as a popular surname, "N. who has Pro truding Eyes." But S. Loewenstamm of the Hebrew University (orally) would rather understand the word in the affectionate sense of "Apple of · ( their = parents' ) Eye" (cf. Targum to Zech. 2 : 12, Ps. 1 7 : 8 ) . 68 So Prof. J. Blau of the Hebrew University (orally ) . M. Noth, op. cit., 225, prefers "Strong One." Both compare Arabic ma1:rtun. Cf., too, M. H. Silver man, Jewish Personal Names in the Elephantine Documents: A Study in Onomastic Development (University Microfilms, 1967 ) , 1 33f. This is a very comprehensive and stimulating work, though I do not agree with some of its basic assumptions and conclusions. 69 Cf. M. Noth, op. cit" 222; M . H. Silverman, op. cit., 1 54. 70 Hagur b. Ahio, the first of three names on an ostracon (M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 1 2 2 ) is apparently identical with Agur b. Ahio ( C 10:22 ) . The name Agur appears to be Aramaic; cf. M . H . Silverman, op. cit., 1 1 3 f. Agur b. Jakeh (Prov. 30: 1 ) is the reported author of a wisdom piece which may derive from the Aramaic; cf. R. B. Y. Scott, Proverbs· Ecclesiastes (The
WORSHIP O F YHW
1 35
Nethin : " ( Temple) Servant" (C 53:2 ) .71 Not only is YHWjH found so abundantly in the Elephantine onomasti con , it is found almost exclusively. The theophorous elements ,iidon, "Lord," and bacal "master," found in pre-exilic names/2 are absent from Elephantine names. The divine elements ,iig, "father," and ,ii/:l, "brother," are rare. EI is completely absent from the Elephantine onomasticon. This is most noteworthy since the other elements had by then all but disap peared from Israelite names in Babylonia and Judah as well but El was found in twenty-six names from Judah 73 and about twenty names from Babylonia.74 Israelite names have been classified according to their grammatical struc tUre and content.75 Names of one or two elements, the second being in con struct, are "word names." All of the secular names listed above fall into this category. Names of two elements, two nouns or a noun plus an adjective, are "nominal sentence names." Names whose two elements consist of a noun plus a verb are "verbal sentence names." The nominal element in the sentence names is usually a divine name or epithet. Omission of the divine element results in abbreviation of the name.76 The hypocoristicon may take the form of "Nathan" from "Jonathan," "Shallum" from "Shele miah," or "Pilti" from "Pelatiah." The ideas contained in the nominal and verbal sentence names are given full expression in the Psalmic literature Anchor Bible. Garden City, 196 5 ) , 175ft The name Jakeh (BK 2 :4, 1 1 ) , variantly written Ykyh ( BK 1 : 1 1 ) , is present in the Syenian onomasticon evi denced in the Hermopolis letters. 71 M. Noth, op. cit., 2 3 1 ; but cf. M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 92£, 1 3 6£, 1 67. The name may be an Aramaism. 72 M. Noth, op. cit., 1 14ff. 73 1 . Ariel (Ez. 8 : 1 6 ) , 2 . Asahel (Ez. 10 : 1 5 ) , 3. Azarel ( Ez. 10:41; Neh. 1 1 : 1 3, 1 2 : 3 6 ) , 4. Bezalel (Ez. 1 0 : 30 ) , 5. Daniel (Ez. 8 : 2; Neh. 1 0 : 7 ) , 6. Elasah (Ez. 1 0 : 22 ) , 8. Eliakim (Neh. 1 2 :41 ) , 9 . Eliashib (Ez. 1 0 : 6//Neh. 3 : 1 , 20£, 1 3 :4, 7; Ez. 1 0 : 24, 2 7, 36 ) , 1 0 . Eliezer (Ez. 8 : 1 6, 1 0 : 1 8, 23, 3 1 ) , 1 1 . Elijah (Ez. 1 0 : 2 1 , 26 ) , 1 2 . Eliphelet (Ez. 8 : 1 3, 1 0 : 3 3 ) , 1 3 . Elnathan (Ez. 8 : 1 6 ) , 14. Ishmael (Ez. 1 0 : 22 ) , 1 5· Jahaziel (Ez. 8 : 5 ) , 1 6. Jehiel (Ez. 8 :9, 10:2, 21, 26) , 1 7. Jeiel (Ez. 1 0 :43 ) , 18. Joel (Ez. 1 0 :43; Neh. 1 1 :9 ) , 19. Kadmiel (Ez. 2 :40, 3 :9; Neh. 7 :43, etc. ) , 20. Mehetabel (Neh. 6 : 1 0 ) , 2 1 . Meshezabel (Neh. 1 0 : 22, 1 1 : 24 ) , 22. Michael (Ez. 8 : 8 ) , 2 3 . Mishael (Neh. 8:4; Dan. 1 :6£, etc. ) , 24. Nathanel (Ez. 1 0 : 22 ) , 2 5 . Uzziel (Neh. 3 : 8 ) , 26. Zabdiel (Neh. 1 1 : 1 4 ) . 74 Cf. the list in E. Ebeling, Aus dem Leben der ;ildischen Exulanten in Babylonien (Berlin, 191 4 ) , 27ff. 75 Cf. M. Noth, op. cit., 1 1 ff; somewhat differently, M. H. Silverman, 1 74ff. 76 M. Noth, op. cit., 36ff.
1 36
WORSHIP O F Y HW
and elsewhere. The names or their analogues may all be found in pre-exilic Israel and some in post-exilic Judah as well. The nominal sentence names tell something about deity. They acknowl edge some attribute of the deity and express confidence in him.7 1 Thus, YHW is divine father, brother/8 friend/9 companion,80 and king: 81 Abiosher: " ( My Divine ) Father is Wealth ( the source of wealth ) " ( C 22: 104) . "You, 0 Lord, are our father" (Is . 63 : 16; cf. Deut. 32 :6) . Ahutab: " ( My Divine ) Brother is Good." 82 Reuiah: "Yah is (My) Friend" ( C 8:33//9:21, 22 : 1 18, 2 3 : 10 ) . Jehodad : "YHH is (My) Companion" (C 1 1 : 1 3 ) .83 MaIchiah : "Yah is (My) King" (C 7:2, 1 1 : 1 5, 22:23, 8:3 1//9: 19 ) . "You are my king, 0 God" ( Ps. 44: 5 ) . Other names compounded with the elements "father" and "brother" may refer to deity but more likely refer to humans : Ahio: "Little Brother." 84 Ahiab: "My Brother is (in place of My) Father" (C 2 : 2 ) .85 Abihu : "He is (in place of ) My Father" (C 2 : 20) .86 Abihi : "She is (in place of) My Father" ( C 22:90, 100, 39:2, 46 :9) . 87 ,
79 Ibid., I S3ft. 78 Ibid., 66ft. 77Ibid., 1 3 sft. 0 81 Ibid., 1 1 4ft. 8 Ibid., 1 83, n. 4, presents a difterent view. 82 This name is not found in the papyri but appears in the ostraca : Berlin P 1 0680 concave: 1 ( Sachau, 78,2 ) ; Bodleian ostracon recto :4 (E. L. Sukenik and E. Y. Kutscher, Kedem 1 [1942], 5 3ft ) ; SC N concave : 1; CG 1 6 convex :4 (A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 [1948] , 109ft ) ; CG 1 69 concave: 1 (A. Dupont Sommer, RES, 1942-4S, 6Sft) ; etc. The name is Aramaic. The Hebrew would be Ahitub ( 1 Sam. 1 4 : 3; Ez. 7 :2 ) . 83 Cf. the names Eldad (Num. 1 1 :26f ) and Bildad (Job 2 : 1 1 ) . Cowley read this name as Jehohadari ( "YHH is Glory" ) ; cf., too, M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 1 24. But the final yod is doubtful and the name, though possible ( cf. Mic. 2 :9; Ezek. 1 6 : 1 4 ) , is unattested. 84 Cf. M. Noth, op. cit., 222. 85 M. Noth, op. cit., 222, explains the name as "Brother of (the) Father," i.e., resembles the father. For discussion of Akkadian "Ersatznamen" d. J. J Stamm, "Die akkadische Namengebung," Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatisch aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44 ( 1939 ) , 301ft. He would explain the name Ahab as "Uncle." For the theophorous explanation of these names, d. M. H. Silver man, op. cit., 1 1 3, 1 1 6f, 1 2 5, 175, 1 8 5ft. 86 Cowley rendered this name as Abijah but none of the Elephantine the ophorus names ends with a waw. I therefore prefer to consider the second ele ment as the Aramaic personal pronoun hil, "he." 81 According to my explanation of Abihu, the ending of this name would be the Aramaic personal pronoun hi, "she." .
WORSHIP OF YHW
1 37
Certain abstract qualities characterize YHW. He is unique, exalted, ele vate d, and possessed of splendor and grace ( favor ) . Micaiah (Micah ) : "Who is like Yah?" 88 "Who is like you, 0 Lord, among the celestials" ( Ex. 1 5 : 1 1 ) . [Ramiah ( Ez. 1 0 : 25 ) ] (Rami ) : "(Yah is ) Exalted" ( C 34: 3 ) . "Though the Lord is exalted, he regards the lowly" (Ps. 138 :6) . Jehoeli : "Yah is elevated" ( C 2 2 : 105 ) . "Judge me, 0 Lord, according to Your justice, and according to Your integrity, 0 Most High" (Ps. 7 : 9 ) . Hodiah : "Yah is (My) Splendor" (C 22:72 ) . "His splendor is above earth and heaven" ( Ps. 148 : 1 3 ) . Jehol;ten : "Yah is Grace/Favor" (C 1 0 : 2, 1 8 : 1 , 2 2 : 92, 1 0 1 ) . "The Lord said to Moses, I will also do this thing that you have asked for you have truly gained my favor" (Ex. 3 3 : 1 7 ) . Numerous names indicate expressions of confidence in the Lord. He is a refuge and a fortress, a source of hope and trust, and a covert. He is the source of warmth, light, and dew, wealth and welfare. He is just, working on behalf of the individual as well as with the group. He, and He alone, is my portion : Mahseiah (Mahseh ) : "Yah is (My) Refuge." 89 "For You are my refuge, a strong tower against the enemy" (Ps. 61 :4) · Mauziah (Mauzi) : "Yah is (My) Fortress." 90 "The Lord is the fortress of my life; whom should I fear?" ( Ps. 27 : 1 ) . Tikvathiah (Tikvah [Ez. 1 0 : 1 5 ] ) : "Yah is (My) Hope" (C 68,1 ) .91 Mibtahiah (Mibtah) : "Yah is (My) Trust" (C 8 : 2, 3 6, etc., 2 2 : 25; K 5 : 17 ) . "For You, 0 Lord, are my hope, my trust, 0 Lord, from my youth" ( PS· 71 : 5 ) · [* Sithriah] (Sithri ) : " ( Yah is My ) Covert" ( C 68,8 ) .
_
S8 C 2 2 : 2 2, 64, 1 26, 2 3 : 1 3; K 1 :2, 12, 5 : 1 7; Sachau, PI. 63,5 : 5, 66,2a : l , 2b :2, 67, 2 : 2f. Cf. the Aramaic name Makkibanit (BK 1 : 1 , 1 4, 2 : 1 , 1 8, 3 : 1 , 5, 14, 4 : 8, 5 : 1 , 6 : 7; Bauer-Meissner, line 1 7 ) , "Who is like Banit?" 89 C 5 : 2 (etc.) , 16, 20 :3, 22 : 1 1 , 6 5, 9 1 , 23 :4, 2 5 : 1 8, 4 5 : 2, 4 8 : 3, K 1 : 1 3, 2 : 1 5, 4 : 2 3 . 90 C 8 : 3°, 9 : 1 9, 1 8 : 3, 20: 1 6, 22 : 70, 1 09, 2 3 : 2, 2 5 : 1 7, 33 : 2, 3 7 : 1 , 1 7, 3 8 : 2, 12, 4° :4; K 4: 22, 7 : 42, 9 : 2 5, 1 0 : 19, 1 2 : 34. 91 I am grateful to Professor E. Y. Kutscher of the Hebrew University for this explanation.
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WORSHIP O F YHW
"You are m y covert; from the besieger protect me" CPs. 3 2 : 7) . Uriah (Uri ) ; Jehour: "Yah is ( My) Flame." 92 "For love is as sharp as death . . . , its flashes are flashes of fire, a flame (salhel]et) of Yah" ( Song of Songs 8 :6) . Neriah (Neri) : "Yah is (My) Lamp" (C 1 2 : 6, 2 2 : 86, 102, 38:1; K 1 3 :6) . "For You are, my lamp, 0 Lord; the Lord lightens my darkness" ( 2 Sam. 2 2 : 29; cf. Ps. 1 8 : 29 ) . Jehotal : "Yah is (My ) Dew" ( C 22 : 57, 103, 23 :4) . "I will be as the dew to Israel; he shall blossom as the lily" (Has. 14:6) . Abiosher: " ( My Divine ) Father is Wealth" (C 22 : 104) . "Also every man to whom God has given wealth and possessions and the power to enjoy them . . . ." ( Koh. 5 : 1 8 ) . Shelomam: " . . . Welfare/Peace" ( C 1 : 2, 10, 20 : 6, 46: 2, 49 : 1 ) . "Then Gideon built an altar there to the Lord and called it, 'The Lord is Peace' " Ou. 6:24) . [Zedekiah] (Zadok) : "(Yah is My ) Justice/Vindication" (C 5 : 2 ) . "Answer me when I call, 0 God of my vindication" ( Ps. 4: 2 ) . Baadiah : "Yah is for Me" ( C 19:2, 25 : 18 ) . "The king said to the man of God, 'Entreat now the favor of the Lord your God and pray for me' " ( 1 Ki. 1 3 : 6 ) . Immanuiah : "Yah is With Us" ( C 2 2 : 105 ) . "May the Lord our God be with us as He was with our fathers" ( 1 Ki. 8 : 57) . Hilkiah : "Yah is ( My) Portion" ( C 5 2 : 17 ) . "God is the strength of my heart and my portion forever" (Ps. 73 : 26) . The largest category of theophorous names comprises "verbal sen tence names." 93 These describe not what the Lord is but what He does. Those in the perfect tense are names of thanksgiving; those in the imperfect are names of petition. Names of thanksgiving express gratitude for the Lord's manifold benefactions . He has created and built, blessed and sus tained. He takes note of human conduct, judges, mediates, and requites. He shelters the needy and comforts the bereaved. He hearkens unto those 92 Uriah (Uri) : C 6 : 9, 8:7, 9 : 2, 1 5 : 38, 1 9 : 3, 22 :65, 68, 73, 1 1 8; 2 3 : 14, 2 5 : 2 , 3 7 : 1 , 3 8 : 1 , 1 2 ; Sachau, PI. 63,1; K 8 :2, 4, 9. J eh aur : C 1 : 2, 28: 1 6; K 9 : 24, 1 0 : 1 8, 1 2 : 34· 93 Cf. M. Nath, op. cit., 1 69ff.
WORSHIP OF ' YHW
1 39
who call to Him, has pity on them and answers them. He listens to prayers, draws up from Sheol and heals the sick. He supports the rightous and hon ors the honorable. He is generous in giving but occasionally holds in re serve. He is able to protect, deliver, rescue, and save, help, liberate and re deem his devotees. He strives for those loyal to him and He gladdens the heart of his worshippers. He does greatly and His every act is brought to compl etion : Konaiah, Kenaiah (Kon) : "Yah Creates/Created" (C 1 : 2, 5 : 2, 22 : 1 1 7) . "Blessed be Abram of God Most High, creator of heaven and earth" (Gen. 14: 19) . Benaiah : "Yah Built" (C 68,8) .94 "I will bring them back to this land where I will build them up and not tear them down" ( Jer. 24:6) . Berechiah : "Yah Blessed" (C 20: 1 7, 22 : 1 30, 2 5 : 19, 56: 3; K 5 : 1 7 ) "The Lord bless you and keep you" (Num . 6: 24) . Kilkeliah (Caleol [1 Ki. 5 : 1 1] ) : "Yah Sustained" ( C 39:3 ) . "Cast your burden on the Lord and He will sustain you" ( Ps. 5 5 : 23 ) . Zechariah (Zaccur ) : "Yah Remembered." 95 "Remember me, a Lord, when You show favor to Your people" (Ps. 106 :4) · Shephatiah : "Yah Judged/Vindicated" ( C 52 : 14) . "Vindicate me, 0 Lord, for I have walked in my integrity and trusted in the Lord" (Ps. 26 : 1 ) Pelaliah (PalIul) : "Yah Mediated/Intervened" (C 8: 30, 22: I l l ) ; 96 d. Peluliah (C 22 : 1 5, 80; K 10: 19 [so!] ) . "If man sins against man, God will intervene for him" ( 1 Sam. 2 : 25 ) . Shelemiah ( Shillem, Shallum, Meshullam, Meshullemeth ) : "Yah Re quited." 97 .
.
94 Cowley's reading of this name in C 2 3 : 3 is doubtful. Cowley understood the fragment in C 68,8 as "and her children"; cf. his index on p . 280. 95 Zechariah : C 5 : 5, 8 : 7, 29f, 9 : 1 7f, 1 1 : 1 5, 2 2 : 66f, 2 3 : 10, 1 5, 2 5 : 5, 5 2 : 10, 1 5, 5 5 : 3; K I 3 :9 · Zaccur : C 8 : 3 2, 9 : 20, 1 0 : 3, 24, 1 3 :3, 20, 1 5 : 3 8, 20 : 1 8 , 2 2 : 3 , 98, 107, 2 3 : 1 2, 42 : 5, 46 : 1 2, 4 8 : 1 , 63 : 3, 8 , 68,2; K 5 : 1 2, 1 4, 7 : 2, 41 , 43, 8 : 2, 9:24. 96 Cf. E. A. Speiser, "The Stem pll in Hebrew," JBL 82 ( 1 963 ) , 301ff. 97 Shelemiah : C 2 2 : 24. Shillem : C 5 : 1 9, 1 3 :20, 1 9 : 4, 6, 2 2 : 39, 41, 85, 88, 97, 1 1 6, 2 8 : 1 6; K 9 :24; CIS 2/1 1 54 : 1 ; cf. N. Aime-Giron, BIFAO 38 ( 1 939 ) , 36f. Shallum: C 2 2 : 20, 66, 2 3 : 6, 2 5 : 1 8, 3 5 : 2 ( ? ) , 44: 1, 63 : 10; K 1 1 : 1 3 . Meshul-
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WORSHIP OF YHW
"For You requite a man according to his work" ( Ps. 62: 1 3 ) . (Sallu, Salluah ) : " . . . Repaid" (C 1 8 : 2, 2 2 : 102 ) .98 Zephaniah : "Yah Hid/Sheltered." 99 "For He will hide me in His shelter in the day of trouble" (Ps. · 27 : 5 ) . Nehemiah ( Nahum, Menahem, Menahemeth ) : "Yah Comforted." 100 "Show me a sign of Your favor . . . for You, 0 Lord, have helped me and comforted me" ( Ps. 86: 1 7 ) . Shemaiah ( Shammua ) ; Jehoshama : "Yah Heard." 101 [Hananiah (C 2 1 : 2, 1 1 ) ] (Hanani, Hanan, Honi ) : "Yah Pitied." 102 Ananiah (Anani ) : "Yah Answered Me." 103 "Hear, 0 Lord, my voice, when I call; have pity and answer me" (Ps. 27:7 ) . .
lam : C 6 : 1 8, 8: 30, 9 : 1 8, 10:2, 8, 1 6, 24, 1 3 : 3, 7, 1 9 : 5, 7, 20:2, 1 7, 2 2 : 2 5, 27, 29, 109, 44:2, 5 2 : 1 6; K 2 : 2, 1 3, 5 :2£, 16, 1 8, 7 : 2, 43, 8:2, 9 : 2 5, 1 0 : 8, 1 1 : 1 , 1 3, 1 5, 1 2 :2. Meshullemeth: C 2 2 : 82, 39:3, 63 :4. M. Noth, op. cit., 1 74, emphasized the meaning "repay," "restore," and explained the name as ex pressing thanks for the birth of a child to replace a dead child or father. The popularity of the various forms of this name would be due to the high infant mortality rate. 98 The name Sa]]uah also occurs in ostracon Cairo 49624; cf. N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1926) , 27ff. The explanation is that of M. Noth, op. cit., 1 74f. 99 C 1 : 1 1, 8 : 3 2, 9 : 20, 22 : 3 (so! ) , 7 (with Sachau) , 1 1 4 (with Sachau ) , 52 : 1 3. 100 Nehemiah : C 50:6(? ) . Menahem: C 1 2 : 7, 1 5 : 38, 1 9:7, 20:2, 9, 1 6f, 1 9, 22 : 20, 26, 62, 67, 71, 73, 78f, 23 : 1 1 , 2 5 : 1 8, 2 8 : 1 5, 3 5 : 2, 5, 39:2, 44: 1 , 61 : 1 1 (with Sachau) , 63 : 1 0; K 2 : 1 5, 7 : 44, 1 0 : 1 8, 1 1 : 1 3, 1 3 : 5 . Menahemeth: C 2 2 : 8 1 , 95, 108. Nahum: K 1 0 : 19, 1 1 : 1 4, 1 2 : 34; Kraeling read each of these signatures ( all belonging to the same man) as Rehum. In none of the three signatures does the first letter resemble the resh in the fonowing bar. Kraeling made the same error as did an ancient scribe who confused Rehum (Ez. 2 : 2 ) and Nahum (Neh. 7 :7 ) . I submit that the same orthographic error underlies the different spellings Nebuchadnezzar-Nebuchadrezzar (Nabii-kudurri-u�ur in Akkadian) . These names are also understood by M. Noth, op. cit., 1 7 5, 222, as indicating the comfort which a new child brings for the death of a departed . 101 Shemaiah : C 5 : 1 7, 8 : 3 1 , 9 : 19, 1 3 : 1 9, 1 9 : 5f, 2 2 : 26, 1 19, 24:3, 3 3 : 3 , 52: 1 2; Sachau, PI. 66,2a :4; K 3 : 22b, 7:43, 9 : 22, 1 0 : 1 7, 1 2 : 3 2 . Shammua : C 1 2 : 5, 22:41; K 1 0 : 19. 102 Hanani : C 2 : 3 . Hanan: C 2 3 : 5, 2 8 : 1 6, 61 :2, 62, 1 . Honi : Sachau, PI. 63,2 conveX: 2 . 103 C 6 : 20, 8 : 32, 9 : 20, 1 0 : 20, 1 3 : 1 7, 1 5 : 37 ; 1 8 : 3 , 20 : 2, 9, 1 6, 19, 2 2 : 1 2 , 44, 46, 5 8, 70, 81, 1 2 8, 26: 23; 3 8 :4, 10£, 45:9, 61 : 1 1 , 66,8; K 1 :2, 2 : 2, 14, 3 : 3, 4 : 1, 6:2, 7 : 1, 9 : 1, 1 0 : 1 , 8, 1 1 : 1, 1 2 : l f, 1 3 :6; CIS 2/1 1 54 : 8 (cf. N. Aime Giron, BIFAO 3 8 [1939], 36£) .
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141
. Azaniah : "Yah Heard" (C 1 2 : 8, 66,8 ) . "Hear my prayer, 0 God, and hide not Yourself from my supplica tion" ( Ps. 5 5 : 2 ) . [D ela ia h (C 30:29 ) ] ( Dalah ) : "Yah Drew Up" ( C 41 :4; K 5 : 1 7 ) . [Rephaiah ( 1 Chron. 9 :43 ) ] (Raphi ) : "Yah Healed" ( CIS 2/1 1 54: 2 ) . "I will exton You, 0 Lord, for You have drawn me up. . . . I cried to You for help and You have healed me" ( Ps. 30 : 1ff) . [Semachiah ( 1 Chron. 26: 7 ) ] (Simchi ) : "Yah Supported" ( C 49: 1 ) . "For the arms of the wicked shan be shattered, but the Lord will support the just" ( Ps. 37: 17) . [*Kebadiah] (Kibda ) : "Yah Honored" (C 2 : 21 ) .104 "Those who honor Me, I will honor" ( 1 Sam. 2 : 30 ) . Jehonathan, Jahnathan (Nathan, Nattun ) , Mattan : "Yah Gave." 105 "The Lord gave and the Lord took" ( Job. 1 : 2 1 ) . Zebadiah : "Yah Bestowed" ( C 22: 13, 52: 1 5 ) . " Leah said 'God has bestowed upon me a choice gift. . . .' '' (Gen. 30: 20 ) . [Azaliah (2 Ki. 22 : 3 ) ] (Azzul ) : "Yah Reserved/Drew Upon" ( K 7 :44) . "Then the Lord . . . drew upon the spirit that was on him and put it upon the seventy elders" (Num. 1 1 :25; d. Gen. 27:36) . . (Atar [Epr?] ) : " . . . Protected" ( C 1 3 : 3 ) .106
104 Cowley read this name as Nabda but suggested that it might be kbr>. The first letter is definitely a kaph and the verbal element, kbd ( "honored" ) , is present in Phoenician and Punic names: Kibedmelkart (CIS 364, 2366) and Kibedastarte (RES 1 226 ) . 105 Jeh ( o ) nathan : C 2 : 21, 1 8 : 5 . Mattan: C 22 :42, 62, 76f, 3 8 : 1 , 65,3. Nattun: C 1 2: 1 , 22:47, 1 00, 1 1 1, 3 3 : 5, 34: 5 ( 7 ) . One of the most popular names at Elephantine was Nathan; it was held by at least 1 8 persons : 1 . Nathan b. Anani ( C 8 : 32, etc.) , 2 . Nathan b. Neriah (C 1 2 : 6 ) , 3 . Nathan b. Hodaviah (C 19: 10, etc. ) , 4. Nathan b. Hosea ( C 29 : 1 , 4), 5. Nathan b . Anani ( C 22 : 1 2 ) , 6. Nathan b . Mauziah ( C 23 : 2, etc. ) , 7 . Nathan b . Jehour ( C 28 : 1 6 ) , 8 . Nathan b . Caddul ( K 2 : 1 5 ) , 9. Zechariah b . Nathan ( C 8 : 7, etc. ) , 1 0. Jehoshama d. Nathan ( C 22 : 84) , 1 1 . Shillem b. Nathan (C 2 8 : 1 6 ) , 12. Meshullam b. Nathan (C 44 : 2 ) , 1 3. Islal). b. Nathan ( C 56:4 ) , 1 4-1 8. (C 22: 1 1 3, 1 1 5, 24 : 1 1, 5 3 : 1 , 68,9 ) . 106 The name Ater occurs in contemporary Judah (Ez. 2 : 1 6, 42; Neh. 7 : 2 1 , 4 5, 1 0 : 1 8 ) and is explained by M . Noth, op. cit., 227, in the sense o f "Lefty," "Crooked." Aramaic dockets on cuneiform tablets give the same three letters as etir in the names Beletirshamash and Beletir; cf. L. Delaporte, Epigraphes arameens (Paris, 1 91 2 ) , Nos. 38, 53. The element may be a foreign name or have passed into Hebrew or Aramaic as a loan word. See, too, the discussion in M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 1 1 7.
142
WORS HIP
OF
YHW
[Hiziliah (Lachish 1 : 1 ) ] (Hazzul ) : "Yah Delivered" (C 22 :26, 30, 1 1 2, 1 29, 2 5 : 5, 39 : 3 ) . Pelatiah ( Pilti ) : "Yah Rescued." 107 Isaiah : "Yah Saved" ( C 5 :16, 8 : 33, 9 : 21 ) . "In Your righteousness deliver me and rescue me; incline Your ear to me and save me" ( Ps. 71 : 2 ) . Azariah (Azzur) : �'Yah Helped." 108 "The Lord will help and deliver them : He will deliver them from the wicked" (Ps. 37:40) . (Meshullach ) : " . . . Liberated" ( C 10:2, 23, 22 :68, 73, 46 : 1 3 ) .109 Pedaiah : "Yah Redeemed" ( C 43 : 1 2 ) . "Rise up and help us! Redeem us as befits Your kindness" (Ps. 44:27) . Seraiah : "Yah Strove" ( C 22 :4) . "Your name shall no longer be Jacob but Israel for you have striven with God and men and have prevailed" ( Gen. 32: 2 9 ) . [*Sema4iah] ( Sammua4 ) : "Yah Gladdened" (C 22 : 21, 28 ) . "For You have made me glad, 0 Lord, by Your work" (Ps. 92 : 5 ) . Gedaliah ( Gaddul ) : "Yah Is/Did Great (1y ) " ( C 6: 20, 10: 22, 2 2 : 101 ) .110 "0 Lord my God, You are very great" (Ps. 104: 1 ) . Gemariah: "Yah Completed/Accomplished." 111 "The Lord will accomplish for me" (Ps. 138:8) . Names of petition, with the verbal element in the imperfect tense, are 1es� frequent than names of thanksgiving.ll2 The Lord is called upon to heal the sick, hearken to the petitioner and grant his request. He is ex pected to pity the penitent, forgive and restore him to (turn to him in? ) favor. The Lord will certainly be/do great (ly) : 101 Pe1atiah : C 5 : 1 5, 1 0 :22; K 6:frag . b. Pilti: C 2 2 : 22, 89, 2 3 : 7, 40 : 1 , 5; K 2 : 1 3, 4 : 1 8, 21, 9 : 2 5. 108 Azariah : C 1 : 10 ( 7 ) , 20:6, 1 2f, 1 7, 2 2 : 1 29, 62,1 :4, 61 : 1 1 (with Sachau) , 6 3 : 9, 1 2; K 1 : 2, 2 : 2, 3 : 3, 4 : 2, 7:44, 9 : 1, 1 0 : 1 . Azzur : C 2 3 : 8. 109 The verbal element slk, otherwise unknown in Israelite names, oCcurs in the name Shemshillech ( C 26 :4, 8 ) and Eshmunshillech ( Sachau, PI. 69,7 ) . For the explanation d. M. Noth, op. cit., 1 81; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 1 56£. 110 Gedaliah : C 6 : 20, 1 0 : 22, 2 2 : 1 0 1 . Gaddul: C 6 : 1 8, 1 3 : 1 4, 2 0 : 1 7, 2 2 : 2 5, 28; 2 5 : 18f, 28 : 1 5, 29 :2, 46: 14, 56 :4, 65,2; K 7 :44, 10: 1 8. 111 C 2 : 2, 6 : 1 8, 8 : 29, 9 : 1 8, 2 2 : 2, 1 2 1 , 3 3 : 1 , 34: 5, 4 3 : 1f, 1 1 , 1 3; K 2 : 1 5, 4 : 23, 1 0 : 20. 112 Cf. M. Noth, op. cit., 27ff, 195ff.
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Jerpijah : "May The Lord Heal." 113 "He delivered them from their distress; He sent forth His word and healed them" ( Ps. 107: 1 9f) . Jehoishma, Jahishma : "May The Lord Listen." 114 Jaazaniah, Jezaniah (Jezan ) : 1� "May The Lord H ear. " 115 Jaadaniah, Jedaniah: J "I will wait for the God of my salvation, my God will hear me (Mic. 7 : 7 ) · Josiah, Jaush : "May The Lord Grant." 116 Ja1:tmol : "May The Lord Pity" (C 22 : 89, 97 ) . "Then the Lord became zealous for His land and pitied His peo ple" ( Joel 2 : 18) . Isla1:t : "May The Lord Forgive." 117 "If a woman makes a vow . . . but her father restrains her . . . the Lord will forgive her" (Num. 30: 5f) . Jashobiah (Jashub ) : "May The Lord Restore/Turn To." 118 "Who knows, God may yet turn and abandon His fierce anger so that we perish not" (Jon. 3 :9) . Igdal : "May The Lord Be/Do Great (ly ) " (C 6 : 18, 8: 34, 22 :92 ) . "But may all who seek You rejoice . . . and say continually, 'Great is tHe Lord' " ( Ps. 40: 17 ) . Munich 898 convex: 1 ; d. M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 2 d. 114 C 2 2 : 1 26, 39 : 2, 63 :6, 68,10; K 4 : 1 8, 5: 4, 6 : 2, 7 = 3, 9 : 2, 1 0 : 2, 1 2 : 1 8, 1 5 : 1 . 115 Jaazaniah : C 5 2 : 14, 1 6f. Jezaniah : C 6:9, 9 : 2, 1 9 : 8, 25 :4, 13, 19f, 66,10. Jezan : C 8 : 6, 2 5 : 1 7 . Jaadaniah : C 37: 1 7. Jedaniah : C 5 : 2, 6 : 3, 8: 2, 31, 3 5, 9 : 2, 19, 1 1 : 14, 1 3 : 2, 21, 20 : 3, 8, 1 1, 20, 2 1 : 2, 1 1 , 22 :42, 10 8, 1 2 1 , 2 5 : 2f, 9, 1 2, 1 7f, 20£, 3°: 1 , 4, 22, 3 1 : 1 , 3, 34 : 5, 3 7 : 1 , 3 8 : 1 , 1 2, 65,2; K 1 : 1 3, 7: 44, 8 : 3, 7£, 9 : 2 5, 1 0 : 20. The name written here as Jedaniah is usually spelled Ye doniah (Cowley, Kraeling) or Yadeniah (Joilon; Grelot, VT 4 [ 1954 J, 3 5 1 ) as if it came from the root dwn, "judge." In one letter, however, the same person's name is spelled once ydnyh (C 37: 1 ) and then y>dnyh ( 37: 1 7 ) . The elision of the aleph is not unusual and Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 8f, explained the verbal ele ment as ,dn, "ruled ." Such a verb, however, is unknown in Northwest Semitic and a different solution suggests itself: ,dn is the Aramaization of 'zn, "heard"; ,dn, "ear," occurs in AD. 97, 132, 1 57, 216. Cf. M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 258; M. Noth, op. cit., 1 98, n. 2. As Jezaniah abbreviates Jaazaniah, so Jedaniah abbreviates Jaadaniah, which is but the Aramaized form of Jaazaniah. But d. M. H. Silverman,� op. cit., 1 2 3 . 116 Josiah : C 5 2 :9. Jaush : C 1 2 : 8, 1 8 : 5, 2 2 : 89, 39 :4, 40 : 5 ( ? ) ; K 9 : 2 5. 117 C 22: 103, 2 5 : 19, 29 :2, 34 : 3, 56:4; K 1 3 : 1 ; CG 1 52 concave: l (d. A. Dupont-Sommer, Semitica 2 [ 1949] , 29ft.) . 118 Jashobiah : C 7 : 2 , 2 2 : 51, 59, 1 30, 3 8 : 1 ; K 9 : 25. J ashub : C 2 2 : 24. 113
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WORSHIP OF YHW
A third type o f verbal sentence name i s that in which the verb is ill"the imperative. The command may be addressed to the person or to deity. Al though such names are rare in the Israelite onomasticon, one ( #4) is pres ent at Elephantine. The Lord is addressed in prayer: "Be exalted, a Lord! Turn, pray, and save us." ( 1 ) Remaliah ( = rum layah ) : "Be Exalted, a Lord" ( Is. 7: 1, 4, 9, 8: 6) .119 "Be exalted, a God, above the heavens!" ( Ps. 57:6) . ( 2 ) Shebaniah ( = Bug na, yah ) : "Turn, Pray, a Lord" (Neh. 9:4£ ) .120 ( 3 ) Shubael : "Turn, a God" ( 1 Chron. 24 :20 ) . "Lord of hosts, turn, pray! Look down from heaven and see" (Ps. 80 : 1 5 ) · (4) Hoshaiah, Oshaiah ( Hosea, Osea ) : "Save, a Lord." 121 "We beseech You, a Lord, pray save (us ) " (Ps. 1 1 8 : 25 ) . At least seven names contain an address to the individual ( s ) . They are names of encouragement. Four of them ( 2, 3, 6, 7) are found at Elephan tine: "Acknowledge God. Turn to the Lord and thank Him for His past kindness. Though He tarry, watch for Him. Be silent! Watch for Him and await His coming." ( 1 ) Deuel: "Acknowledge God" (Num. 1 :14, 7 :42, 47, 10:20) . "In all your ways, acknowledge Him" ( Prov. 3 : 6) . 119 Cf. M. Dahood, Psalms I, 1-50 (The Anchor Bible; Garden City, 1966 ) , 2 1 . 120 Cf. W. F. Albright apud C. C. Torrey, "A Hebrew Seal from the Reign of Ahaz," BASOR 79 ( 1940 ) , 27ft 121 This name, in its various forms, was the most popular one at Elephantine. It was held by almost forty persons: Hoshaiah : 1 . Hoshaiah b. Nathan ( C 22 :7, etc. ) , 2. Hoshaiah b. Zephani ah (C 22 : 7 [so!] ) , 3. Hoshaiah b. U riah (C 2 5 : 2 ) , 4. Shillem b. Hoshaiah ( C 5 : 1 9 ) , 5 . Meshullach b . Hoshaiah ( C 46 : 1 3 ) , 6 . ( C 1 8 :4) . Oshaiah : 7. Hodaviah b. Zaccur b . Oshaiah (C 20 : 1 8 ) , 8-9. (C 22:43 [7]; Sachau, PI. 66, 3 : 3 ) . Hosea: 10. Hosea b. Hodaviah (C 1 :9, 2 : 1 f ) , 1 1 . Hosea b . Petekhnum ( C 6 : 1 7 ) , 13 . Hosea b . Pelaliah ( C 8 :30, 9 : 1 7 ) , 1 3 . Hosea b . Reuiah (C 8 : 3 3, 9 : 2 1 ) , 14. Hosea b . -Igdal (C 8: 34, 9 : 2 2 ) , 1 5. Je hoshama d. Hosea b. Zaccur ( C 22:98 ) , 16. Seraiah d. Hosea b . Barman ( C 22 :4) , 1 7 . Hosea b . Bethelnuri (C 22:6) , 1 8. Hosea b . Nattun ( C 22 :47, etc. ) , 19 . Hosea b . Sgry ( C 2 2 : 61 ) , 20. Hosea b . Menahem ( C 22:71 ) , 2 1 . Hosea b. Jathom (C 33 :4; also written Osea b. Jathom: C 1 2 : 3 and Hoshaiah b. Jathom : K 4 : 24 ) , 22. Shemaiah b . Hosea ( C 5 : 1 7 ) , 23. Meshullam b. Hosea ( C 6 : 1 8 ) , 24. Peluliah b . Hosea ( C 2 2 : 80) , 2 5. Abiosher d . Hosea ( C 2 2 : 104 ) , 26. Sbh b. Hosea (Sachau, PI. 71,1 3 ) , 27-3 1 . (C 22: 56, 3 4 : 3, 39 : 1 , 42 : 1 ; Sachau, PI. 71, 1 2 ) . Osea : 32. Osea b. Galgul (C 1 0 : 2 1 ) , 3 3 . Osea b . Hodo (C 1 2 : 4 ) , 34. Osea b. Uriah (C 1 9 : 3 ) , 3 5 . Osea b. Nathan b. Hodaviah (C 2 2 : 1 27) , 36. Barman b. Osea (C 1 2 : 2 ) , 37. Gaddul b. Osea (C 1 3 : 14 ) ,. 38.. Abihi. d. Osea (C 22 : 90 ) , 39. ( C 67,11 ) .
WORSHIP OF YHW
115
( 2 ) Penuliah ( = p'nt1 Z"yah) : "Turn To The Lord" (C 1 3 : 13, 1 5 : 38, 1 8 : 5, 22 : 1 10, 2 5 : 1 9 ) . "Turn to Me and be saved . . . for I am God and there is no other" ( Is. 45 : 22 ) . ( 3 ) Hodaviah ( Hodo) : "Thank The Lord." 122 "Thank the Lord of Hosts for the Lord is good, for His grace is for ever" (Jer. 3 3 : 1 1 ) . (4) Hacaliah ( = i;akkeh Z'yah) : "Wait For The Lord" ( Neh. 1 : 1 ) . " 'Therefore wait for Me,' says the Lord, 'for the day when I arise. . . : " (Zeph. 3 :8 ) . ( 5 ) [*Domliah ( = dam Z'yah ) ] ( Domla ) : "Be Silent Before The Lord:' 123 "Be silent before the Lord and wait patiently for Him" ( Ps. 37 : 7 ) . (6) Zapeliah ( = �appeh Z'yah) : "Watch For The Lord" ( C 22 :93, 106) .124 "But as for me, I will watch for the Lord" (Mic. 7 : 7; d. Ps. 5 :4) . (7) Kaviliah ( Kavla ) ( qawwi Z'yah ) : "Hope/Wait For The Lord." 125 "Wait for the Lord! Be strong and let your heart be stout, and wait for the Lord" ( Ps. 27: 14) . It has been maintained that the explanation of the Israelite verbal sen tence names is to be found in the circumstance of childbirth.126 The woman ' addressed her petition or expressed her thanks to God for a child. The verbs indicating God's action are all to be related to the desire for or the granting of progeny. Evidence for this interpretation may be found in a few Biblical passages which relate the mother's expression of gratitude to the name given the child. God has heard (smc) and so the child is called Ishmael ( "El will hear" ) or Simeon ( Gen. 16: 1 1 , 29 : 33 ) . Names containing the element "give" ( ntn, zbd) may also be directly related to childbirth (d. Gen. 30 :20) . It is conceivable that other names with the verbs "bless," "remem ber" ( 1 Sam. 1 : 1 1, 1 9 ) , "answer," and the like were also tied to childbirth. 122 Hodaviah : C 1 :9, 2 : 2, 3 :2, 1 0 : 22, 19: 10, 20 : 1 8, 2 2 : 1 1 2, 1 27, 44 : 2 ( ? ) , 46 : 1 1 ( ? ) , 1 6( 7 ) , 65, 1 8. Hodo : C 1 2 :4, 2 2 : 39, 34:3, 42 : 6. 123 The name is inscribed on a jar handle from Gibeon and on an ostracon from Samaria; cf. J . B. Pritchard, Hebrew Inscriptions and Stamps from Gibeon (Philadelphia, 1959 ) , 1 1 . 124 I am grateful to Professor E. Y. Kutscher for the explanation of this name. 125 The feminine name Kaviliah is found in the first line of a Cambridge ostracon published by A. E. Cowley, lRAS ( 1929 ) , I07ff, and was first ex plained by S. Daiches, "Some Notes on Oshakon A," ibid., 484f. The feminine name in C 34:4 was correctly read by Ungnad, though he did not explain it. It is doubtless the hypocoristicon of Kaviliah. 126 Cf. M. Noth, op. cit., passim.
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WORSHIP OF YHW
But such verbs as "deliver," "rescue," "help," "redeem," "requite," "shel ter," and the like, point in a different direction. Conceptually, they are linked to the nominal sentence names which view the Lord as a "refuge," "fortress," "trust," "hope," "covert," and the like. Both these groups indi cate people in distress who find their protection in the Lord. Names in the imperative, calling upon the hearer to wait and watch for the Lord, bear this out. Moreover, the very fact that virtually all of the nouns and verbs in the names are rooted in the Psalmic literature indicates a close connec tion between name and prayer. Anyone in need, including a woman desir ous of progeny, could rely on the Lord. An individual bearing a theophorous name was forever reminded of God's providence. The only piece of literature found at Elephantine was The Wisdom of Al)iqar. It is not known, therefore, whether the Elephantine Jews had col lections of Psalms. Israelite prayer was of two sorts, the prose recital, sim ple or elaborate, and the stylized poetic composition. Hannah wept and prayed : "0 Lord of Hosts, if you will indeed look on the affliction of Your maidservant and remember me and not forget Your maidservant, but give to Your maidservant a son, then I will give him to the Lord all the days of his life and no razor shall touch his head" ( 1 Sam. 1 : 1Of ) . After Samuel was born, the editor thought it appropriate to attribute to Hannah a highly stylized prayer of thanksgiving: My heart exults in the Lord; my strength is exalted in the Lord. My mouth derides my enemies, because I rejoice in Your salvation The barren has borne seven, but she who has many children is forlorn ( 1 Sam. 2 : 1 , 5 ) . This Psalm recounted the many wonders of the Lord : He empowers and enfeebles, feeds and brings hunger, kills and revives, impoverishes and en riches, exalts and depresses, punishes his adversaries and strengthens his anointed. Providing a barren woman with child is but one of His. many feats ( 1 Sam. 2 : 1-10 ) . When the Temple was destroyed, the Elephantine Jews, including women and children, donned sackcloth, fasted and prayed to YHW who responded and "let them see (their desire ) against the culprit Vidranga" (C 30 : 1 5f/ /31 : 14f) . The impression gained from this description is that of a formal g�thering. When news of Haman's decree reached the Jews in
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the provinces, they donned sackcloth and there was great mourning, fast ing, and weeping ( Est. 4: 3 ) . The Jews of Susa later fasted three days for the success of Esther's mission to the king (4: 16) . On 24 Tishri, Ezra or dered fasting and the donning of sackcloth and the people gathered for a con fessional as prelude to ratification of the covenant ( Neh. 9 : Iff ) . The confession is a long account in prose. But there are about a dozen Psalms of national lament, stylized prayers calling on the Lord to deliver the people from some national calamity (Ps. 44, 60, 74, 79, 80, 83, 8 5, 90, 108, 126, 129, 137 ) . A couple even contain references to attacks upon the Temple ( 74 : 3, 7f, 79: 1 ) and would have been most appropriate for recitation by the Elephantine Jews. Together, these Psalms contain many of the words which appear in the personal names of the Elephantine Jews, such as "king" (44 : 5, 74: 1 2 ) , "salvation" ( 79:9, 85 : 8, 10) , "exalted" ( 108 :6) , "saved" (44:8, 60: 7, 108 : 7 ) , "gave" (44: 12, 60 :6, 74 : 14, 19, 85: 1 3 ) , "helped" (44: 27, 60 : 13, 79:9, 108 : 1 3 ) , "redeemed" (44 : 27) , "answered me" ( 60 : 7, 108 : 7 ) , "remembered" (74:2, 22, 79 :8, 137:7 ) , "delivered" (79 :9 ) , "heard" ( 80 :2 ) , "caused to rejoice" (90 : 1 5 ) , "turned/restored" (80 : 1 5, 85 : 2, 90 : 1 3, 1 26 : 1 ) . If the Elephantine Jews recited any of the Psalms preserved in our Psalter, or comparable ones, then their personal names could not help but have deep religious significance. The striking fact about these names is that they all go back to pre-exilic times. They exhibit the post-exilic tendency-also prevalent in Judah-to omit the letter w from YHW at the end of a name. But they include almost no Aramaic names and exhibit little Aramaic influence. Aramaic names such as Mehetabel (Neh. 6:10) , Meshezabel (Neh. 3 :4 ) , and Zebina (Ez. 10:43 ) are found in contemporary Judah but not in Elephan tine. Aramaic elements, such as 8Th in Sherabiah ( Ez. 8 : 1 8; Neh. 10: 13 ) in Judah and cidTl and nUT in such pagan Elephantine names as Zabidri (K 1 : 14) , Nushkuidri (C 2 : 19, 65,1 5 ) , and Nurshavash ( C 24 : 1 3 ) , are absent from Hebrew names.127 Hypocoristica at Elephantine tend to the qattul form for the verbal names : Nattun, Zaccur, Gaddul, Shallum, Shammua, Azzur, Azzul, Hazzul, Jaush, Pallul, Sammua}:I, Jashub. Nomi nal names omit the divine element (Mahseh, Mattan, Mibtah, Micah [d. Zadok] ) and occasionally add -iy (Mauzi, Neri, Rami, Sithri, Uri) . Verbal names also drop the divine element ( Dalah, Hanan, Nathan, Shillem ) , especially when the verbs are in the imperfect ( Igdal, Isla}:I, 127 Contrast the reported appearance of the name Jehonur in the Aramaic Daliyeh papyri; d. F. M . Cross, BA 26 ( 1963 ) , 1 1 5 . The penetration of Ara maic influence on these Hebrew names may be seen from the name Netira b. Jehopadani.
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WORSHIP OF YHW
Ja]:lmol, Jezan ) or imperative ( Hodo, Hosea [Osea] ) . Occasionally they, too, add the ending -iy (Anani, Hanani, Pilti, Simchi ) . Rare at Elephantine are examples of hypocoristica ending in -ii, (e.g., Ezra [Ez. 7 : 1 ] , Abda [Neh. 1 1 : 17], Kelita [Ez. 10: 23], and Aziza [Ez. 10: 27] ) and in -ay so prevalent in Judah.128 Conversely, none of the early Israelite names 129 which reappear in fifth century Judah is to be found at Elephantine. Since the Elephantine Jews showed such a s,trong affinity for papponymy 13°_naming children after grandparents-they retained the names which they brought with them upon their migration from Judah. The clearly Hebrew character of the Elephantine Jewish onomasticon is important for a proper consideration of the many non-Hebrew names at Elephantine. If both praenomen and patronymic are non-Hebrew, the bearer is most likely a pagan. More than sixty such names are known to us from the Elephantine papyri and seven from the Hermopolis letters.l3l \Vith one exception, all the other names in the Hermopolis papyri are non-Jewish. Approximately fifteen persons at Elephantine and perhaps one at Syene bore non-Hebrew names but had children with Hebrew names.132 Many of 128 1 . Ahzai (Neh. 1 1 : 1 3 ) , 2 . Amashsai (Neh. 1 1 : 1 3 ) , 3 . Athlai ( Ez. 1 0 : 2 8 ) , 4 . Bebai ( Ez. 1 0: 2 8, etc. ) , 5 . Gilalai (Neh. 1 2 : 3 6 ) , 6. Helkai ( Neh. 1 2 : 1 5 ) , 7. Jaasai ( Ez. 1 0 : 3 7 ) , 8. Jaddai ( Ez. 1 0 :43 ) , 9 . Jeremai ( Ez. 1 0 : 3 3 ) , 10. KaUai (Neh . 1 2 : 20 ) , 1 1 . Maadai ( Ez. 1 0 : 3 4 ) , 1 2 . Maai ( Neh. 1 2: 36 ) , 1 3 . Mattenai (Ez. 1 0 : 3 3 , etc. ) , 14. Milalai (Neh. 1 2 : 36) , 1 5. SaUai (Neh. 1 2 :20) , 16. Sharai (Ez. 1 0 : 40 ) , 1 7. Uthai (Ez. 8 : 1 4 ) , 1 8. Uzai (Neh. 3 : 2 5 ) , 19. Zabai ( Ez. 1 0 : 2 8, etc. ) , 20. Zaccai ( Ez. 2 :9, etc. ) . 129 1 . Amram ( Ez. 1 0 : 3 4 ) , 2 . Benjamin ( Ez. 1 0 : 32, etc.) , 3 . Bezalel ( Ez. 1 0 : 30 ) , 4. Daniel (Ez. 8 : 2 ) , 5. Eleazar ( Ez. 8 : 33) , 6. EHezer (Ez. 8 : 1 6, etc. ) , 7. Gershom ( Ez. 8 : 2 ) , 8 . Ishmael (Ez. 1 0 : 2 2 ) , 9. Joseph ( Ez. 1 0 :42, etc.) , lO. Judah ( Ez. 1 0 :23, etc. ) , 1 1 . Manasseh (Ez. 1 0 : 30, 3 3 ) , 1 2 . Phinehas ( Ez. ' 8 : 3 3 ) , 1 3. Simeon (Ez. 1 0 : 3 1 ) . 130 Cf. below pp. 2 3 5f. 181 C 3 : 2 3f ( to be read Bagadates b. Psammetichus ) , 5 : 1 6ff, 6 : 2, 19, 2 1 , 8 : 27f, 9 : 1 6, 1 1 : 1 2, 1 2 :9, 1 3 : 1 5, 18f, 1 4 : 1 £, 1 1 f, 1 5 :2, 2 2 : 1 33f, 2 3 :9, t4 : 1ff, 2 6 : 8, 3 7 : 1 1 , 44: 5 ( to be read Pamisi b. Pemet) , 53 : 2ff; K 1 : lOff, 3 : 2, 23f, 5 : 1 6, 8 : 10 ( to be read CAqab b. Kephas ) , 1 1, 1 1 : 2, 1 2 :4, 19f; BK 1 : 14, 2 : 1 8, 3 : 6, 1 4, 4 : 1 1 f, 1 5; 5 : 5f, 10. Of the ten Aramaic inscriptions on jars, three with patro nymics, none contains the divine element YH; cf. M. Lidzbarski, Anhang zur APAW, Philo.-Hist. Kl., 1 9 1 2, No. 1 , inscription Nos. 6 (Sachau 69,6 ) , 1 4c ( 69,14) , 1 5a ( 69,1 5 ) , 3 2 ( 71 ,6 ) , 3 3b, c ( 7 1 ,8 ) , 34a (71,9 ) , 36 ( 7 1 ,1 l ) , 5 3 (72,19 ) , 5 5 ( 73,1 0 ) , 6 5 ( 73,14) , 182 1 . Etir father of Zaccur ( C 1 3 : 3 ) ; 2 . Asl:lOr father of Mahseiah a �d Jedaniah (C 20: 3, 8, 20) ; 3 . Esta]:l father of A[nani] (C 2 2 : 81 ) ; 4; Bethelnuii father of Hosea (C 2 2 : 6 ) ; 5 . Busasa father (mother) of Meshul1ani (K l Q ; 8J
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these may have been non-Jews who married Jewish women and were ab sorbed into the Jewish community. Some of the twelve instances where the father bore a Hebrew name but the son a non-Hebrew name may also have resulted from intermarriage and would be explained by papponymy.133 Un equivocal evidence for any extensive adoption of non-Hebrew names by the Elep hantine Jews is thus clearly absent. A final conclusion that may be drawn from the Hebraic, Israelite char acter of the Elephantine Jewish onomasticon is the fact that the divine elements Bethel, Eshem, I:Ierem, and Anath belong to non-Jewish names. This is borne out by the fact that the non-theophorous elements in all of the names compounded with these divinities are either absent from the Jewish onomasticon (viz. kudurri, ndn, tdn, tqm, sezi"Q ) or, if present, are 1 2 :2, 1 1 ) ; 6. Hadadnuri grandfather of Malchiah (C 2 2 : 2 3 ) ; 7. Tastaz father of Mephatteal;1 (C 2 2 : 83 ) ; 8. Mardu father of Haggai (K 9 : 2 6, 1 0 : 20, 1 1 : 1 4 ) ; 9 . Nbtn(? ) father o f Pilti (C 2 3 : 7 ) ; 1 0. Sgry father of Hosea (C 22 : 61 ) ; 1 1 . Anathi father of Jedaniah ( C 2 2 : 1 08 ) ; 1 2. Posai father of Menahem ( C 1 2 :7, 2 2 : 78f ) , 1 3. Pakhnum father of Hanan (C 23 : 5 ) ; 14. Petekhnum father of Hosea (C 6 : 1 7 ) ; 1 5. Pamisi father of Meshullam (C 44: 5, 7 ) ; 1 6. Snyt[ . . .] father of Shelomam ( C 46 : 2 ) ; 1 7. Psammetichus father of Ananiah (CIS 2/1 1 54 : 8; d. N. 'A ime-Giron, BIFAO 38 [1939], 36f ) ; 1 8 . Swg father of Shabbethai (BK 4 : 10. E. B resciani, ad lac., thought that this name was not necessarily Jewish since sabattu in Akkadian designated the day of the full moon. For Babylonian "calendar" names d. J. J. Stamm, "Die Akkadische Namengebung," Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44 [1939], 271f) . In some cases either the reading or pronunciation of the name is uncertain. A Hebrew hypocoristicon Sigri from *Segariah, "The Lord Delivered Up," is conceivable; d. 1 Sam. 2 6 : 8 ("Then said Abishai to David, 'God has delivered up your enemy into your hand this day.' " ) , 17 :46, 24 : 1 9; 2 Sam. 1 8 : 2 8. For a somewhat different interpretation of this name, d. M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 1 37f. 133 They are 1 . Azibu b. Berechiah ( ? ) (C 56: 3 ) ; 2 . Asvadata b. Jeh ( 0 ) nathan (C 2 : 2 1 ) ; 3. Isweri daughter of Gemariah (C 43 : 2 ) ; 4. Bethelnathan b. Jehona than (C 1 8 : 5 ) ; 5. wktit b. Shillem b. [ . . .] (C 1 9 : 4 ) ; 6. I:Jor b. Benaiah ( ? ) ( C 2 3 : 3 ) ; 7. I:Jori b . Shillem ( C 2 2 : 85; cf. 2 2 : 79 ) ; 8 J:Iarman b . Osea ( C 1 2 : 2 ) ; 9. Cushi b. Azzur ( C 2 3 : 8 ) ; 1 0 . Sinkisir b . Shabbethai (K 8 : 10. I t is likely that this Shabbethai was also a pagan. Every one of the other witnesses in K 8 has a non-Jewish name and patronymic. The document was drawn up in Syene, residence of the Arameans.) ; 1 1 . Pakhnum b. Zaccur (C 2 3 : 1 2 ) ; 1 2 . Pe teisi b. Nethin (C 5 3 :2 ) . In this list, too, several names are uncertain. More over, the names Hur (Bar) an d Huri ( I:Jori ) were known in Israel (Ex. 1 7 : l Off, 24: 1 4, 3 1 : 2; 1 Ki. 4 : 8; 1 Chron. 5 : 14) and post-exilic Judah (Neh. 3 :9 ) and may not have been considered "foreign" names by the Elephantine Jews; d. M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 1 26.
1 50
WORSHIP OF YHW
shared b y the Jewish onomasticon with other Northwest Semitic names, (viz. rm, nwr[y] , zbd, ntn, ,qb ) .134 With the exceptions indicated above, individuals bearing these names were not Jews but Arameans. All of the evidence for the religion of the Elephantine Jews examined so far indicates a devotion to their ancestral deity YHW. His Temple indi cated His presence. The observance of His Sabbath and the celebration of Passover marked attachment to His covenant community. The theo phorous names borne by most of the Jews demonstrated their personal faith in YHW's saving power. Yet, evidence from oaths, letters, and a coi lection list seems to indicate an attachment to deities other than YHW. This evidence has now to be examined and evaluated. 134
For a list of these names cf. Appendix V, Bethel Names.
v PAGAN C O N T A C T S
Oaths
Two of the Ten Commandments show a concern for judicial procedure. The Israelite was forbidden to bear false witness (Ex. 20 : 14; Deut. 5 : 20) or to swear a false oath "for the Lord will not acquit one who swears falsely by his name" (Ex. 20:7; Deut. 5 : 1 1 ) . The Israelite judicial oath was essen tially one of exculpation. Three cases listed in the Covenant Code concern a bailee and bailor : 1 . The bailee alleged that money or goods deposited with him were stolen. The thief was not found and so the bailee was compelled to depose before God, probably at a sanctuary altar ( d. 1 Ki. 8 : 3 I f ) , that he had not appropriated the bailor's property himself ( Ex. 22 :6f) . 2. The bailee alleged that goods or animals deposited with him were lost. The bailor, however, pointing to a particular object in the bailee's possession, claimed tha t the bailee had taken the deposi t. This case, too, was brought before God and the one whom He declared guilty, either through an oracle or as the result of an oath (d. 1 Ki. 8 : 3 I f ) , paid the other party double the disputed article's value (Ex. 22 :8) . 3. The bailee alleged that an animal deposited with him had died of injuries or been carried off. Since there were no witnesses, the bailee was required to take an "oath before the Lord" in which the bailor was obli gated to acquiesce (Ex. 22:9f) . Each of these three cases involved a situation in which the assertion of the bailee could not be verified by objective evidence. He was, therefore, expected to take an oath. The distinction between one prepared to take an oath and one who "fears an oath" (d. Koh. 9 : 2 ) was often the distinc tion between the innocent and the guilty. 1 1 For the exculpatory oath in Babylonia d. Code of Hammurabi Pars. 20, 23, 103, 1 07, 1 20, 1 3 1, 206ff, 227, 240, 249, 266, 281; G. R. Driver and J. C.
1 52
PAGAN CONTACTS
The Israelite oath was sworn, "By the life of YHWH" 2 and several Aramaic ostraca contain the phrase, "By the life of YHH ( lJylyhh ) ." a Although the oath formula is absent from the papyri, two documents did involve an oath by YHW. One concerned ownership of property and the other an accusation of theft. Dargman laid claim to an undeveloped piece of property which lay adjacent to his residence. Mahseiah maintained that the property was his; Dargman relinquished his claim, saying: . You s[wor]e to me by YHW the God in the fortress of Elephan tine, you, your wife and your son, all three, concerning my land about which I complained against you (qblt
PAGAN C O N TA C T S
1 53
the property in the absence of other proper documentary evidence. Mahseiah having sworn, Dargman had no further claims. The other document should be restored to read : . . [said X] to Mahseiah b. Shibah, Aramean of Syene [the fortress . . . saying, 'You sued me (mt rsytny ) ] concerning fish, saying, "You stole ( them ) fro[m m]e!" I was inter[rogated before the judges and I was put under oat]h to you ( [tent mwm>]h lk ) by YHW the God that [I] did not st[eal] fish [from you . . . .] . . . If I do not give to you within [ . . .] da[ys] . . . [I will pay you a fin]e of 1 qab of barley to 1 p·ras all the months and years [during which I do not repay] .' Mahseiah had accused X of the theft of fish. X denied the charge and the court ordered him to support his innocence by oath. Apparently being guilty and fearing divine retribution for a false oath, X did not swear and undertook to pay instead. The document he drew up ( C 45 ) confirmed his obligation and provided penalty for failure to pay.6 Two other documents involved an oath by a pagan deity. One document was drawn up by Pia b. Pal)i after he was divorced from his wife. In ques tion was her dowry and other possessions. "Then an oath came upon you [mwm,h mt,h clyky] and you swore to me about them by Sati the goddess. I am satisfied with that 9ath which you made to me about those goods of yours and I withdraw from you from this day and forever" (C 14:4ff) . Mibtahiah having sworn, Pia delivered the goods to her. Why did Mibta hiah swear by the Egyptian goddess? Was the choice of deity the preroga tive of the claimant 7 or of the court? The Khorazmian Dargman accepted the oath of Mahseiah sworn in the name of YHW (C 6 :4) . Why should Pia have objected if Mahseiah's daughter swore by the same deity? The strength of the oath rested upon the belief in divine punishment for the one swearing falsely. Would Pia have accepted an oath in the name of Sati unless he felt that Mibtahiah revered that goddess? 8 6 My restoration of this document differs from that of A. E . Cowley, op. cit., 149f; cf., in part, E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 58. 7 E. Schlirer, TLZ 3 z ( 1907 ) , 4; N. Peters, Die ji1dische Cemeinde von Elephantine-Syene und ihr Tempel (Freiburg i . B., 1 9 1 0 ) , Z 5f. 8 It may be argued that it mattered not whether the party taking the oath believed in that particular deity. Once the defendant invoked his name, the deity was automatically activated. If the oath was a false one, he would punish the perjurer. The existence of Sati and other deities invoked in oaths was un doubted by the non-Jewish claimants and judges and they believed that these deities would avenge perjurers; Jewish or not. On the other hand, one would
1 54
PAGAN CONTACTS
It should not automatically be assumed that Mibtahiah's marriage to Pia meant that she left or was forced to leave the Jewish community.9 The Egyptian Pia did not resort to an Egyptian scribe to draw up his document in demotic nor did he use Egyptian witnesses. He was a builder (C 14:2 ) , no doubt in the king's service (d. C 1 5 : 2 ) , and adhered to the legal forms and language followed by the Jews and Arameans in Persian employ. In religion, however, he continued to worship the Egyptian deities. During her marriage, Mibtahiah may have accommodated herself to her husband's religious rites and participated in that worship. Such accommodation, how ever, ended with her divorce. Although her next husband was also Egyp tian, he entered the Jewish community and their sons bore Hebrew theophorous names. The second document, like the oath text regarding the stolen fish, is also fragmentary. It may be restored as follows (see Plate 10) : Oa [th which) Menahem b. Shallum b. Ho[shaiah/daviah] swore (will swear? ) to Meshullam b. Nathan by H[erem?] the [god] inl ' by the place of prostration ( bmsgd, ) and by Anathyahu (wbcntyhw) and [swore (will swear? ) to him,] saying, 'The female donkey which is in the possession of Pa [misi b. Pe1met a[bout whi]ch you sued me, [to wit,1 "Half of it belongs to me," I [am1 entitled [to tr]ansfer it to Pamisi. Your father did no [t] give me a male donkey in exchange for half of it nor [did he give1 me money or the equivalent of money in exchange for [half of i.t1 : 10 The situation which led to the oath must have been as follows : Menahem had a female donkey and Nathan apparently had discussed with him ac quisition of half ownership upon payment of a male donkey or some other remuneration. The deal was never consummated. Menahem transferred his donkey to Pamisi. Nathan either died or was absent from Elephantine and his son Meshullam, who assumed that the deal had been completed, laid claim to half ownership as his father's heir. Since there were no documents or witnesses, the court decided that the defendant should affirm his right want to be as certain as humanly possible that a person was swearing a true oath. It is hard to be sure about the various aspects of the psychology of the oath. 9 Cf. J. Ha1evy, RS 1 5 ( 1907 ) , 1 1 1 ; J. Hontheim, "Die neu entdeckten jii disch aramaischen Papyri von Assuan," Biblische Zeitschrift 5 ( 1907 ) , 227; A. S. Hirschberg, "The Discovery of Papyri at Elephantine and Syene" ,(He brew ) , Hatkufa 8 ( 1 921 ) , 362; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 21; U . Cassuto, Kedem 1 ( 1 942 ) , 48, n . 1 3 · 10 See Appendix III, Restored Texts, "An Oath," for the reconstruction. -
PAGAN C O N TACTS
155
under oath. The present document is either a record of the oath he took or wh ich he was to take ( C 44) .11 The restoration "swore to Meshullam b. Nathan by B[erem?] the [god]" is uncertain and it would be hazardous to draw any conclusions from this passage. The term msgd> has been variously explained as "place of wor ship," hence "temple," 12 "altar," 13 or "cult-stone;" 14 and "stela." 15 As seen, the terms for the Jewish Temple at Elephantine were ">egoreb, " "House of YHW" or "altar house." The root sgd in both Aramaic (cf. Dan. 2 :46, 3 : 5ff, lOff, 14f, 18, 28 ) and Arabic means "bow down," "pros trate oneself." The msgd> is thus, literally, "a place of prostration." It is exactly in a prostrate position, knee to the ground, that Solomon prayed to the Lord before His altar and offered up sacrifices ( 1 Ki. 8 : 54, 62 ) . Moreover, the altar was the place before which two disputants appeared when one was to take the exculpatory oath ( 1 Ki. 8 : 3 1 f//2 Chron. 6 : 2 2 f) . Perhaps the msgd>, then, was the "altar precinct" where Menahem took his oath. The altar precinct of which temple, though? Of YHW? Of Berem? The Egyptian oaths known from the Ptolemaic period on were taken in a temple. Several were sworn by one god in the temple of another.10 11 The Egyptian oaths collected by U. Kaplony-Heckel, op. cit., were all written on �straca and were copies of oaths to be taken. Four demot,ic oath texts concern donkeys and cows : Nos. 46, 49-5 1 . One (No. 46 ) is not unlike our case: a mother and son claimed a cow in someone's possession. The pos sessor was to maintain on oath that he had acquired her through "exchange" (sby) , having paid three talents of silver. Even more illuminating is a second century Hebrew letter from Beth Mashko discovered in Wadi Murabbaat. The leaders of the town wrote to the chief of the army camp that a cow, which Jacob, town resident, had sold to Joseph (presumably attached to the camp ) had come into Jacob's prior possession through purchase. She was, therefore, legally his to convey to a third party. Cf. P. Benoit, J . T. Milik, R. de Vaux, Les grottes de Murabbacat, No. 42 (pp. 1 5 5ff) . I am indebted to Professor H. L. Ginsberg for calling this parallel to my attention. 12 Cf. A. Ungnad, Aramiiische Papyrus aus Elephantine (Leipzig, 19 1 1 ) , 50; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 1 48. 13 Cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 1 1 8; H. L. Strack, ZDMG 65 ( 1 91 1 ) , 829. 14 Cf. M. Lidzbarski, DLZ 32 ( 1 91 1 ) , 2972f; idem, Ephemeris, III, 247f; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 64. 15 Cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 9 1 . The word is used in first century Nabatean inscriptions to designate a votive stela (CIS 2/1 1 6 1, 1 76, 1 8 5, 1 88, 190, 2 1 8 ) and one of these (CIS 2/1 1 61 ) may be shaped like a Greek altar. Cf. P . J0tion, MUST 1 8 ( 1 934 ) , 82; C.-F. Jean and J. Hoftijzer, Dictionnaire des inscriptions . semitiques de l' ouest, 160. 16 Five oaths were taken in the forecourt (J;ftlJ.) of the temple of J erne but sworn by Amun (lmn-myw-Ijmnw ) ; d. U. Kaplony-Heckel, op. cit., Nos. 7, �.
1 56
PAGAN C O NTACT S
On the other hand, the term bmsgd, may mean not "in" but "by the msgd," indicating the sacred object by which Menahem swore. There is evidence in later times for oaths by the altar (Matt. 23 : 18; cf. Ned. 1 : 1 ) 17 as well as by the Temple (Matt. 23 : 1 6; Kid. 71a; Ket. 2 :9; Krithuth 1 : 7) .18 The third phrase is quite clear : "and by Anathyahu." The conjunction "and" means that either a deity did indeed appear in the lacuna or, if not, that bmsgd, be interpreted "by the msgd." A rendering, "Menahem swore by I:Ierem ( ? ) the god in the altar precinct and by Anathyahu," may be awkward but not impossible. Further support for considering msgd, to be the place where the oath was taken derives from the restoration and inter pretation of a third fragmentary text. This, too, involves a deity other than YHW. On the 1 8th of Paophi, year 4 of Artaxerxes [the] king, in the for tress of Elephantine, said Malchiah b. Jashobiah, Aramean, hold ing property in Elephantine the fo[rtress, of the detach] ment of Nabukudur[ri, to . . . b . . . .] . . . of the detachme[nt of] Nabu [kudurri, say]ing '[Y]ou com [plained against me] in Nepha [to wit, "You enter]ed [my house] by force and struck my wife and removed goods from my house by force and took (them ) and ap propriated ( them ) for yourse[lf] ." I was interroga [ted] and the call to God (our god? ) (,Zhn) came upon me by judicial decision. I, Malchiah, will call for/against you to I:Ierembethel the god before ( ? ) four [aven]gers ( [nq] mn) say[ing], "I did [not] enter your house by force and I did not strike your wife and I did not take goods from your house by [far]ce." And if I do [not] call fori against you before ( ? ) these [av] engers ( [n]qmy,) . . . .' 19 The continuation of the document probably stipulated the penalty for failure to carry out the imposed obligation ( C 7; see Plate 16) . All the previous cases involved property and an individual, usually the defendant, could maintain his claim in the absence of other testimony through the exculpatory oath. Here, however, was an accusation of assault 23£, 26, 34. Four were sworn "at the gate of the temple of Ierne, the temple of Month lord of Medamut" ( 2 5 : 2, 3 1 :2, 3 2 : 3, 3 3 : 3 ) . One was sworn by Isis and Osiris ( 1 41 ) . Babylonian oaths were also taken in the temple; cf. E. Cuq, op. cit., 349; H. Liebesny, TAOS 61 ( 1941 ) , 1 36f. 11 Th ere was a persistent tradition that the oath which 2 Chron. 36: 1 3 re ports Zedekiah swore to Nebuchadnezzar by God ( 'EI6hlm) was sworn by the altar, i.e., the altar was the sacred object by which he swore; cf. H. L. Strack and P . Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud undo Mid� rasch (Munich, 1922 ) 1, 3 3 5 . 18 A . Hirschberg, Hatkufa 8 ( 1 921 ) , 3 5 8; A . Vincent, op. cit., 532f. 19 For my restoration of the text cf. Appendix III, Restored Texts, "An Appeal to the God."
PAGAN CONTACTS
I
i 57
and battery. Malchiah was hailed into court and denied the charge. The evidence of his accuser was sufficient to raise suspicion of guilt but insuffi cient to convict. Malchiah was therefore ordered to appeal his case to deity and his four avenging emissaries. Again, the question arises who selected the deity I:Ierembethel. Unfortunately, the name of Malchiah's opponent is illegible so that it is uncertain whether he was Jewish. The idea of "calling to God," however, was not strange to the Israelite. There are many examples of the oppressed or persecuted Israelite, the alien, the widow, or orphan (Ex. 22:21ff ) , the debtor ( 22 : 24ff) , the needy poor ( Deut. 1 5 :7ff) , or the poor laborer ( Deut. 24: 14f) crying out to God against his opponent. Jeremiah revealed his dispute to the Lord and ex pected to see vengeance upon his enemies (Jer. 1 1 : 20, 20: 1 2 ) . The Psalms abound in examples of injured persons or people in distress calling out to the Lord for help and salvation. Psalm 109 is particularly pertinent. 20 The petitioner's opponents have requited him evil for good and encompassed him with all sorts of false accusations. Therefore, he calls upon God to "ap point against him (i.e., his opponent) an evil one and let an adversary stand by his right hand. When he is tried, let him come forth guilty and let his prayer be counted as sin." The petitioner envisaged a trial of his opponent wherein an evil angel (rasac) and an adversary (satan) were ap pointed by the Lord to weaken the defendant's right hand and put all claims in his defence to naught. Comparable scenes are provided by the adversary (satan) who stood by the right hand of the post-exilic high priest Joshua b. Jehozadak to accuse him as he was being tried in a celestial court (Zech. 3 : 1 ) and the one who sought to accuse Job ( 1 :6ff) . The four avengers attending I:Ierembethel would either have represented prosecuting attorneys against Malchiah or the divine adversaries whom he was invoking against his opponent. A third alternative is suggested by Neo Assyrian contracts. Several of the penalty clauses in these not only impose a monetary fine but also invoke the god ( s ) as victorious litigants against the contract violater. 21 One document with an Aramaic endorsement reads, "May Ashur, Shamash, Bel (and ) Nabu be his litigants (bel dini) ." 22 The four avengers beside I:Ierembethel would thus be co-litigants of Malchiah's accuser, strengthening his accusation against Malchiah's profession of inno cence. 20 The significance of Ps. 109 for illuminating C 7 was called to my atten tion by the late Professor Y. Kaufmann of the Hebrew University (summer, 1962) . 21 J. Kohler and A. Ungriad, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden (Leipzig, 191 3 ) , Nos. 51, 5 5, 1 79-82, 6 3 2, 6 50. 22 Ibid., No. 632.
1 58
PAGAN CONTACTS
Where was such an appeal to be made? It is likely that it was delivered before the altar. This was deemed a fitting place for Solomon's prayer ( 1 Ki. 8 : 54) and may have been the locus of Hannah's prayer ( 1 Sam. 1 :9ff) . Deutero-Isaiah announced that the proselyte's sacrifices would be "accepted on My altar, for My house shall be called a house of prayer for all peoples" (Is. 56:7) . In the days of Malachi, the people covered the altar with tears because their sacrifices were not accepted ( Mal. 2 : 13 ) . Thus, in addition to oaths by YHW, Elephantine Jews took judicial oaths by other deities. Menahem b. Shallum may have sworn by I.Ierem and did swear by Anathyahu. Mibtahiah swore by the Egyptian goddess Sati. Malchiah put his plea before I.Ierembethel. Mibtahiah's opponent was an Egyptian and Malchiah's may also have been non-Jewish. Menahem's opponent bore the Jewish name Meshullam b. Nathan. More will be said about the other deities below. Suffice it to note that the Covenant Code forbade "mention of the names of other gods" (Ex. 23 : 1 3 ) , an injunction which certainly included, if, indeed, it did not indicate directly, the taking of oaths ( cf. Josh. 23 :7; 2 Sam. 14 : 1 1; Is. 48 : 1; Mish. San. 7: 6 ) . Yet the prophets rebuked Israel for herdeviant oaths. Amos ( 8 : 14) chide d those who swore by the "guilt" ()asmaO of Samaria and Zephaniah ( 1 : 5 ) up braided the people who worshipped and swore by the Lord and also swore by "the (ir) King." 23 Jeremiah rebuked the people for swearing by Baal ( 12 : 16) and by "no gods" ( 5 : 7) and promised them fame if they would swear " 'By the life of the Lord' in truth, in justice, and in uprightness" ( 4 : 2 ) . The meaning of Amos' rebuke is uncertain,24 but Zephaniah appar ently referred to individuals who, under the pagan influence of Manasseh, worshipped deities other than the Lord. It is clear from Zephaniah, Jere miah, and other passages ( e.g., Josh. 23 : 7) that swearing by a deity implied worshipping him. How extensive was this worship of other deities?
Letters The salutations of Aramaic letters followed a definite pattern : 1 . To/from the superior party. 2. From/to the inferior party. 3. Greetings. 23 J . Gray, "Molech, Moloch," G. A. Buttrick, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary, III, 422f. 24 See S. R. Driver and H. C. o. Lanchester, The Books of 'oel and Amos (The Cambridge Bible; Cambridge, 1 9 1 5; 2nd. ed. ) , 210, for various sugges tions.
PAGAN CONTACTS
/
1 59
4- "And now . . ." (the body of the letter ) .25 Greeting formulae varied : ( 1 ) "I send you (greetings of) peace and strength abundantly" ( C 42 : 1; 26 D 1 : 1, 2 : 1, 3 : 1 , 5 : 1, 1 3 : 1; Padua 1 : 1; 27 cf. BK 7 : 1; C 70 : 2 ) . ( 2 ) "May you be blessed by ( I bless you by ) X ( the god ) who will show me your face in peace" ( Padua 1 : 2f; BK 1 : 2, 2 : 2, 3 : 1 f, 4:2, 5 : 1 f, 6 : I f, 8 : If) . ( 3 ) "The peace of X may deity seek (abun dantly ) (and may you be favored by deity/king) (at all times ) " ( C 1 7 : If, 2 1 : 2, 30: 1ff//31 : 1f, 37: I f, 38:2f, 39 : 1, 40 : 1, 41 : 1, 56 : 1 ) .28 When a pagan wrote to a pagan, he formulated his greeting, "The peace of X may (all ) 29 the gods seek abundantly (at all times) " ( C 17: 1 f, 41 : 1 [?] ) . When a Jew wrote a letter, he formulated the greeting, "The peace of X may the God of heaven seek (abundantly at all times ) " (C 30 : I f//3 1 : If, 38:2 [?], 40: 1 ) . There are letters, however, written by Jews to Jews in which .the greeting is phrased, "The peace of X may (all ) the gods seek (at all times ) " (C 2 1 :2, 37:2, 39: 1 , 56: 1 ) , or "The peace of X may Bel, Nabu, Shamash and Nergal (seek at all times ) " ( CG 277 ) .30 One letter, an ostracon (CG 70) , 31 formulated the greeting, "I send you ( greetings of) peace and life. I bless you by YHH and I:In ( =I:Ian? 32 Khn[ urn?] ) ." 33 25 Cf. my discussion in "The Restoration of Zion in Light of the Elephan tine Papyri" (Hebrew ) , Beth Mikra ( 5723 = 1963 ) , 73ft 26 For the! correct restoration here d. G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 44, n. 1. 27 Cf. E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 18. 28 An identical formula is found in some of the Arad ostraca ( d. Y. Aharoni, IE! 16 [1966] , 5 [Fig. 2, lines 2-3] ) and perhaps in the Aramaic letter found at Saqqarah (cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, Biblica 46 [1965], 44ff. There is a Berlin ostra con (Sachau, PI. 65,2 concave : If) on which it is tempting to read slm '/:lwtb ,[ ysg', "The welfare of Ahutab may God make abundant"; cf. the greeting, "May your welfare be abundant" (slmkwn ysgo; Dan. 3 : 3 1 , 6:26 ) . If the read ing is correct, the use of 'El for God would be noteworthy. 29 For discussion of "The Syntax of kl, kl, in the Aramaic Texts from Egypt and in Biblical Aramaic" with special reference to the letters d. J. A. Fitzmyer, Biblica 3 8 ( 1 9 57 ) , 1 70ft 30 This greeting is on an ostracon published without plate by A. Dupont Sommer, " 'Bel et Nabli, S amas et Nergal' sur un ostracon arameen inedit d'EJephantine," RHR 1 28 ( 1 944 ) , 28ff; H. L. Ginsberg apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 49 1 . 31 Cf. A . Dupont-Sommer "Le syncretisme religieux des juifs d'EIephantine d' apres un ostracon arameen inedit," RHR 1 30 ( 1 945 ) , 1 7ff; idem, CRAI ( 1 947 ) , 1 77f; H. L. Ginsberg apud J . B. Pritchard, op. cit., 491 . 32 Cf. E . G. Kraeling, op. cit., 86. 33 A Phoenician papyrus letter from Saqqarah from the late Saitic or early Persian period gave another greeting : "You be (at) peace; I also am ( at ) peace. Your blessings to Baal-Zaphon and to all the gods of Tahpanhes. May they ex tend you peace." Cf. N. Aime-Giron, ASAE 40 ( 1 941 ) , 438ff.
�
1 60
PAGAN CONTACTS
At first glance it appears that these Jews acknowledged or worshipped deities other than YHW. In refutation of this assumption the fo}lowing considerations may be offered: 1. The Passover letter of Hananiah opens, "The peace of my brothers may the gods ()lhy» [seek)" (C 21 :2) . Either the word )lhy), like the He brew )E16hlm, was of singular meaning, Cod, whether the verb be singular or plural, or the phra,se was the product of Hananiah's non-Jewish secre tary. 34 The addressor of the letter to Jedaniah and others is missing ( C 37 ) . The letters to Shelewah by Hosea (C 3 9 ) and to the son of Caddul by Islal:t b. Nathan (C 56) may have been dictated by Jews but written by professional Aramean scribes who formulated the greeting themselves in accordance with the usual (pagan ) formula. 2. The letter invoking Bel, Nabu, Shamash, and Nergal was written to Haggai by Yarl:to. The latter name is not found in the Jewish onomasticon at Elephantine, but is most suitable for an Aramean. It is a hypocoristicon preserving the name of the moon-god, Yaral:t.35 The letter blessing Micaiah by YHH and another deity was written by Gadal, a name which could figure in the Aramaic as well as the Hebrew onomasticon. It is not certain, then, from these formulae that the Jewish correspond ents actually acknowledged or worshipped deities other than YHW. There is another source, however, which seems to indicate quite clearly that the Jewish community did acknowledge deities other than YHW.
The Collection List A papyrus roll of seven columns begins "On 3 Phamenoth, year 5, this is ( the list of) names of the Jewish garrison who gave silver to YHW the God, each [o]ne [2 shekels of] silver" ( C 22:1 ) .36 The list of contributors follows (see Plates 1 1-1 3 ) : 3 names, each followed by the notation, "2 shekels of silver." Subtotal 3. line 5 : lines 6-17: 1 2 names, mostly fragmentary, each followed by the notation, "2 shekels of silver" and "to him." At least four of the contributors are women. "All the century of Siniddin [: 12] . " line 18: "The century of Nabuaqab." line 19:
Col. 1 lines 2-4:
B4 Cf. the discussion of P. Gre1ot, VT 4 ( 1 9 54 ) , 352ff. 35 Cf. H. L. Ginsberg apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 49 1 . B6 For my reconstruction of this list cf Appendix IV, The Collection List.
PAGAN CONTACTS Col. 2 lines 1-10: line 4: line 1 l : lines 1 2-1 5 : line 16: Col. 3 lines 1-22 : line 10: Col. 4 lines 1-22 : line 8: Col. 5 lines 1-1 8: line 6: CoL 6 lines 1-19: line 8: line 18:
I
161
1 l names (including Col. 1, line 19 ) , each followed by the notatio� "2 shekels of silver, to him." Marginal subtotal : 20. "All the [century of Nabuaqab :] 1 1." 4 names, none of which is preserved. Probably a summation : ["All the company of . . . : 4"]. 22 names, many fragmentary; notation of "2 shekels of silver." Marginal subtotal : 20. 22 names well preserved; "2 shekels of silver." One woman. Marginal subtotal : 40. 18 names, all female; "2 shekels of silver." Marginal subtotal : 60 19 names, at least 1 1 of which are feminine; "2 shekels of silver." Marginal subtotal : 80. Marginal subtotal : 90.
Since the papyrus is fragmentary, the number of names in the list has been disputed.31 The scribe checked off each name and after the first twenty names, entered a marginal subtotal. Succeeding subtotals recorded were twenty, forty, sixty, eighty, and ninety. Thus reconstructing the number of lines according to these subtotals gives us a total of 1 1 1 Jews who gave two shekels each, or a grand total of twenty-two karsh, two shekels. The more than thirty female donors may be contributing for families whose husbands were away from the island on official business. Column 7 began with a statement of totals, to be discussed shortly, and continued : lines 7-1 3 : 7 names, one feminine; "2 shekels of silver." reverse, lines 1-3 : 3 names, two are non-Israelite; "2 shekels of silver" and notations of "to" followed by a name or "him." Sub total : " 3 ."
31 A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 75f, counted 1 1 7 names. F . Nau, RB 21 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 74, n. 1, and idem, "Le denier du cult juif a Elephantine au V· siecle avant notre ere," Revue de l'orient chretien 17 ( 1 91 2 ) , 10ff, and U . Cassuto, Kedem 1 ( 1942 ) , 50, counted 1 2 3 names. This figure has been accepted by W. F. Al bright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel 4, 222, n. 1 32 (con. ) , and E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 63, 88. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 81, found no more than 1 2 2 names. A . Vincent, op. cit., 5 59, insisted o n 126 names. Ed. Meyer, Papyrus fund, 56, counted 1 30 names. All of these figures include the ten names in Column 7 which follow the totals.
162
P A GAN CONTACTS
Ten more contributors would thus bring the grand total up to 1 2i persons who contributed twenty-four karsh, two shekels. This collection for YHW is usually dated to the fifth year of Darius II (419 ) 38 but palaeographic and onomastic considerations argue for the fifth year of Amyrtaeus (400 ) .39 Since Phamenoth during this period parallels Sivan, the collection would have been made around the time of the Feast of Weeks. This festi val was celebrated seven weeks after Passover, but the exact date is uncer tain and was a matter of controversy in rabbinic times. Deuteronomy counted the seven weeks from the time "when the sickle is first put to the standing grain" ( Deut. 16:9f) . Leviticus counted from "the morrow of the Sabbath" and on the fiftieth day ordained an offering of new grain to the Lord ( Lev. 23 : 1 5f) . Four different days have been considered the "morrow of the Sabbath" 40 and the relation of 3 Phamenoth to each of these follows : 3 Phamenoth 419 = Tuesday, June 6 = Sivan 1 3 Feast of Weeks
"Sabbath"
"Morrow of Sabbath"
Mon., 1 5 Nisan (Pharisees ) Sat., 20 Nisan ( Sadducees, Samaritans, Karaites ) Sun., 2 1 Nisan (Falashas ) Sat., 27 Nisan ("Jubilees," Qumran )
16 Nisan
Tues., 6 Sivan
2 1 Nisan 22 Nisan
Sun., 1 1 Sivan = June 4 Mon., 12 Sivan = June 5
28 Nisan
Sun., 18 Sivan
3 Phamenoth, 400
=
(So days after "Morrow" )
Sunday, June 1
=
=
=
May 30
June 1 1
Sivan 8
16 Nisan Thurs., 1 5 Nisan Fri., 6 Sivan = May 30 ( Pharisees ) Sat., 17 Nisan ( Sadducees, 1 8 Nisan Sun., 8 Sivan = June 1 Samaritans, Karaites ) 22 Nisan Thurs., 1 2 Sivan = June 5 Wed., 21 Nisan (Falashas ) Sat., 24 Nisan ( "Jubilees," 25 Nisan Sun., 15 Sivan = June 8 Qumran ) 38 Cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 73; Ed. Meyer, op. cit., 54f; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 74, A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 66; A. Vincent, op. cit., 544. 39 Cf. J. N. Epstein, ZAW 32 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 1 39ff; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 62; F. M. Cross, "The Development of the Jewish Scripts," G. E. Wright, ed., The Bible and the Ancient Near East ( Doubleday Anchor Books, 196 5 ) , 1 78, 2 5 1 , n . 34; J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 47; M . H. Silverman, op. cit., 25 f. 40 Cf. J. van Goudoever, Biblical Calendars ( Leiden, 1961; 2nd ed. ) , 1 5ff.
PAGAN CONTACTS
16 3
It would be hazardous to venture any definite conclusion from this table, but it is tempting to suggest that the two shekel contribution of these Jews was somehow related to the communal celebration of the Feast of Weeks. 3 Phamenoth corresponded with the "Sadducean" date of the festival in 400, but would Jedaniah have recorded the contributions on the day of the festival? If the money was collected in anticipation of the festival, then the Qumran date would apply in 419 and the Qumran or Falasha date in 400. If the money was collected right after the festival, the Falasha date would apply in 419 and the Pharisaic date in 400. The strange thing about the list, however, is the concluding notation : "The silver which is (qm) this day in the hand of J edaniah b. Gemariah in the month of Phamenoth : 3 1 karsh, 8 shekels of silver. 12 karsh, 6 shekels of this are for YHW. 7 karsh are for Eshembethel. 12 karsh are for Anathbethel." The document began as if all the money collected was intended for YHW. A count of the individual contributions yields a total of either twenty-two karsh, two shekels or twenty-four karsh, two shekels. This is either nine karsh, six shekels or seven karsh, six shekels less than the total recorded at the end. Moreover, out of this total of 3 1 8 shekels only 126 were ear marked for YHW. Seventy shekels were designated for Eshembethel and 120 for Anathbethel. Two shekels are unaccounted for ( 126 + 70 + 1 20 = 316, not 318 shekels ) . None of the figures tallies and various hypotheses have been put forth to explain the discrepancies.41 The list, it should be noted, is probably a private accounting and not an official record. The papyrus roll on which it was included is a palimpsest and unerased demotic writing is still evident on the far left edge.42 The absence of the king's name in the date may be
/
41 The most interesting explanation is that of U . Cassuto, Zoe. cit., who counted 1 2 3 names and assumed that the contributions were made in "light" shekels, thus giving a total of 246 shekels, the amount contributed by the Jews to YHW ( 1 2 karsh X 2 = 240 shekels + 6 = 246 shekels ) . The remainder was contributed by non-Jews. Unfortunately, Cassuto's count was incorrect and there is no evidence at Elephantine for a light shekel, twenty of which would equal one karsh; for discussion of the monetary system at Elephantine d. above pp. 62ff. His idea that non-Jewish contributions account for the discrepancy in figures merits cons ideration . 42 The demotic text has not been published, to my knowledge, and I herein present the translation provided me by Professor George Hughes of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago :
P AGAN C O NTACTS
1 64
'!:I
I�I
IIII
II
�!
further confirmation of the unofficial character of the document. Alterna tively, it may be due to the fact that the name appeared in an earlier col ume. The existence of two previous columns on a different papyrus roll, each column containing twenty-four names, would account for the ninety six shekel difference between the 222 collected and the 318 recorded in the total. The ten names recorded after the total would have been included in a subsequent tally. , The fact still remains, however, that over 100 persons with Jewish names gave money to YHW, yet the total assigned to Him was only 126 shekels, the equivalent of sixty-three two-shekel contributions. So even if the forty eight previous contributors were all non-Jews, their ninety-six shekels would not ilccount for the 190 shekels divided between Eshembethel and Anath bethel. Since the list began with reference to YHW and concluded with YHW and two other deities, it has been concluded that Eshembethel and Anathbethel were deities subordinate to or hypostatic forms of YHW.43 Extensive evidence, however, shows that the three deities, Eshembethel, Anathbethel, and IJerembethel were Aramean, not Jewish, deities.
Aramean Deities The original center of Jewish settlement at the first cataract was Elephan tine, while the Arameans were located in Syene.44 There, the Arameans had [The1 account of . . . The island of the Mgm [ The island of Horuodj [ The island of Ib . . . [ or islands of B . . . [ ( 5 ) The island of T3TW (or I:Irw) [ ( 6 ) The island pertaining to the [ ( 7 ) [Makingl artabes of . . . 300 + ( 8 ) . . Syene . . . [ . . (9 ) [ ] ( 10) . . . . (11) . . . ( 1 2 ) 2, .70 . 43 Cf. the discussion of W. F. Albright, ATchaeology and the Religion of Israel\ 1 68ff; the extensive discussion of A. Vincent, op. cit., 562ff; A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xviii seq.; E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 87ff. 44 Cf. above, p. 33f.
(1 ) ( 2) (2) (4 )
j
.
.
.
PAGAN C ON TACTS
1 65
shrines to their deities. Four letters written from Memphis and intended for Syene (but mysteriously deposited in Hermopolis ) 45 bore the following salutations respectively: "Greetings ( 81m) to the Temple of Nabu" (BK 1 : 1 ) ; "Greetings to the Temple of Banit in (of) Syene" (BK 2:1; 3 : 1 ) ; "Greetings to the Temple of Bethel and the Temple of the Queen of Heaven ( Malkat Sh'mayin) " ( BK 4 : 1 ) . The Egyptian counterpart of Aramaic Malkat Sh'mayin is nbt pt, "Lady of Heaven," an epithet applied to the goddess Anath.46 The juxtaposition of Bethel and Queen of Heaven (Anath ) is thus reminiscent of the deity Anathbethel. An Aramaic inscription on a wooden container belonging to "Meshahel priest of Anath" testifies to a cult of Anath at MemphisP A name compounded with Anath, the hypocoristicon Anathi, appeared in the Elephantine collection list (C 22 : 108) and in an Hermopolis letter ( BK 4 : 3 ) . A damaged line in an Elephantine deed of conveyance has been restored "Marduk h. Pal to, priest of I:I[an and At]ti" ( C 1 3 : 1 5 ) .48 Atta, found in an Aramaic name at Elephantine (C 2 : 20) /9 and Atti are variant forms of Anath.50 The names from Egypt (and Babylonia ) which were compounded with Bethel are either of Babylonian or Aramaic formation. A priest of Nabu, Sheil (cf. Saul ) , buried near Memphis, left an Aramaic inscription there
/
45 Cf. E. Bresciani and M . Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 361ft 46 The epithet occurs on a jar of Prince Psammetichus; cf. B. Grdseloft, Les debuts du culte de Rechef en Egypte (Cairo, 1 942 ) , 28ft. It is also found in a stela from Beth-shan; cf. A. W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat: The History of her Cult, her Mythology and her Iconography ( Diss. Yale University, 1964 ) , 39. I am grateful to Professor M. H. Pope, Yale University, for enabling me to gain access to this dissertation. In a Ugaritic alphabetic text to be published in Ch. Virolleaud, Les nouveaux textes mythologiques et liturgiques de Ras Shamra (XXIV· Campagne, 1961 ) , NO. 2, Anath has the title belt smm rmm, "Mistress of the High Heaven ." Cf. O . Eissfeldt, "Neue keilalphabetische Texte aus Ras Schramra-Ugarit," Sitzungsberichte der deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Klasse fur Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst, 6 (Berlin, 1 96 5 ) , 45. 47 Cf. E. Bresciani, ASAE 55 ( 19 58 ) , 281ft. But see n . 69, below . •8 The restoratiqn is that of E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 78, n. 1 1 . Cowley re stored "Khn [urn and Sa] ti." 49 For the spelling of the name 'Attacidri cf. M . Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 249f. 50 Cf. W. F. Albright, "The Evolution of the West-Semitic Divinity cAn_ 'AnaVAtta," AJSL 41 ( 192 5 ) , 73ft; A. W. Eaton, op. cit., 46ft.
1 66
PAGAN CO NTACTS
which indicated that his residence was at Syene.51 Among the four deities invoked by the Aramean Yar1)o in his greeting to Haggai was Nabu. The Elephantine and Hermopolis papyri contain more personal names com pounded with Nabu than with any other pagan deity. Many indicate a Babylonian origin; 52 others were Aramean, 53 and some, depending upon the interpretation, could have been either.54 The deities Anath, Bethel, and Nabu wer� thus all worshipped by the Arameans settled in Egypt, at Syene, Memphis, and no doubt elsewhere. The other three deities invoked by Yar1)o were Bel, Shamash, and Nergal . Both Sham ash ( C 1 1 : 1 2 ) and Nergal ( K 8: 9 ) , and possibly Bel as well (C 1 5 : 39) , are found in Aramean personal names from Elephan tine. Aramaic personal names also indicate the worship of Nus ( h ) ku ( C 2 : 19, 65, 1 5 ) , Atar (Ugaritic Athtar) ( C 8 : 27, 9: 16; K 1 : 13, 8 : 10) 55 and Astarte (at Hermopolis? ) 56 and Sin ( C 6 : 19; K 8 : 10 ) . 57 The deities worshipped by the Arameans may be divided into those of West Semitic origin and those deriving from Babylonia. Each of the deities 51 Cf. N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens d'Egypte ( Cairo, 19 3 1 ) , 99ff; idem, BIFAO 3 8 ( 19 39 ) , 3 5f. 52 E.g., Iddinnabu (C 20 : 2 ) , Nabukudurri (C 5 : 1 8, K 1 l : 2, 1 2 : 3 ) , Nabuzer ibni ( C 8 : 2 8//9 : 1 6, 2 8 : 1 4 ) , Nabuzer (K 1 : 1 l ) , Nab'usumiskun ( C 6 : 1 9 ) , and Nabutukulti ( C 2 8 : 14) . 53 E.g., Aqabnabu (C 54 : 1 0 ) , Nabuaqab (C 2 2 : 20, 26:23, 28 ) , Nabunathan (C 1 4 : 1 1f, 54:3, 1 3, 1 5; CIS 2/1 1 54:4; BK 1 : 14, 8 : 8 ) , Nabuelah ("Nabu is God" [CIS 2/1 1 54 : 5] ) , Nabushezib (BK 4 : 1 5 ) with hypocoristic Nabushe (BK 2 : 2, 6, 4 : 2, 1 3 , 5 : 1 , 10, 6 : 3 ) . The name Nabudalah (Padua 2 : 3 ) is also West Semitic; d. E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 ( 1960 ) , 22. For the verbal element dalah, d. such names as Nabudalah from Te1-Halaf, Shamashdalah from Ashur, Sindalah and others collected by J. Starcky, "Une tablette ararneenrle�de l'an 34 de Nabuchodonosor," Syria 37 ( 1960 ) , 1 04, n. 4. M E.g., NabuSlw ( C 2 : 8, 1 0, 24: 2 ) , Nabuly (C 5 : 1 8 ) , Naburcy ( C 1 4 : 1 2f) and Nabuslm (K 8 : 1 1 ) . 55 Cf. the name Atarsamach father of Matiel. A. Dupont-Sommer, "Les in scriptions arameennes de Sfire," MAr 1 5/1 ( 1 960 ) , lA: l, pp. 21 3ff, thinks that Atar and Astart are one and the same, both feminine. To be sure, the use of masc�line forms of the verb with the name of the goddess may be honorific like the similar use of masculine with the name Btar in late Assyrian; d. ,W. F. Albright, AJSL 41 ( 192 5 ) , 89. But the name Atarmalki ( K 1 : 1 3, 8 : 1 0 ) argues for the existence of a masculine deity alongside the feminine. For these two deities d. further W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel4, 74ff, 83f; M. Pope, '''Atta,'' '''Attart,'' H. W. Haussig, ed;, Worterbuch der Mytho logie, 1/2, 249ff. 56 Cf. E. Bresciani, ASAE 5 5 ( 1 9 50 ) , 273f. 57 The name Ra1)amatsin is found at Memphis; d. E. Bresciani, ASAE 5 5 ( 19 5 8 ) , 277f. But see n. 69, below.
PAGAN C O NTACTS
167
which may be traced to Babylonia, however, was worshipped or recognized by the Arameans in the Syrian homeland. The name of the god Nabu is preserved in that of the village Kefr Nabu and the Jebel Seman was for merly called Jebel Nabu.58 The deity was worshipped at Harran in the seventh century B.C.E.59 Marduk ( = Bel ) , Nergal and probably Nus (h) ku were invoked by Matiel of Arpad (mid-eighth century) .GO Shamash appears in several eighth-seventh century Aramean inscriptions from Northern Syria and Southern Anatolia.61 Nus (h) ku was invoked at Neirab 62 and Sin was very popular among the Arameans of Harran in the seventh cen tury.63 The deities EI, Athtar, Athtart (Astarte ) , and Anath figure promi nently in the Ugaritic myths.&! As noted, EI does not appear in any of the personal names from Elephantine-Syene. His place is taken by Bethel, ';The House of El." The construction of a house for Baal plays a prominent role in the Ugaritic myths ( UT 5 1 ) . Without a house, a god could not really assert his authority. A fragmentary text may also have told of the construc tion of a house for EI ( UT cnt pIs. ix-x) . Bethel would be the "House (Temple) of EI" raised to the status of a god. No name for this temple is 68 H. C. Butler, F. A. Morris, and E. R. Stoever, Publications of the Prince ton University Archaeological Expeditions to Syria 1 904-5 and 1 909: Geog raphy and Itinerary (Leiden, 1 930) I, map opposite p. 60, 6Sff; H. C. Butler, Syria: Architecture, Northern Syria (Leiden, 1905 ) II/B, 293ff; W. K. Prentice, Syria: Greek and Latin Inscriptions, Northern Syria (Leiden, 1907) III/B, l Soff; E. Littmann, Syria: Syriac Inscriptions (Leiden, 1934) IV/B, 42ff; N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens, 99f. 59 C. H. W. Johns, Assyrian Doomsday Book ( Leipzig, 190 1 ) , 1 6; A. Du pont-Sommer, Les Arameens ( Paris, 1949 ) , lOS. 60 H. Donner and W. R6llig, Kanaaniiische und aramiiische Inschriften (Wiesbaden, 1964 ) , No. 2 22A: Sf. 61 Cf. the "Seal of Shamash" belonging to a private collection in Aleppo; M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, l S6f. Shamash is further invoked by Panam muwa of Samal and by Zakir of Hamath and Luath; H. Donner and W. R611ig, op. cit., 202B : 24, 2 1 4 : 2f, 1 1 , I S, 2 1 5 : 22; M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 4, I line 24. In a 7th century Aramaic inscription from Neirab, near Aleppo, the deities S (h ) ahar, Shamash, Nikkal (Ningal ) , and Nus (h)ku are invoked; d. , H. Donner and W. R611ig, op. cit., No . 225 :9. 62 Cf. H. Donner and W. R6llig, lac. cit.; P. Dhorme, "Les tablettes babylo niennes de Neirab," RA 2 5 ( 1 92S ) , 53ff. 63 Cf. C. H. W. Johns, op. cit., 1 3f; but compare the brief reservation of Albright "that the Aramaean god Si, (in Assyrian spelling) had nothing to do with Sin, but was identical with the Arabic saic-ul-qaum, Safaitic Saicu-ha qaum" apud N. Avigad, "Seals and Sealings," lET 14 ( 1 964 ) , 1 9 1 . 64 . See the translations o f H. L . Ginsberg apud J . B . Pritchard, op. cit., 1 29ff; C. H. Gordon, Ugaritic Literature (Rome, 1949 ) .
168
:11 II III 1 11 II
1
,!),
"II
' II
P AGAN CONTACTS
recorded in our sources but the names of many Babylonian temples are known, e.g., Esagila of Marduk at Babylon, Eanna of Ishtar at Uruk, etc. These temple names appear in Neo-Babylonian personal names in the posi tion of deity, e.g., Esagila-zer-ibni,G5 Eanna-sar-u�ur. 6G If the first element in the divine name Eshembethel means "name" 67 then we would have a further deification, one of the "Name of the House of El." As will be seen, Greek sources record a Zeus Madbachos; the altar (Ara maic mdblJ ) has also been deified.68 The Israelites gave their altars names. Jacob' s altar at Shechem was called "EI, God of Israel" (Gen. 3 3 : 20 ) , and the one at Bethel was called "EI of Bethel" ( 3 5 : 7 ) ; the altar built by Moses at Rephidim was named "The Lord is My Banner" ( Ex. 1 7 : 1 5 ) , and the one erected by Gideon at Ophrah was called "The Lord is Peace" Ou. 6:24) . It is likely that other peoples named their altars. Eshemmadbal)., allegedly worshipped by the Arameans at Memphis,a9 would mean the deified "Name of the Altar." The incense altar (lJmn) may also have been deified : Baal l,Iamman, "Baal of the Incense-Altar ( ? ) , " was worship ped at Samal,7° The first element in the divine name l,Ierembethel could mean "sacredness" or specifically "sacred enclosure" of the temple. This god would then be the deified lJaram.71 65 J . N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabonidus Konig von Babylon ( SSS S38 v. Chr. ) (Leipzig, 1 889 ) , No. 633 :2 . 66 A. Tremayne, Records from Erech time of Cyrus and Cambyses ( 538521 B.C. ) (Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts, VII : New Haven, 192 5 ) , No. 89 : 9, 14; J . P . Hyatt, "The Deity Bethel and the Old Testament," JAOS 59 ( 1939 ) , 92. 67 It has this meaning in the Panammuwa inscription (lines 16, 2 1 ) from Samal and in the Sfire inscriptions ( IC : 2 5, IIB : 7 ) ; cf. H. Donner and W. Rol lig, op. cit., Nos. 214, 222, 223. For further discussion of Eshem cf. A. Vincent, op. cit., 654ff; W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel\ 171; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 87ff. 68 See H. Th. Obbink, "The Horns of the Altar in the Semitic World, es- ' pecially in Jahwism," JBL 56 ( 1937 ) , 47f. - 69 E. Bresciani, ASAE 55 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 276ff. On palaeographic grounds J. Naveh argues that at least four of the six inscriptions from the Michaelidis Collection published by Bresciani are forgeries. The inscription mentioned in n. 47 above is illegible on Bresciani's plate, and so he withholds judgment on its authen ticity. I am grateful to Dr. Naveh for giving me a typescript of his forthcoming article, "Aramaica Dubiosa." 70 H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 24 : 1 6; for discussion, ibid., II, 77£. Baal I:Iamman may be a name like Baal Pear, i.e., Baal of the place Peor; in this case Baal of Mt. Amanus. But, then, what does Amanus mean? Cf. J. Lewy, "The Old West Semitic Sun-god !:Iammu," HUCA 1 8 ( 1 944 ) , 4 54ff . 71 A. Vincent, op. cit., 593ff; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 9 1 .
PAGAN C O NTACTS
16 9
The temple and the altar, the name of the temple and the name of the altar, and the temple enclosure all refer to the sacrificial cult of the deity. There is one term which refers to his theophany. Baal is frequently called "Rider of the Clouds" ( rkb <rpt) ( UT 5 1 :111 : 1 1, etc.; cf. Ps. 68 : 5 ) and in his more active days, EI most likely rode around as wen. From the Aramean sta te of Samal we know of the deity Rkb>el/2 "The Chariot/Carrier of EI" (rekeb, r"kub, rakub ) or the "Charioteer of El" ( rakkab. rakib ) .78 This deity has not as yet appeared in Aramaic sources from Egypt but the idea of the deified "Chariot( eer ) " comports well with the other deifications. None of these deified objects of EI is represented in sources earlier than the first millennium. It may be conjectured that their deification reflected the remoteness of El himself, already evident in the Ugaritic myths. The more removed the god, the more the elements of his cult and theophany came to replace him and take on the nature of deity. All these elements appear in personal names and most are abbreviated . Rakibel is known from the second half of the ninth century as Lord of the dynasty of Kilamuwa, 74 and his name is abbreviated in that of the late eighth century king, Bar rakib.75 I:Ierembethel has not appeared outside Elephantine, but I:Ierem is a theophorous element in Phoenician and Aramaic names 76 and may be contained in the name of Mount Hermon.77 Eshembethel is not found earlier than the fifth century in Egypt. The element Eshem appears in some Aramean names in Elephantine and Memphis.78 Finally, Bethel (dBa-a-a-ti DINGER.MES ) appears in the treaty between Esarhaddon and Baal, King of Tyre (ca. 675 ) and in an Aramaic religious text written in demotic script.79 It is found in personal names (as Baitil ) in several cuneiform tab lets from the time of Nebuchadnezzar down through Darius II and in an
I
72 Cf. H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., Nos. 24 : 1 6, 2 5 :4ff, 2 1 4 : 2f, 1 1, 1 8, 2 1 5 : 22, 2 1 6 : 5, 2 1 7 : 7f. 73 For discussion of this name cf. H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., II, 34; J. Friedrich, "Das bildhethitische Siegel des Br-Rkb von Sam)al," Orientalia 26 ( 19 57 ) , 345ff; L. Y. Rahmani, "Two Syrian Seals," IET 1 4 ( 1 964 ) , 1 83f. 74 Cf. n. 72• 75 H. Donner and W. R611ig, op. cit., Nos. 2 1 5f. 76 See Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and J:Ierem . 77 A. Vincent, op. cit., 59 5ff. 78 See Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and J:Ierem. 79 Cf. R. Borger, Die Inscriften Asarhaddons Konigs von Assyrien ( Graz, 19 56 ) , 109, IV: 6; R. A. Bowman, "An Aramaic Religious Text in Demotic SCrip t, " TNES 3 ( 1944 ) . 226.
1 70
I'
!"I i II III
i' "
PAGAN CONTACTS
Aramiic tablet ( from Sfire? ) from the time of Nebuchadnezzar.80 It ap pears in the name of a ( Babylonian? ) Jew (Bethelsharezer) making in quires of the Jerusalem priests in 5 1 8 (Zech. 7 : 2 ) ,81 and in many names in fifth century Egypt.82 The close relationship among these several deities may be seen in some of the names from Egypt: Bethelzabad b. Eshemram (AG 1 10 ) , I:Ieremna than b. Bethelnathan b. SelJo ( C 1 8 : 4 ) , and Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib ( K 1 1 : 1 2 ) . The element /:l.amman, however, which appears in a personal name at Elephantine (C 59 ) is found in the second mil lennium at Ugarit.83 The best known of the deities worshipped by the Arameans in Egypt is Anath. She was worshipped in Babylonia from the early second mil lennium and her name is preserved in that of the city IJanat (modern 'Anah ) situated on the Euphrates.B4 She was introduced into Egypt by the Hyksos and was a favorite with Ramses 11.85 Assyrian records attest her popularity, in the form Atta, with the Arameans of Harran in the seventh century.S6 The deity Anathbethel has been read ( da-na (?) -ti-Ba-[a]-[a-ti DIN]GER.MES ) next to Bethel in the Esarhaddon-Baal Treaty.87 Anath blended rather readily with both male and female deities. The "Syrian God dess" Atargatis ( ,Attar + 'Atta [ < 'Anat] ) is well known. A small lime stone painted relief from Nineteenth/Twentieth Dynasty Egypt pictures a nude figure standing on a lion accompanied by the inscription "Qudshu Astarte-Anath." 88 An Aramaic funerary stela from late sixth-early fifth century Egypt ( Saqqarah? ) is inscribed "To Anan (mn ) b. Elish, the priest of Baal husband (bel) of Anoth." 89 In the Ugaritic myths, Anath appeared 80 Cf. Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and Herem. 81 J. P. Hyatt, "A Neo-Babylonian Parallel to Bethel-sar-e�er, Zech. 7 : 2," TBL 56 ( 1937 ) , 3 87ff. 82 See Appendix V, Personal Names Compounded with Bethel, Eshem and Herem. 83 C. F.-A. Schaeffer, Le palais royale d'Ugarit (Mission de Ras Shamra VI; Paris, 1 9 5 5 ) III, 24ob. B4 A. W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat, l Off, 49. 85 Ibid., 26ff; J. A. Wilson apud J. B. Pritchard, op. cit., 249£. 86 C. H. W. Johns, op. cit., 17. 87 N. 79; R. Borger, "Anath-Bethel," VT 7 ( 19 57 ) , 1 02ff. 88 1. E. S. Edwards, "A Relief of Qudshu-Astarte-Anath in the Winchester College Collection," TNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 49ff. 89 A. Dupont-Sommer, "Une stele arameenne d'un pIetre de Bacal trouvee en f:gypte," Syria 3 3 ( 19 56 ) , 7 9ff.
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171
as Baal's brother/a but in Egyptian mythology she was the spouse of Seth, equated with BaaJ.91 The name Anathyahu shows that the goddess was associated with the Israelite deity. It is not clear, however, what was meant by Anathbethel and Anathyahu. Did these names mean that Anath was wife of Bethel and of YHW as she was of Baal? Or perhaps they are to be related to such names as "Astarte Name of Baal" from Ugarit (UT 127 :56) and fifth cen tury (7) Sidon 92 and "Tinnit Face (pn) of Baal" in the later Punic inscrip tions.93 In Israelite religion, the "name" and "face" of the Lord were but terms indicating His presence, comparable to ka'Q()(j.94 A goddess who is the "name" or "face" of Baal may have reflected some attribute or mani festation of that deity.95 Some of these West Semitic and Babylonian deities were probably in troduced into Samaria by the foreigners settled there after its annexation by Assyria in 722/21 . Certainty is not possible since the Biblical writers either inadvertently or deliberately corrupted most of the divine names. The exiles from Babylon worshipped Succoth-benoth, the second element of which is probably Banit ( u) ,96 and the Babylonians from Cuthah worshipped Ner gal ( 2 Ki. 1 7:30) . The Arameans from Hamath brought Ashima (,sym» , who was perhaps related to Eshem; those from Avva brought Nibhaz « mbl}z <: mzbl} = mdbl}) , "(The) Altar (God ) " and Tartak, who may have been Attaratta ( ctrqth > trqt > trtq ) , the Greek Atargatis (2 Ki.
I
90 Cf. UT cnt IV: 83f, "His sister's approach Baal sees, The advance of his own father's daughter" (Ginsberg's translation ) ; UT 49 :II : 1 2, "Now, Motl Deliver my brother" ( Ginsberg) ; UT 76 : II : 1 5ff, " . . . Beholds the maiden Anath, Fairest among Baal's sisters . . . . And he lifts up his voice and cries : 'Hail, sister . . .' ''; UT 76 : III: 8ff "is suggestive of something more than platonic relations between the two," Ginsberg observes : "Baal scoops [his hands] full, rThe Godl Hadd [his] fin [gers] full . . . . the mouth of Maiden An[ath], E'en the mouth of [his] fairest sister." This last text suggests that Anath was also the consort of Baal, but she is never so designated explicitly; cf. U . Cassuto, The Goddess Anath (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1 9 5 3 ) , 49f. 91 J. A. Wilson apud J . B. Pritchard, op. cit., 1 5, 2 50; A . W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat, 94; A. Dupont-Sommer, Syria 33 ( 1 9 56 ) , 87. 92 For the Eshmunazar inscription cf. H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 14: 1 8. 93 H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 78:2; II, 90, 96. 94 E. Jacob, TTieology of the Old Testament, 73ff. 95 For a general discussion of Anath, see A. Vincent, op. cit., 622ff; M. H. Pope, UCAnat," H. W . Haussig, ed., Worterbuch der Mythologie, 1/2, 2 3 5ff; A. VI. Eaton, The Goddess Anat. 96 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 86, n. 9.
172
I!
II H
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,I I
;1 ,j
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17:31) .97 These Arameans and Babylonians also worshipped the Lord in the manner taught to them by a North Israelite priest who was returned to Bethel. This dual worship was carried on down to the days of the redac tion of the Books of Kings ( 2 Ki. 17: 28ff, 41 ), i.e., possibly as late as the middle of the sixth century (d. 2 Ki. 25 : 27ff) . If these Arameans also wor shipped or knew of the deity Bethel, their devotion to that god may have , been heightened by the fact that the worship of YHWH was centered in the city of Bethel and that the Israelites hallowed a divine being associated with that place. Some of the deities worshipped by the Arameans in Egypt, and perhaps in Samaria, continued to be worshipped in Northern Syria until the Chris tian era. Philo of Byblos ( 11.16) 98 placed Baitylos after El and before Da gon as one of the four sons of heaven and earth. In the early third century a Roman soldier stationed at Dura-Europas dedicated an altar, incribed in Greek, "to the ancestral god Zeus Betylos, ( god) of those (who dwell ) along the Orontes." 99 At Kefr Nabu, the name of which attests the wor ship of Nabu from early times, the following Greek dedicatory inscription, dated 224 C.E. was found on an oil mill : "To Seim (i) os and Symbetylos and Leon, ancestral gods." 100 Seimios may or may not be related to the Hamathian Ashima and in turn to Elephantine Eshem/o1 but Symbetylos 97 Cf. J. A. Montgomery, The Book of Kings (The International Critical Commentary; New York, 1 9 5 1 ) , 472; J. Gray, I and II Kings ( The Old Testa ment Library; Philadelphia, 1963 ) , 593. In his review of Montgomery's com mentary, W. F. Albright, JB L 71 ( 19 52 ) , 2 5 2 found the proposal of Hommel, OLZ 1 5 ( 1 91 2 ) , 1 1 8, "more reasonable" than Montgomery's. Hommel would locate Avva in Elam and identify Nibhaz and Tartak with Elamite Ibnagaza and Dagdadra. See, too, J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967), 578: 98 C. Clemen, "Die phOnikische Religion nach Philo von Byblos," Mittei lungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 42/3 (Leipzig, 1 9 39 ) , 25. 99 H. Seyrig, "Altar Dedicated to Zeus Betylos," P. V. C. Bauer, M. I. Rostovtzeff, A. R. Beninger, The Excavations at Dura-Europas, Preliminary Report of the Fourth Season of Work, October 1 93o-March 1 9 3 1 (New Haven, 193 3 ) , 68ff. 100 W. K. Prentice, Greek and Latin Inscriptions, Northern Syria, III/B, 1 8off; A. Vincent, op. cit., 664. 101 For discussion of Seimios, Simios, Simia, Semea cf. H . Ingholt, "Parthian Sculptures from Hatra," Memoirs of the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 1 2 (New Haven, 1954 ) ; H. C. Butler and W. K. Prentice, op. cit., 1 82ff; N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens, 1 1 3ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 663ff. The relationship of these Greek deities to Eshem and Ashima is most uncertain; cf. A. Lemonnyer, "Achima," Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiqu�s 8 ( 19 1 4 ) , 289ff; J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1967 ) , 567ff.
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can hardly be separated from Eshembethel. Leon may be the "carrier" of deity (cf. Rakibel ) . At Jebel Sheikh Barakat, not far from Kefr Nabu, there was discovered a temple of the second century C.E. dedicated to Zeus Madbachos and Selamanes, ancestral gods.102 During the Antonine age, there was a temple at nearby Burj Baqirl;a dedicated to Barnas, the Greek form of Madbal:z.103 The worship of Nabu continued at Edessa and else where in the Jebel Seman 104 as well as at Dura-Europas.105 Nabu was also associated with the cultic deification of El at Elephantine as evidenced by suoh names as Nabuslrn b. Bethelrcy (K 8: 1 1 ) and Eshemram b. Nabu nad[in?] ( C 53 :9) . The association, then, at Elephantine and/or elsewhere in Egypt, and in the Jebel Seman, ancient Bit Agusi, of Nabu, Bethel, Eshembethel ( Symbetylos ) , Madbal;, and possibly Eshem-Simios, suggests that the Arameans in Elephantine came from Bit Agusi. The possible pres ence in Samaria of Attaratta, Mizbe�l; (Madbal; ) , Eshem ( =Ashima? ) and Banit suggests derivation from Hamath and Samaria.
Jewish Syncretism?
I
What was the relation of the Elephantine Jews to the many deities of their neighbors? As seen from their shrine and cult, their observance of Sabbath and Passover, and their retention of Israelite names, the Jews as individ uals and as an organized community were devoted to their ancestral God YHW, known by Jews everywhere in the exilic and post-exilic periods as "God of Heaven." Oaths were sworn by YHW; the salutations of letters invoked His blessings; and money was collected on His behalf. But an oath was also sworn by the Egyptian goddess Sati and a divine appeal was made to I:Ierembethel. Epistolary salutations also invoked the blessings of other gods. Money collected for YHW was distributed to Him as well as to Eshembethel and Anathbethel. Although the Elephantine Jews maintained their religious and com munal cohesion, they did not refrain from social contact with their Ara102 W. K. Prentice, "Die Bauinschriften des Heiligthums auf den Djebel SMkh Berekilt," Hermes 3 7 ( 1 902 ) , 91ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 579£. 103 W. K. Prentice, Hermes 37 ( 1 902 ) , 1 1 8; A. Vincent, op. cit., 579 f. 104 R. Duval, ':Histoire politique, religieuse et litteraire d'Edesse jusqu'a la premihe croisade," JA 8th series, 1 8 ( 1 891 ) , 228f; N. Aim e Giron, Textes arameens, 99ff. 105 C . B. Welles, R. O. Fink, J. F. Gilliam, The Excavations at Dura Europa�; Final Report V, Part 1 , The Parchment and Papyri (New Haven, 1 95 9 ) , 61ff. -
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mean and Egyptian neighbors. They acquired Egyptian slaves (C 28; K 8) and married them (K 2 ) . They fraternized with Egyptians who were offi cials and married them ( C 14, 1 5 ) . The name Bethelnathan b. Jehonathan (C 1 8 : 5 ) shows that they also married Arameans and gave their children Aramaic names. However, since most of the names are not mixed, it is clear that the rate of intermarriage was small. For the most part, the gentiles were absorbed into the Jewish community. Still, the contact could not be without effect. There were Egyptian shrines at Elephantine and Aramean and Babylonian temples at Syene. Some of the pagans who married Jews may have, like the early Samaritans, continued to worship their ancestral god (s) at the same time that they adopted the worship of YHW. Con versely, some of these Jews occasionally expressed devotion to the god (s) of their spouses at the same time that they continued to revere YHW. There is evidence for this devotion both on the individual and on the communal level. Mibtahiah took a judicial oath by the goddess of Elephan tine, Sati, probably revered by her former husband Pia (C 1 3 ) . Malchiah appealed to the (our? ) god I:Ierembethe1 against an unknown opponent, the traces of whose name suggest that he was not Jewish ( C 7) . In what sense, though, was I:Ierembethel "our god" (assuming this interpretation to be correct) ? In the sense that he was revered by Malchiah and his opponent? The exact expression may have stemmed from the hands of the unknown scribe rather than from the mouth of Malchiah. In the same way, saluta tions in letters from Jews to Jews which invoked the "gods" may have been written by non-Jewish scribes. Or even if written by Jewish scribes, the phrase may have been considered purely conventional or the term "gods" understood as the plural of majesty. A pagan greeting a Jew in the name of four Babylonian-Aramean deities would be like a Christian today sending a Jewish friend a Christmas card. And if Gadal, who greeted Micaiah by YHW and by Ban ( ? ) , was a Jew, it would be comparable to a Jew sending his Jewish friend a Christmas card. Even if the situation is compared to a Jew putting a Christmas tree in his house or celebrating both Christmas and Hanukkah, the action is still an individual and not a communal affair. Quite different is the collection by the Jewish leader Jedaniah of a two shekel contribution for YHW from over one hundred Jews and the ap parent distribution of these funds to YHW and two other deities. This seems to imply communal worship of Anathbethel and Eshembethe1 by the Jews. But even this is not certain. As noted, the collection papyrus is incomplete and it is not at all clear how we are to understand the account ing notations. If more money seems to have been collected from Jews than
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was distributed to YHW, perhaps some unrecorded disbursement took place prior to the final tally. Previous columns would have recorded the source of the 190 shekels for the two Aramean deities. The Jewish leader Jedaniah was in some way responsible for collecting and recording these oth er funds.106 Even if it is assumed that he diverted money collected for YHW to the other deities, such an act may have been no more than a goodwill gesture on the part of the Jews to their Aramean neighbors. The alternative explanation would view Bethel and Eshem as epithets for YHWH, if not independent deities. Statements of Amos and Jeremiah appear to support this view. Amos prophesied the downfall of those who swore by ,asmat Samaria and who said "By the life of your God, 0 Dan" and "By the life ofthe way to Beer-sheba" (Am. 8 : 14 ) . ,asmat, "guilt of," was a deliberate corruption of Ashima ( = Eshem ) much as Beth-aven (,awen = wickedness) was of Bethel ( Hos. 4 : 1 5, 10 : 5 ; d. Am. 5 : 5 ) . Jere miah predicted the collapse of Moab, the day when she would be "ashamed of Chemosh as the house of Israel was ashamed of Bethel, their confidence" (Jer. 48 : 1 3 ) · Bethel was the deity of Israel as Chemosh was of Moab.107 Furthermore, according to this view, the colonists of Elephantine derived in whole or in part from the northern kingdom of Israel, particularly from the region of Bethep08 All these assumptions, however, are most unlikely. The town Bethel was the seat of an important shrine, erected by Jeroboam to assert the religious independence of his kingdom from Jerusalem ( 1 Ki. 1 2 : 26ff) . The shrine was soon condemned by a prophet from Judah ( 1 Ki. 1 3 : 1ff), no doubt because of the golden calf throne of deity installed there. It was later de nounced by the Judahite prophet Amos ( 3 : 14, 4:4, 5 : 5f, 7 : lOf) and by Hosea (4: 1 5, 1 0 : 5 ) because the worshippers there consorted with harlots ( d. Hos. 4: 12ff) or practiced injustice (d. Am. 5 : 21ff) . But the divine creature Bethel, scornfully compared by Jeremiah to the pagan Chemosh and bitingly ridiculed by Hosea ( 12 : 5f ) , was probably an angel of Bethel who protected Jacob throughout his lifetime (Gen. 3 1 : 1 1ff, 48 : 16) and 106 U. Cassuto, Kedem 1 ( 1 942 ) , 47ff; E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 88. 107 E . C. Kraeling, op. cit., 89; cf., too, F. J . Neuberg, "An Unrecognized Meaning of Hebrew dor," JNES 9 ( 1 950 ) , 2 1 5f. 108 This view was developed quite extensively by A. Vincent, op. cit., and received the support of W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel4, 1 71ff. Cf. Chap. I, n. 66. This view has been advanced even by those adhering to a J udahite origin; cf. A. Lemonnyer, "La deese Anath d'Elephantine," Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques 9 ( 1920 ) , 581ff. See, too, M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 214£.
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continued to be venerated long thereafter.109 The term )asmah, "guilt," is no more rela ted to Ashima (Eshem ) than is ,awen, "wickedness," to El. Both were simply derogatory substitutes much as Chemosh and Molech/Milcom were called the "abomination" ( Siqqu$) of Moab and Ammon, respectively ( 1 Ki. 1 1 : 5ff) . Samaria was guilty (Has. 14: 1 ) and therefore her oaths sworn by the God of Samaria were false oaths. Alternatively, reference may have been to a golden calf installed in the shrine of Samaria ( Has. 8: 5f) . Besides, the subsequent report of the introduction of Ashima and other deities into the Assyrian province of Samaria implies that they were all new to the land. The priest of Bethel who was returned from exile instructed the new inhabitants in the worship of the Lord ( 2 Ki. 1 7 : 24ff) . None of the Israelite names, either from the Bible or from signet seal (ing ) s, is com pounded with the element Bethel or Eshempo If inhabitants from north ern Israel were found among the "Jews of Elephantine" or "Arameans of Syene," it is not likely that they brought \vith them any cult of Bethel or Eshem. The only explicit account of pagan worship introduced into Egypt by Jews is that of the worship of the "Queen of Heaven" by the inhabitants of Judah during the time of Jeremiah. The impression gained is that this worship was a family one although women played a predominant role. It consisted of the preparation of cakes and the offering of libations (Jer. 7 : 16ff, 44: 1 5 ) . It may have ceased after initial condemnation by Jeremiah but was resumed in Egypt. At a gathering of Jews from Migdal, Tahpanhes, Memphis, and the land of Pathros, thus possibly including Elephantine, Jeremiah rebuked the people again. But they, particularly the women, maintained that evils, including the destruction of Judah, came upon them only because they had ceased to worship the Queen of Heaven. Moreover, they claimed, the kings and princes of Judah had carried on this very wor ship (Jer. 44: 1 5ff) . Manasseh built altars for the host of heaven in the Tem ple forecourts ( 2 Ki. 2 1 : 3f ) and this worship was condemned by Deuteron omy ( 4 : 19) and Zephaniah ( 1 : 5 ) . Josiah destroyed this cult ( 2 Ki. 23 : 5, 1 2 ) and no subsequent king is said to have restored it (but d. Ezek. 8:16) .111 109 Cf. H. L. Ginsberg, "Hosea's Ephraim, More Fool than Knave," TBL 80 ( 1 961 ) , 3 39ft 110 E . G. Kraeling, op. cit., 89, cites the name Bethelsharezer (Zech. 7 : 2 ) as "an excellent Palestinian parallel to the Bethel names in the papyri." The parallel, however, exists in the fact that both one and the other are non-Israelite names; the Jews who bore them either took pagan names or were proselytes. 111 Y. Kaufmann, Religion of Israel, 144, 420, 430ff, argued that the pagan practices described by Ezekiel (Chaps. 8-10 ) were carried on in the time of Manasseh and not later. Professor M. Greenberg, who is preparing the Anchor
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In the days of Jeremiah it was apparently carried on primarily at home by women. The women in Egypt did not heed Jeremiah's injunction and insisted on renewing the worship. The prophet foretold their destruction and gave as a sign the deliverance of Hofra (Apries ) into the hands of his enemies (Jer. 44: 1 5££) . As mentioned earlier, the "Queen of Heaven" had a temple at Syene (BK 4: 1 ) and it is likely that this epithet applied to Anath. The Judahite women were not telling Jeremiah that they were rejecting YHWH and worshipping only the Queen of Heaven; they would certainly continue to worship the Lord at the same time that they carried on the domestic cult of the Queen of Heaven. In fact, Jeremiah's prophecy that they would no more invoke the name of the Lord (Jer. 44: 26) implies their original deter mination to continue to do so. It was this worship of Anath (if it was she who lay behind the epithet "Queen of Heaven" ) along with that of YHW which found its way into the Elephantine colony and gave rise to the syncretistic deity Anathyahu by whom Menahem swore to Meshullam in the place of prostration. The Queen of Heaven, the women said to Jere miah, provided prosperity and security. The consequences of ceasing to worship her would be poverty and insecurity (Jer. 44: 17f) . YHW was still God, but Anath was added assurance. Anathyahu was that aspect of YHW which assured man's well-being. Although the Arameans had a shrine to the Queen of Heaven, the name Anath appears only twice among the many personal names from Elephan tine and Syene ( C 22 : 108; BK 4:3 ) . If the goddess' cultic importance may be judged from her onomastic absence, it would seem that she did not play a major role in the communal religious life of the Jews. As earlier in Judah, her influence was no doubt confined to domestic practices. Priestly and prophetic condemnations of Israelite idolatry never mentioned Anath. The goddesses who were condemned were Asherah and Astarte (Ashtoreth ) . In the time of the Judges the people worshipped the Baals, the Asherahs, and the Astartes (Ju. 2 : 1 3, 3 :7, 10:6f; 1 Sam. 1 2 : 10) but eliminated that worship under Samuel ( 1 Sam. 7:4) . Later, the queen mother Maacah intro duced the worship of Asherah in Judah, but it was eliminated by Asa ( 1 Ki. 1 5 : 13; 2 Chron. 1 5 : 1 6) . Jezebel introduced her worship in Israel ( 1 Ki. Bible commentaw on Ezekiel, wrote in a letter of February 21, 1966, "The problem in Ezekiel about which you ask is no closer to solution in my mind today than it ever was. I find it impossible to believe that there were such goings-on in the Jerusalem temple in Ezekiel's time. However, I do not find any convincing explanation of the origin of these varied cults. Manasseh's age still seems the likeliest period for their rise."
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1 6:33; 1 8 : 19) only to have it eliminated by Jehu (cf. 2 Ki. 10:18ff) . Manas seh reintroduced her worship (2 Ki. 21 : 7 ) and Josiah removed it (23 :6f) . At Canaanite Beth-shan there existed a temple of Astarte during the time of Saul ( 1 Sam. 3 1 : 10 ) .112 Solomon built a high place for her outside Jeru salem ( 1 Ki. 1 1 : 5ff ) ; it was destroyed by Josiah ( 2 Ki. 23 : 1 3 ) . The impression gained is that cults to these goddesses stemmed from pagan influences resulting from intermarriage. From earliest times it was feared in Israel that marrying a Canaanite woman would result in wor shipping her gods (Ex. 34 : 1 3ff) . Even sexual relations with a foreigner was conducive to idolatry (Num. 2 5 : 1f) . The circumstances under which wor ship of the Queen of Heaven (Anath ) was introduced into Judah are un certain but it is noteworthy that women predominated among her devo tees. Manasseh's introduction of the cult of the host of heaven corresponded with the period of Assyrian domination. It would be fair to say, then, that the cult of Anath in Israel was not indigenous and developed rather late. To be sure, the name Anath was not unknown in earlier periods. From Judah in the south through Benjamin in the center to Napthali in the north, there existed sites which recalled a second millennium worship of the goddess : Beth-anath ( Josh. 19:38; Ju. 1 :33 ) , Beth-anoth (Josh. 1 5 : 59), and Anathoth (Josh. 2 1 : 1 8; 1 Ki. 2 : 26; JeI. 1 : 1 ) . Settlers in Anathoth took the name of the town and the family name of Anathoth was known in Ben jamin in pre-exilic ( 1 Chron. 7 : 8 ) as well as post-exilic times (Neh. 10:21; cf. Ez. 2 :23//Neh. 7:27) . One of the early Judges was Shamgar b. Anath (J u. 3 : 3 1 ) , a foreigner who settled in Israel and adopted its religion.ll3 A most curious name is that of a Benjaminite settled in Jerusalem : Antho thijah ( 1 Chron. 8:24) . If this name is not a corrupted expansion of Ana112 The early Iron Age Northern Temple (Level V) uncovered by A. Rowe contained a private stela dedicated to Anath, Queen of Heaven, Mistress of all the Gods. She is standing and is dressed like Astarte. Cf. A. Rowe, The Topography and History of Beth-Shan (Publications of the Palestine Section of the Museum of the University of Pennsylvania, I; Philadelphia, 1930 ) , 32f, PI. 50, No. 2; idem, The Four Canaanite Temples of Beth-Shan (Publications of the Palestine Section of the University Museum, University of Pennsylvania, II, Philadelphia, 1 940 ) , 3 3f, PI. 6 5A, No. , 1 . For discussion of the date of this temple, cf. H. O. Thompson, "Tell el-Husn-Biblical Beth-shan," BA 30 ( 1967 ) , 1 29ft 113 Y. Kaufmann, Sefer Shot-tim ( Jerusalem, 1 962 ) , 1 1 2 . For other expla nations cf. W. F. Albright, Archaeology and the Religion of Israel4, 1 1 1 ("The hero Shamgar was a Canaanite from Beth-anath in Galilee. . . ." ) , 2,'1 9; A. Vincent, op. cit., 643; C . F. Kraft, "Shamgar," G. A. Buttrick, ed., Interpre ter's Dictionary, IV, 306f; F. C. Fensham, JNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 1 97f ("son of a Ijanaean" ) ; A. W. Eaton, The Goddess Anat, 37.
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th oth,114 it must have meant "Yah is (my) cntt." Such a name implies that cnt had become a common noun in Biblical Hebrew. A similar phenomenon may be observed with regard to other divine names. Some became terms for, or epithets of, God : El, Adon, Melech, Baal, Elyon; others devolved into common nouns-Dagon : dagan, "grain"; Asherah : >aserah, "wooden cult object"; Astarte : caStarot (pl. ) , "lambing (of flock) " (Deut. 7 : 13, 28:4, 18, 51 ) .115 The word Canat may rhus be related to Hebrew cet, Aramaic cenet, "time, destiny, sign." The personal name Anthothijah would thus mean "Yah is ( my) Sign [ = Providence]" and the divine name Anathyahu would be a personification or hypostatization of the providence of YHWp6 One swore an oath by the "sign of YHW" just as one did by His name. This explanation would sever the Anath of this compound from the Queen of Heaven and thereby undermine the conten tion that the religion of the Elephantine Jews was syncretistic. On the con trary, if the term Anathyahu was conceived at Elephantine, it would even suggest a degree of theological speculation among the Jews there. The diffi culty with this explanation lies in the fact that outside the possible excep tion of the name Anthothijah, the term cnt does not appear in Biblical Hebrew; nor do the Aramaic lexica know the extended meanings, "sign," "destiny." However attractive the idea may be that Anathyahu is not a composite deity, Anath plus YHW, the evidence for considering it a hypos tatization is not sufficiently decisive.
The Marzeah Association
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An ostracon at the Cairo Museum has been transcribed to read : "To Hag gai. I spoke to Ashian about the money for the marzealJ. So he replied to me, namely to Ito, 'Now I will give it to Haggai or to Igdal.' Speak to him that he should give it to you." 117 Ito had spoken to AS'hian about the money for the marzealJ. Ashian said that he would give it either to Haggai or Igdal. Ito was now writing to Haggai that he should collect the money from Ashian. The term marzealJ appears in Near Eastern sources from the four114 M. Noth, op. cit., 2 54, No. 1 1 0 1 . 115 W. F . Albright, Archaelogy and the Religion of Israel4, 74ff. 116 Ibid., 1 74; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 195££; J. T. MiIik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967 ) , 5 67. 117 Ostracon Cairo Museum 3 5468a was first copied by A. H. Sayce and pub lished without a plate in "An Aramaic Ostracon from Elephantine," PSBA 3 1 ( 1909 ) , 1 54f. I t was restudied by M . Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 1 1 9££, who arrived at the reading set forth herein; cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 92.
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teenth centurY B.c.E. down through Talmudic times. Each o f the sources indicates a different aspect of the term and together they provide a back ground for understanding the Elephantine marzea1;z. The term is first known from Ugarit. King Niqmepa b. Niqmeda {four. . , teenth century B.C.E. ) gave a house of the marzea1;z-men (E LU.MEs mar za-i ) to the marzea1;z-men and their children.11s On another occasion, a house of the marzea1;z-men of the god Shatran (E L lJ.MES mar-zi-i sa sa-at ra-na) is taken by an official and another house is given them in its stead.l19 Elsewhere, it is recorded that a vineyard of Ishtar was divided between the marzea1;z-men of the city of Ari and the marzea1;z-men of the city of Si yannu.1 20 A very fragmentary text in alphabetic script referring to "a field (and ) vineyard (sd kr[m] ) " mentions mrz1;z some five times. 121 Another text reports EI seated in his mrz1;z at a banquet.122 The marzea1;z was thus an association found in more than one location. Its membership included in dividuals and their children, and, as an association, owned houses and vine yards. There existed a special place called "house of the marzea1;z-men." Finally, it appears that the association was attached to some god. The term next occurs in the Books of Amos and Jeremiah. Amos lashed out at those who lie in ivory beds and recline on their couches, eating, drink ing, and listening to music and neglecting the malaise of their people. They shall be exiled and their marzea1;z shall depart (Am. 6: Iff) . In the face of the imminent destruction of whole families, Jeremiah was told by the Lord not to marry or bear children ( 16 : 1 ff ) . Nor was he ever to mourn or comfort the mourner. He was to stay away from the "house of feasting" il �:
��1111 ,"
III: 'II
II 'II
11S C. F.-A. Schaeffer, Le palais royale d'Ugarit, III, 88 (#1 5.88 :4, 6 ) . 119 Ibid., 1 30 ( # 1 5.70 ) . Text # 1 6.1 57 : 5 (p. 8 3 ) speaks of "the fields of Shatran." On this god cf. D. O. Edzard in H. W. Haussig, ed., Worterbuch der Mythologie, 1/1, 1 19f. 120 Ibid., IV (MRS IX: Paris, 1956 ) , 2 30 ( # 1 8.Ql ) . The term UJ .MES ma-ar-zi-1;i is found in another, though fragmentary Ugaritic tablet, RS 14.16, line 3; cf. Ch. Virolleaud, "Six textes de Ras Shamra proven ant de la XIV' campagne ( 19 50 ) ," Syria 28 ( 1 951 ) , 1 73, 1 76. 121 UT 2032. In UT 1 22 : 1 , 5 Gordon would read, with question mark after the first letter, mrz
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and the "house of marzealJ" ( Jer. 16: 5, 8 ) . I t is clear from the context that these two terms are parallel. A marzeal;1 was a "revelry" or a "banquet." The house of marzeal;1 was the house of mourning where one broke bread for the mourner and offered him the cup of consolation ( Jer. 1 6 : 7) . . The Punic sacrificial tariff of the temple of Baal-Zaphon, found at Mar seilles and dated to the end of the third century B.C.E., stipulated the priestly allocations from the various sacrifices. Toward the end of the docu ment there is a provision regarding the sacrificer (line 16) . Three terms are employed and it is uncertain whether they refer to individuals or groups. Tbe third one is mrzl;1 )lm and has been variously rendered "religious guild ," "festive gathering (in honor) of deity," "participant in a banquet for the god," and "servant of a sacred repast." Whichever rendering is ap propriate, reference is clearly to an association related to a deity. Sacrifices were offered in the name of the individual members of the group as a whole?23 In the Sidonian colony of Piraeus there was a periodic marzeal;1 feast which lasted several days. "On the 4th day of the marzeal;1 in the 14th year of the people of Sidon" (96 B.C.E.? ), the Sidonian colony voted t o bestow a crown upon Shemabaal, "chief of the community who is over ( = in charge of) the temple and over the building of the temple court." An in scription in Phoenician, with two lines in Greek, was erected in the tem ple to commemorate the event.124 The occasion of the feast, when spirits were high and hearts were glad, was opportune for bestowing honors. A Nabatean inscription from Petra recalls the relation of the marzeal;1 to the dead. It reads : "Remembered ( dkyr) be cObaidu b. Waqilwl and his companions ( l;1brwhy) , ( the) marzeal;1 of Obodas ( cbdt) the god." Two Nabatean kings named Obodas are known from the first pre-Christian century and this association was probably organized in honor of the deified king, Obodas p25 A Nabatean inscription on a libation altar (?) from , 123 Text, commentary, and translation of the Marseilles Tarift may be found in G. A. Cooke, Textbook of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 42, and H. Donner and W. Rollig, Kanaaniiische und aramiiische Inschriften, No. 69. For an English translation by F. Rosenthal cf. J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 502f. Cf. also Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO, III, 2 5ft; J . G. Fevrier, La religion des palmyreniens (Paris, 1 93 1 ) , 207f; A. van den Branden, "Notes pheniciennes," Bulletin du Musee de Beyrouth 1 3 ( 1 956 ) , 94f. 124 Text, commentary, and translation of the Piraeus inscription may be found in G. A. Cooke, op. cit., No. 33, and H. Donner and W. Rollig, cp. cit., No. 60; cf. also Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO, II, 390, note; IV, 343ft. 125 For this inscription cf. M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, III, 278; Repertoire d'epigraphie semitique No. 1 423;J, Starcky, "Petra et la Nabatene, " in L. Pirot, et al., eds., Supplement au dictionnaire de La Bible, 906, 101 5 .
1 82
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PAGAN CONTACTS
CAvdat dated to the eighteenth ( ? = 98 C.E. ) year of Rabel II refers to the "marzealJ of Dushara god of Gaia (?) ." 126 Most of the epigraphic information on the marzealJ stems from Palmyra during the first three centuries C.E. Four dedicatory inscriptions, each dated according to the Seleucid era, contain references to the marzealJ. The first one, inscribed on an altar, has been restored to read, "In the month of Shebat, year 340 ( 29 Q.E. ) , these [members (bny ) ] of the marzealJ [made (cbdw ) ] this altar to Aglibol and Malakbel [their] god[s] ." There follow the names of the nine contributors.127 The second one was inscribed on a statue of Zebida by his daughter and another person in Nisan 429 ( 1 1 8 C.E. ) on the occasion of Zebida's "leadership of the marzealJ of the priests of Bel" (brbnwt mrzlJwth dy kmry bl) .128 The third inscription is [a] bi lingual written in Nisan, 514 ( 203 C.E. ) "on the occasion of the leader ship of the marzealJ (by ) Shalma b. Maliku" who was designated in the Greek part "high priest and sy[mposia]rch of the priests of the great god Zeus Bel." 129 The fourth is a stone inscription erected in Tishri, 555 (243 C.E. ) "on the occasion of the leadership of the marzealJ (by) Yarl).ai Agrippa" who "served the gods and presided over the divination for a whole year and provided the priests with old wine for a whole year." It concluded with a blessing for Yarl)ai's sons and others-CAgilo the scribe; Zabbai who was in charge of the cooking; Yarl).ibola the cupbearer ( mmzgn» and all the other assistants. 1ao 126 Cf. A. Negev, "Nabatean Inscriptions from 'Avdat (Oboda ) ," lET 1 3 ( 1963 ) , 1 1 3ft Another stone inscription was read by Negev, wlJ-brwhy bny srwt> (IET 11 [1961], 1 37 ) but J. Starcky, "Petra et la Nabatene," 9 19, 1014 reads the last word mrzlJ-" "and his companions, members of the marzealJ-." Perhaps th e same reading should apply to Negev's srwt> in th e other inscription, thus yielding [w�lbrwhy] bny mrzlp dn> mrzlJ- dW8T> >lh g>y>, "and his compan ions, members of this marzealJ-, marzealJ- of Dushara, etc." It is hard to be cer tain of the readings from the photographs. Cf. J . Naveh, "Some Notes on Nabatean Inscriptions from CAvdat," IET 1 7 ( 1967 ) , 1 87£. 127 The inscription is found in G. A. Cooke, op. cit., No. 140A; d. Ch Clermont-Ganneau, RAO, IV, 374ff. 128 The inscription is found in M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, II, 781£; d. Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO, VII, 1 1 . 129 The inscription is found in M . Lidzbarski, Ephemeris, II, 303ff; cf. Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO, VII, 22f. The procurator Septimius Vorod, who erected several statues, held the title "Symposiarch of the Priests of the God Zeus Bel"; cf. Ch. Clermont-Ganneau, RAO, IV, 3 8 1 . 130 This inscription was first published with plate b y H. Ingholt, "Un nou veau thiase a Palmyre," Syria 7 ( 1 926 ) , 1 2 8ff. See, further, J. Cantineau, "Textes palmyrenierines provenant de la fouille du temple de B�l, " Syria 1 2 ( 193 1 ) , 1 1 7ff (brbnwt mrzlJ.wt lJ.dwdn) , 1 19f ( · · ·] mrzlJ.wth [ · · · ) .
PAGAN CONTACTS
183
Some half dozen tesserae picture on one side a priest, lying on a couch under a vine as if at a banquet. On the other side there is an inscription givin g a name and the title "head ( rb ) of the marzeal:z." 131 One shows a priest burning incense before a god and . the inscription on the other side reads "on the occasion of the leadership of the marzeaJ:t (by) Shalman . " 132 Another pictures a goddess seated before a cluster of grapes and the other side reads "marzeal:z of Beeltek and Taima (bcltk wtym» , day 5." 133 Finally, there is a tessera which pictures the nude god Apollo and bears a damaged inscription which has been read, "Members of the mar zeal:z of Nabu" ( bny mrzl:z Nbw ) . " 134 At Palmyra the marzeal:z was a religious association. The most popular one was that of the priests of Bel and some twenty tesserae picture one or more of the priests at a banquet and bear the inscription, "the priests of Bel" 135 The association had a head who may also have been a leading priest, a scribe, and officials responsible for the preparation of the banquet to which members were invited by tesserae. The banquet lasted at least five days and may have extended for a week. In sum, the marzeal:z was an asso ciation designed to promote the welfare of its members and-as has been contended on the basis of celestial symbols on the tesserae-to secure their beatification after death.136 The Talmudic tradition also knew the marzeal:z. On the eve of the Con quest, the Israelites engaged in sexual intercourse with Moabite women and participated in their sacrifices to the god Baal-peor (Num. 2 5 : 1 ff) . Commenting on this incident, the Sifre (Num. 1 3 1 ) noted that the Moab ites had recently set up marz·J:tim and had invited the Israelites to join and eat. The site of the incident was known in Jewish tradition as Beth-marzeal;!. The sixth century mosaic map of Palestine on the floor of a church in Med eba, showed "Betomarsea, which is also Maioumas," across the Jordan •
/
•
•
131 The tesserae have been collected by H. Ingholt, H. Seyrig and J . Starcky, "Recueil des tesseres de Palmyre," Institute fram;ais d' archeologie de Beyrouth, Bibliotheque archeologique et historique 5 8 (Paris, 1 9 5 5 ) ; d. Nos. 27, 30, 33, 3 5· 132 Ibid., No. 34. 133 Additional tesserae were published by C. Dunant, "Nouvel1es tesseres de Palmyre," Syria 36 ( 1 959 ) , 1 02ff; d. No. 1 2 . 134 H . Ingholt e t aI., op. cit., No. 3 0 1 . 135 H. Ingholt et al., op. cit., Nos. 1 0-23, 2 5-29. 136 The idea of beatification has been maintained by Comte du Mesnil du Buisson, Les tesseres et les monnaires de Palmyre (Paris, 1962 ) , 465ff and pas sim, who has produced an exhaustive study of the more than 1 000 tesserae from Palmyra; d. also J . C. Fevrier, La religion des palmyreniens, 201ff.
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from Ai. Maioumas was a pagan licentious feast, known to have been cele brated at Gaza and Ashkelon.137 The Midrashic commentaries used this term in referring to the marzeal;. mentioned in the Book of Amos ( Lev. Rab. 5 : 3; d. Num. Rab. 10 : 3 ) . Another set of traditions used the term marzeal;. in a different sense. These related the passage in Amos to the funerary repast ( M. K. 28b; Ket. &jab) . Both interpretations converge in that the funerary repa,st often became a gala gathering. Ten cups of wine were regularly imbibed and others were added until the mourners came away drunk (Ket. 8b ) . One tale recorded the stern warning of a scholar to his students that upon his death they not mourn him one day and engage in revelry ( mrzlpwt ) the next (Yer. Ber. III, 6a, top ) .138 In the light of this study of the marzeal;., the Elephantine ostracon may be interpreted something as follows : Ito was head of the funerary associa tion. A banquet in memory of a late member was to be held and Ito had spoken to Ashian about paying his share. Ashian replied that he would pay either to the scribe-treasurer Haggai or to one of the (culinary ?) officials, Igdal. Ito was now writing to Haggai to be sure to collect the money from Ashian. The funerary repast or memorial banquet may have lasted several days, perhaps a week (d. Gen. 50 : 10; Jdt. 16 :24; Sir. 22 : 1 2 ) . During this period the members and/or the family of the deceased placed food at his grave ( d. Deut. 26: 14; Tob. 4: 17; Syriac A Al).. 2 : 10) . The Israelite did not believe that death ended all contact between the living and the dead. Especially in times of distress, the living turned to their deceased mentors for advice ( 1 Sam. 28: 3ff; d. Is. 8: 19f ) /39 while the deceased felt concern over the fate of their living descendants ( Jer. 3 1 : 1 5 ) . The occasion of the memorial banquet might also have been an opportunity for communication between the living and the dead. 137 For the Medeba map cf. M. Avi-Yonah, "The Madeba Mosaic Map" (Hebrew ) Eretz-Israel 2 ( 19 5 3 ) , 142; R. T. O'Callaghan, "Carte de Madaba," L. Pirot et al., eds. Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible (Paris, 1957) V, 676f. 138 The contrast between mourning and feasting is expressed in the Midrashic commentaries. Seeking to explain the proximity of the verse on the death of Samuel and his mourning by Israel ( 1 Sam. 2 5 : Iff) and the story of Nabal which tells of his drunken feast (v. 36) , the Midrash states in the name of Samuel b. Nahman, "Everyone mourns the death of the righteous man and this wicked one makes banquets (marz·!:tln) " ( Koh. Rab. 7 :4 end; Yalkut Sam. 1 34) . Est. Rab. to Est. 1 :2, 9 writes of the feasts of Ahasuerus and Vashti, "The temple is destroyed and this wicked one makes banquets (marz·!:tin) ." 139 Cf. the Hebrew article of H. Torczyner, " 'Seeking the Dead' in the Bibli cal Period," in the Hebrew Festschrift in Honor of the 70th Birthday of D. Yellin (Jerusalem, 193 5 ) , 69ff; H. L. Ginsberg, "An Unrecognized Allusion to Kings Pekah and Hoshea of Israel ( lsa. 8 : 2 3 ) ," Eretz-Israel 5 ( 19 58 ) , 62 *ff.
PAGAN C O N TACTS
I
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The Israelite approached death with a certain equanimity. Said the Lord to Abraham, "You shall go to your fathers in peace; you shall be buried at a ripe old age" (Gen. 1 5 : 1 5 ) . Unlike the Egyptians, who never mentioned death in their legal contracts, 140 the Jews wrote "If N. should die tomorrow or the next day. . . ." (C 5 : 8, 1 5 : 1 7, 20; K 2 : l lf, 7:28, 34) ; "and if I should die . . . ." (C 1 0 : 14; K 1 l : 8 ) . The phrase, "If you/I should die at the age of 100 years" (K 4: 1 7f ) , however, probably had apotropaic intent.H1 It is less likely that it expressed an optimal age,142 which for the Israelite was seventy years, though a vigorous man might live past eighty ( Ps. 90:lO; 2 Sam. 19: 36 ) . To be sure, the Elephantine Jew prayed for a long life (C 30:3113 1 :2f) . The important thing for the Israelite was to b e buried in the tomb of his father ( 2 Sam. 19 :38; cf. Ju. 8:32, 16:31; 2 Sam. 2: 32, 17 :23, 2 1 : 12ff) . The only references to embalming concern Jacob and Joseph, whose bodies were preserved for interrnent in Canaan (Gen. 5 0 : 1ff, 25f; Ex. 1 3 : 19 ) . Since embalming was closely connected with the cult of Osiris (ct. Hdt. II .86.2 ) ,143 their bodies were prepared not by the regular embalmers, who were religious functionaries, but by ordinary physicians.144 At Elephantine a wooden mummy label was found with the name Sbh b. Hosea ( Sachau, PI. 71,13 ) . Three such labels were allegedly discovered at South Saqqarah, written in Aramaic and containing the Aramaic and Hebrew names Mal140 The unique climate of Egypt where permanence rather than change was the rule; the Egyptians' tremendous love of life and self-preoccupation; and the belief that death need not mean annihilation but might be a mere transition from one state of life to another, drove the Egyptian to avoid references to death. He took any and a11 precautions to insure, while he was stiU alive, the preservation of his body ( through embalming) and the satisfaction of his physical needs in the world beyond. Cf. A. H. Gardiner, The Attitude of the Ancient Egyptians to Death and the Dead (Cambridge, 193 5 ) ; J. Zandee, Death as an Enemy According to Ancient Egyptian Conceptions (Leiden, 1960) . 141 H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 1 58. The explanation of H. Caze11es, "Documents arameens d'Egypte nouve11ement publiees," CRAI ( 1954 ) , 507, that the children were to inherit the property if their father and mother ex ceeded the age of 100 years ignores the simple meaning of the text. 142 So R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 77, n. 1, but his citation of Is. 6 5 : 20 is not apropos since the verse describes conditions in the messianic era when the "wolf and the lion sha11 feed together" (verse 2 5 ) and man wiU attain something of the longevity which he had in the early days after Creation. 143 See the accurate account of embalming in Hdt. 1I.86ft. Most of the de motic legal contracts drawn up during this period stem from the two priestly classes concerned with the care of the dead-the pastophore and the choachyte (cf. L 2-4, 6f, 9; 5, 8, 1 1 , 1 3f, 1 6f, 1 9 ) . 144 J. Vergote, Joseph en Egypte (Louvain, 1959 ) , 197ff.
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PAGAN CONTACTS
chiah b. Uriah, Sheil ( d. Hebrew Saul ) b. Baadiah and Isaiah b. Abah b. Haggai, 145 In any case, it is not likely that Sbh thought of himself as be coming an Osiris; embalming simply preserved the body from decay. When their Temple was destroyed, the Elephantine Jews donned sack cloth, fasted, refrained from sexual intercourse, did not anoint themselves with oil nor drink wine (C 30: 20f//31 : 19f ) . These practices attended not only national calamity but private,mourning as well. The mourner donned sackcloth (Gen. 37: 34; 2 Sam. 3 : 31 ) , did not eat or drink ( 1 Sam. 3 1 : 1 3; 2 Sam. 1 : 1 2; Dan. 10:2f ) , and did not anoint himself with oil (2 Sam. 14:2). Sexual continence is attested in later Jewish sources.146 The three year dura tion of mourning for the Temple suggests that mourning for the deceased was an intense affair. Membership in a marzeaf:!. provided comfort for an individual's mourners and concern for his afterlife.147
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145 E . Bresciani, ASAE 5 5 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 274ff. The inscriptions on these labels are now believed to be forgeries. Cf. J. Naveh, "Aramaica Dubiosa." 146 For general discussion of death and mourning in Israel and among Jews, see R. de Vaux, Ancient Jsrael, 56ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 499ff; Y. Kaufmann, Tol"dot, 11/5, Chap. XVII; E. Jacob, "Death," "Mourning," C. A. Buttrick, ed., Interpreter's Dictionary, I, 802ff; III, 452ff; J. D. Eisenstein, "Mourning," I. Singer, ed., The Jewish Encyclopedia, IX, 101ff . 147 O . Eissfeldt, "Sohnespflichten im alten Orient," Syria 43 ( 1966 ) , 45£, note, would separate rz1;t, "shout," the meaning he assigns to mrz1;t in Am. 6:7 and Jer. 1 6 : 5 from the homonymous rz1;t, "unite," the meaning he assigns to mrz1;t, "cultic association," in the Ugaritic, Elephantine, and Nabatean texts. See, too, his comprehensive treatment of the marzea1;t in "Etymologische und archaologische Erklarung alttestamentlicher Worter," Oriens Antiquus 5 ( 1966 ) , 1 6 5-1 76. His distinction appears to me to be arbitrary.
PART I I I
FAMILY AND COMMUNAL LIFE
r
I "I �I : �
I N T RO D U CT I O N : T H E L E GA L D O C U M E N T
The purpose of a contract was to provide written evidence for the existence of a right, if not in fact to establish such a right, and thus ward off a possible suit. A defaulting debtor was not entitled to object before the court to an act of distraint by the creditor or to claim that he had repaid the loan as long as the loan document was in the hands of the creditor (C 10: uff, 18f) . The right of an individual to a piece of property might not be challenged before the court if he could produce the proper document (s) thereto ( C 8: 22ff) . "Though I institute suit I shall not win as long as this document is in your hands" ( C 8 : 22) . Among the legal texts uncovered at Elephantine were documents of sale (K 3, 1 2 ) , gift (C 8, 46; K 4, 6, 9, 10) , transfer or division of property (C 13, 28) , and grant of some right (C 5, 9) . All contained clauses in which the grantor promised not only in his own name but in that of his relatives and related parties not to bring legal suit against the stipulated rights of the grantee.1 The classic phrase, going back to the Akkadian,2 "I shall not be able to institute against you suit or process" (cf. C 8 : 1 1 f, 20, 9: 13, 13 :8f, 20: 1 1 , 2 5 : 1 2; K 3 : 1 2f, 9 : 18ff, 1O: 12f) was abbreviated to "neither suit nor process" (C 8: 14, 21f, 9 : 1 5 ) or simply, "and no suit" (C 2 8 : 1 2, 14) . Gifts were especially apt to be reclaimed since the donor received no considera tion for them from the donee. In such cases the document constituted a strong guarantee of possession. The term frequently used to describe the act of reclaiming by the donor was n�l, "snatch," "take away" (C 8 : 18, 9: 10; K 4: 20, 6 : 1 5, 1 0 : 1 0 ) , which apparently indicated a forcible, illegal 1 For such clauses in the deed of conveyance cf. R. Yaron, "Aramaic Deeds of Conveyance," Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 261ff. Similar clauses also appear in the marriage contracts: C 1 5 :2 5f, 29; K 7 = 3 2 . 2 E . G . Kraeling, op. cit., 1 3 5; E . Y . Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 23 8ff; Y. Muffs, op. cit., 3 1 , n. 3 .
1 90
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I NTRODUCTION
action as distinct from the legal grh, rsh,8 "institute suit," qhZ, "complain." A noticeable example of such gifts was the dowry granted by the proprietor or parent of the bride (C 1 8 : 3; K 7:42 ) ; an extraordinary case was that of the slave child given over by his owner to his mother and her husband upon their marriage ( K 2 : 13-1 3b ) . The donee's protection against any interference with newly acquired possession or right W\lS assured by the imposition of a penalty ( stipulated in the contract) upon the challenger, be it the grantor or a third party. If such a claim were put forth, and a penalty thereupon demanded by the party under attack, it would probably be up to the court to see to its pay ment. If a gift were "snatched" away it was probably up to the injured party to maintain his right before the court. No mention was ever made of any court fees; the penalties were always to be paid to the injured party. The usual penalty for the challenge of property rights, as recorded in deeds of conveyance or removal, was five,4 ten,5 or twenty karsh, 6 though penalties oE one (K 1 1 :6), two ( C 43 :6) , and thirty karsh (K 9 :20, 10:10) were also known. There was even a penalty of 100 karsh, i.e., 1,000 shekels, in a transaction involving the delivery of grain to part of the garrison (C 2: 1 5 ) . The challenge of personal rights was generally subject to stiffer penalties varying between twenty and fifty karsh, though there is one case of a pen alty of only five karsh.7 Other than the distinction between person and property, there seems to have been no clearcut explanation for the penalty sums. In fact, a deed of gift from husband to wife provided for three different penalties depending upon who challenged the gift: five karsh if the husband himself ( K 4 : 14f ) , twenty if someone else (4:16), and ten if someone "snatched" it from their children after his death (4:20f ) . The penalty was not related to the value of the property,S nor necessarily to the person instituting the claim since
3 For these terms, cf. Y. Muffs, op. cit., 3 1 , n. 2. 4 C 1 : 7, 5 :7, 14: 10; K 1 : 8, 4 : 1 5. 5 C 8 : 14, 2 1 , 9 : 1 5, 1 3 : 1 1, 20 : 1 5, 2 5 : 1 5, 2 8 : 1Of; K 4 : 2 1 , 6 : 17. 6 C 6 : 14; K 3 : 1 5, 1 8, 4: 1 6, 1 2 : 3°. 7 The violation of the personal and property rights of the wife which were stipulated in her marriage contract was subject to a penalty of 20 karsh (C 1 5 : 29ffjjK 7 : 30ff; C 1 5 : 3 1ff ) ; a violation of the freedom of an emanci pated and adopted child was fined at the rate of 30 karsh (K 8 : 7f ) , and of a mother and child at that of 50 karsh ( K 5 :7f) ; the abrogation of a service obligation to manumitter and his son was subject to a 50 karsh fine (K 5 : 1 3ff) . On the other hand, the right of Ananiah and Tamut to the child Filti against seizure by Tamut's master Meshullam was protected by only 5 karsh (K 2 : 1 3b ) . S See further R. Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 268f.
INTRODUCTION
19 1
this is the only document which indicated different penalties. It is clear, however, that since even the smallest customary penalty of five karsh was several times the amount of the usual transactions recorded in documents of loan or sale, its purpose was primarily preventative. Fear of having to pay a sum far beyond his means was a sufficient deterrent to a would-be claim ant. A legal contract, therefore, was meant to be self-enforcing.9 Legal documents attesting rights and property were carefully guarded by their possessors. They were usually stored in clay jars and kept under the floor of the dwelling.�o The accumulation and preservation of a number of such documents constituted a family archive and the death of its owner meant that the heir to the rights and property also inherited the archive. Several such archives of Egyptian families have come down to us from the Saitie-Persian period.ll Two private archives of Jewish families were dis covered at Elephantine. Ten documents from the Mibtahiah-Jedaniah ar chive and eleven from the Ananiah b. Azariah-JehoishmajAnaniah b. Haggai archive have been preserved. Mibtahiah came from the Jewish community's leading family, whereas the mother of Jehoishma was an Egyptian handmaiden, a status also borne by her daughter. Her father Ananiah, on the other hand, was a Temple official. We can thus sketch the history of a woman who began at the top of the social scale and of one who began �t the bottom; of a man who may have been the lay head of the Jewish community and one who was a religious functionary. Since the sources for these family histories are legal contracts, let us first consider briefly the form of these documents and the manner in which they were drawn up and attested. The Jews lived among the Egyptians for one and a half centuries before the earliest Elephantine document known to us was drawn up, and the question naturally arises as to what extent the Aramaic contracts resemble the Egyptian ones. A comparison of the schemata of the two sets of docu ments �2 shows almost a clause for clause similarity between the deeds of conveyance, less of a similarity between the loan contracts, and great dis similarity in both form and substance in the marriage contracts. Such a situation is normal : social forms, if not practices, are more tenacious than economic ones. On the other hand, it is clear from the many Akkadian expressions and the similarities to Babylonian documents that the Aramaic 9 For references to penalty clauses in ancient Near Eastern contracts generally, cf. Y. Muffs, op. cit., 45, n. 1 . . �o E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 5 1 . 11 E . Seidl, Kgyptische Rechtsgeschichte der Saiten- und Perserzeit, 1 2ff. �2 See Appendix VI, A Comparison of the Schema of Aramaic and Demotic Legal Documents.
1 92
INTRODUCTION
texts ultimately go back to a Semitic tradition.18 Not all the dozen or so scribes who drew up the Jewish documents were Jewish; six or seven of them bore Aramean, Babylonian, or other names.14 Nevertheless, there is no dif ference in phraseology between documents drawn up by Jews and those drawn up by non-Jewish scribes?5 To a certain extent the scribal craft seems to have been hereditary with the Jews and Arameans as well as with the Egyptians.16 Although wit nesses almost always signed their own names,17 the handwriting in many of the signatures is a vulgar cursive script. To draw up a legal document one had to be learned and possessed of a skilled hand. There is only one clear instance ( C 2, 3 ) and another possible one (C 1 1 ) 18 of an individual 18 The similarities were already cited by A. H. Sayce in the publication by A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, 20; so, too, by E. Pritsch, "Jtidische Rechtsurkunden aus Aegypten," ZVRW 27 ( 19 1 2 ) , 1 4ff; J. Kohler, ZVRW 27 ( 1 91 2 ) , 1 42ff; P. Schulthess, Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen 1 69 ( 1 907 ) , 193ff; recently R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 99ff; and the excellent study of J . Y. Muffs, op. cit., who finds the proxi mate origin of many Aramaic formulae in Neo-Assyrian models. 14 The non-Jewish scribes are 1 . Bty b. Mannuki (K 1 ) , 2. DjRwl:Lsn b. Nergalshezib (K 8 ) , 3. Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib (K 1 1 ) , 4. Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni (C 8f) , 5. Peteisi b. Nabunathan (C 14) , 6. Nabu tukulti b. Nabuzeribni (C 2 8 ) , and perhaps also Ito b. Abah (C 6 ) . 15 On the basis of the Cowley papyri, P. Jotion, MUS! 1 8 ( 1 934 ) , 37, could say that of the three terms of legal action, rsh, grh, and qbl, the Aramean scribes used only the first one ( 8 : 1 2, 20, 24, 26; 2 8 : 8f)-a verb of East Aramaic origin used in the sense of "take action" in Syriac but not in Aramaic. But in K 1 Bty b. Mannuki used grh twice ( 1 :4, 8) and Peteisi had used it three times (C 14 :7ff) . 16 For the demotic marriage contracts, d. E. Ltiddeckens, op. cit., 247ff. L 5 ( 5 3 5 B . C.E. ) was written by Ns-p3-mtr son of P3-s3-n-m!k-mng while L 28 ( 1 98 B .C.E. ) was written by Ns-p3-mtr son of Ns-I:u "who is scribe at Elephan tine ( and) Syene." Ltiddeckens notes the identity of names and I wonder whether this might not also indicate, on the principle of papponymy, identity of family. Documents of a Theban family archive allow us to trace the activity of four scribes in five generations. "The by-past generation is probably due to the fact that it is represented by a woman"; d. M. el-Amir, A Family Archive from Thebes (Cairo, 1 9 59 ) , 9 5 . 17 Only in C 1 , 1 1, 1 5 , 1 8; K 2, 5 , 7 did the scribe clearly sign the names of the witnesses. Of these C 1 and 1 1 bear a different schema from the other documents; the names of the witnesses precede that of the scribe. C 1 5, 1 8; K 2, 7 are marriage contracts; K 5 a document of emancipation. Why did the witnesses not sign their own names in the marriage contracts? 1 8 R. Yaron, "The Schema of the Aramaic Legal Documents," !SS 2 ( 1 957 ) , 42f.
INTRODUCTION
19 3
drawing up his own document, and in both cases the semi-conservative script of the scribe indicates that he was a professional. Still, the only one of the six or seven Aramean scribes whose script, semi-conservative cursive, would qualify him as a professional is Peteisi b. Nabunathan (C 14) . That of the other scribes is either an extreme (K 1, 1 1 ) or a semi-extreme cursive ( C 6, 8, 9, 28; K 8) . Thus, an individual could be learned in legal formulae and be but an occasional scribe. Each of the three Jewish scribes who drew up more than one document-Nathan b. Ananiah (C 10, 13, 1 5; K 2 ) , his son Mauziah (C 18, 20, 25, 45 [?]; K 4, 7 ) , Haggai b. Shemaiah (C 35 [?] ; K 3, 5 [simply "Haggai"], 9, 10, l2)-had a semi-conservative script and would be considered professionals. Moreover, Mauziah b. Nathan and Shemaiah b. Haggai (C 33:2f ) , probably father of the scribe/9 were among the leaders of the Jewish community when the petition for rebuild ing the Temple was drawn up. It is possible that the Aramean scribe Nabutukulti b. Nabuzeribni (C 28 : 14) was a descendant of the scribe Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni (C 8, 9 ) . Their semi-extreme cursive script, however, indicates that they were only occasional scribes. The semi extreme cursive of the other Jewish scribe, Pelatiah b. Ahio (C 5 : 1 5 ) , probably father of the witness Ahio b . Pelatiah ( C 10: 22 ) , indicates that he, too, was, not professional. The selection of non-Jewish scribes may be related either to the fact 19 On the principle of papponymy we can either reconstruct Haggai b. She maiah b . Haggai or Shemaiah b. Hagg:ai b. Shemaiah. The known activity of Haggai b. Shemaiah extends from 437-401 . In 407 he would have been at least 45 years old . If the petitioner Shemaiah b. Haggai were the father of the scribe, he would have been at least 60 in 407 (genealogy: Haggai b. Shemaiah b. Haggai ) . If he were the son of the scribe he would have been about 30 (gene alogy: Shemaiah b. Haggai b. Shemaiah ) . Now the scribe Nathan b. Ananiah was active from 449 (K 2 ) until ca. 435 (C 1 5 ) . His son Mauziah, also a petitioner, was active from 434 until ca. 407. In 407 he would have been at least in his early 40'S and judging from the beginning of his father's activity, probably in his 50'S. The leader of the community, the first name among the petitioners, J ed:miah b . Gemariah, was witness in 420 (K 7 :44 ) and thus at least ca. 30 in 4°7. His father Gemariah was a witness in 460 (C 8 : 29//9 : 1 8 ) . Since J edaniah is not listed among the witnesses to that document while his cousin Shemaiah b. Jedaniah is (C 8: 3 1 ) it may be that he was born much later. Still, it is more likely that he waS in his 40'S and maybe early 50'S by 407. The leaders of the Jewish community at the time of the petition to Bagohi thus seem to be elders. It is the re fore likely that the petitioner Shemaiah b. Haggai is the father of the scribe Haggai b. Shemaiah; for the opposite view cf. M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 24f, 73. For questions of palaeography cf. J. Naveh, Development of the Ara maic Script, 27ff. ,
1 94
I NTRODUCTI ON
that one of the parties to the contract was a non-Jew (C 14; K 1 1 ) or that most or all of the witnesses were non-Jews (C 14; K 1, 8; d. C 6 where three out of eight witnesses were non-Jews ) . But in the case of three deeds of conveyance or withdrawal, there seems to be no palpable reason why a transaction between two Jews should have been drawn up by a non Jewish scribe. It may be tentatively suggested that a Jewish scribe, and from a select circle a� that, would always be chosen to draw up a marriage contract, even when one of the parties was an Egyptian (C 15; K 2 ) , though non-Jewish scribes were eligible to draw up deeds of conveyance since the pertinent law was common to all foreign settlers in Elephantine. Conversely, the conveyance of property by the Caspians Bagazusht and Ubil to Ananiah b. Azariah, witnessed only by (four) non-Jews, was drawn up by Haggai b. Shemaiah (K 3 ) . Many Egyptian names are scattered throughout the Aramaic papyri but there is no case of an Egyptian appearing as a witness to a document. In two cases, though, an Egyptian was party to a marriage contract. These documents were drawn up in Aramaic since in both cases the Egyptian had joined the Jewish community: Asl;or (C 1 5 ) was later called Nathan and had sons named Jedaniah and Mahseiah (G 25, 28 ) ; Tamut had children called Pilti and J ehoishma (K 4 : 1 8, 5 :6ff) . Which language, Aramaic or demotic, would have been used to draw up a deed of conveyance or obliga tion between a non-Egyptian and an Egyptian? There is one fragmentary papyrus (C 59) of which only the endorsement, written in Aramaic, is pre served on the verso. It reads, "Document of an oath which I:Iamman wrote. ." 20 The recto was written in demotic and contained phrases common to deeds of conveyance.21 If the two sides were indeed related it would be the only known example of a demotic document with an Aramaic endorse ment. Were there any double documents-written in both demotic and Aramaic-as there were later documents written in demotic and Greek? No single location was set aside as the place in which documents were drawn up. Of the eight documents drawn up by non-Jewish scribes, six were , written in Syene (C 6:16f, 8: 27f, 9 : 1 6, 14:3, 1 1 f; K 8 : 1 , 1 1 : 1, 1 2 ) whil6 the location o f the seventh (K 1 ) was not given. Only two other documents were written in Syene and of these the scribe is unknown in one ( K 6) and Jewish in the other ( C 45 :9) . Of the eleven documents or fragments written in Elephantine (C 7 : lf, 20 : 1, 2 5 : 1, 28 : 1, 1 5, 29 : 1, 68,4; K 5: 16, 7 : 1, 9 : 22f, 10: 17, 1 2 : 32 ) the scribe is not known in three cases •
•
20 The scribe's name may be a hypocoristicon representing the deified . in
cense altar; d. p. 1 68, above. 21 Cf. W. Spiegelberg apud Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 143.
INTRODUCTION
19 5
(C 7, 29, 68 ) . Where known, he is Jewish, except in one (C 28 ) . It may be concluded that documents drawn up in Syene were usually composed by Arameans and other non-Jews, who for the most part resided there, while documents drawn up in Elephantine were mostly composed by Jews. In preparing the papyrus and drawing up the document the Aramaic scribes had traditions which differed from those of the demotic scribes. Egyptian papyri were usually manufactured in sheets over 40 cm. long and a roll was made by attaching new sheets one after another to the left end of a papyrus. The scribes generally wrote on the recto in lines along the length of the papyrus and the witnesses usually signed their names on the verso. The sheets used by the Aramaic scribes were between 9 and 1 5 cm. long and joined below. Th� scribes wrote in a single column along the width of the papyrus, on either the recto or the verso, and the witnesses almost always signed their names "within," i.e., on the same side as the text. The Egyptian documents were not sealed; the Aramaic were.22 It would be interesting to know who paid the scribe and whether the executor of the document or the scribe supplied the papyrus. Although the length of a papyrus roll varied according to the require ments of the text, the width was fairly standard, varying between 22 and 28 cm. (mean : 27 cm. ) for the Mibtahiah-Jedaniah archive 23 and between 26.1 and 32.'7 cm. (mean : 30.5 cm. ) for the Ananiah-Jehoishma/Ananiah archive.24 Thus, the "standard" width of the "Mibtahiah" papyri was 27 cm. while that of the "Ananiah" batch was 30Y2 cm., a curious fact con sidering that documents in both archives were made out by different scribes at the dictation of different persons. Since the papyrus sheets of the Ara maic documents were about one third the length of those of the Egyptian 22 Cf. the brief description by J. D. Cooney apud E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 127. Cooney claims that most of the Brooklyn Museum papyri were written on the verso but no data are given for the individual papyri. Sayce and Cowley gave no data for the Mibtahiah archive. According to the data provided by Sachau only C 43 of the legal texts was written on the verso; C 1, 7, 1 0, 1 8, 3 5, 44 were all written on the recto. C 9 was written on the recto and concluded on the verso. Cooney reports that the Brooklyn papyri are between 5 Yz and 6Yz inches long. According to a measurement of the Sayce-Cowley papyri on the basis of the plates ( assuming that they are full size reproduction; no measurements are given ) , the individual leaves are about 3 Yz inches long. For the Egyptian docu ments cf. further E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 2of; for the Aramaic documents, R. Yaron, JS5 2 ( 1957 ) , 44ff. 23 As indicated, Sayce-Cowley did not provi de measurements, but I pres ume that the reproductions are full size. 24 The five Sachau legal documents preserved in their full width-C 1, 7, 10, 1 8, 43-vary between 28 and 34 cm. (mean 29 cm. ) .
1 96
II'
II: :11 II I", �
I NTRODUCTION
rolls, it has been suggested that "these short pieces of papyri were an in. expensive job lot from a local manufacturer, the best that the Elephantine colony could afford." 25 But the Meissner papyrus, stemming from outside Elephantine ( 51 5 B.C.E. ) , was only 19 cm. long and, as far as one can tell from the photograph, 26 was composed originally of three sheets though the fifteen lines of writing covered only two sheets. The width is 26 cm. and � so the whole roll is very similar to one from the Mibtahiah archive. A consideration of all the Elephantine legal documents has led to their division into two groups-an earlier one of five documents ( C 1-3, 11, 46) and a second one containing the rest of the documents.27 While some of the criteria advanced to distinguish between the two groups must be re jected,28 there are certain stylistic differences present which are worthy of note even though they do not affect the substance of the contract: 1 . Date. Papyri dating from the first quarter of the fifth century (C 1-3, 1 1 29 ) and from the last decade of the century ( C 29; K 12, 1 1; C 7, 3 5 [409-400] 30 ) did not give a double, Babylonian and Egyptian, date as did 25 J. D. Cooney apud E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 27. 26 Cf. PIs. 1 and 2 following p. 424 of H. Bauer and B. Meissner, op. cit. 27 R. Yaron, 'SS 2 ( 19 57 ) , 33- 5 5 . 28 The points as listed by Yaron (following his Roman numerals) are: II. Place of execution of the document. In his model schema for group A he omits place of execution, including it for Group B; C£. R. Yaron, Intro duction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri (Oxford, 1961 ) , 2 5 . While the place may not have been mentioned in any of the five "early" papyri-an unascertain able fact for the fragmentary C 46-it is also absent from the beginning of many later documents (C 5, 10, 1 3, 1 5, 3 5; K 1-4) so that Yaron himself con cluded it to be "probable that even in the time of Group B such a reference wa;v60t considered essential"; ibid., 9. III. Parties. According to Yaron, op. cit., 9, "the difference is that, as a rule, in Group A the names of the parties are not followed by any further descrip tion, whereas a description is usually added in Group B"-place of residence, military unit or occupation. Of the five documents in Group A only of C 1 can it be said with certainty and of C 1 1 with great probability that no description was present; C 2 and 3 contained a partial description. The beginning of C 46 is missing. 29 For reconstruction of the first line of this papyrus, cf. R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 1 9 57 ) , 42f. For palaeographic considerations, C£. J. Naveh , Development of the Aramaic Script, 44; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 23f. 30 For C 7, C£. R. Yaron, op. cit . , 34; J. Naveh, op. cit., 48; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 23. K 1 2 should probably precede K 1 1 ; see page 233 and n. 92, Chapter VI. R. A. Parker, "Some Considerations on . the Nature of the Fifth Centuty Jewish Calendar at Elephantine," JNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 274, n. 7, agreed with the dates which were proposed by Horn -and W Dod for K 1 1 and 1 2 and followed by Kraeling.
IN TRODUCTION
1 97
the rest of the papyri, but only the Egyptian date; two documents (C 29; K 1 1 ) even omitted the day. Demotic papyri of the fifth century (Darius I ) gave only the Egyptian date. I t is interesting, though, that whenever the three elements of the date were given, whether according to the Egyptian or the Babylonian calendar, the order was just the same as that found in the contemporary portions of the Bible and Jewish documents from the Second Commonwealth, i.e., day-month-year, and unlike that in either Egyptian or Neo-Babylonian documents.31 Since the date sequence in the Biblical books from the end of the Monarchy was year-month-day, the sequence in the Elephantine documents cannot be viewed as a survival of pre-exilic practice, unless, of course, legal documents fo11owed a different sequence from that of the Biblical narrative. An attempt has been made to explain the Babylonian dates in the docu ments as based upon a Tishri-Tishri Jewish calendar.3 2 But "a Persian mili tary garrison in a Persian satrapy would most probably use the Persian Babylonian calendar" of the Nisan-Nisan year. The double dates are best explained by such an assumption.33 It may be further observed here that the year, which was reckoned according to the reign of the Persian king, differed by one in these double dates whenever the document was drawn up during the period between Thoth 1 of the Egyptian year and Nisan 1 of the Persian year, a period of some three or four months. In Egypt, the . same expedient used in the weight system was employed in the use of the calendar; the Egyptian system of months and New Year's day was retained and the years were counted according to the reign of the Persian king. Since the Persians fo11owed the Babylonian calendar and dated the New Year from Nisan 1, an Egyptian date which fe11 between the Egyptian and the Babylonian New Year was one year "ahead" of a date which fell after Nisan 1 . To bring the Egyptian and Persian weight systems into balance, the formula, "2 r to the 10" was used; to clarify the dates, a double year date formula was written, e.g., "on 24 Shebat, year 1 3, that is 9 Athyr, year 14 of Darius" (II) (C 28: 1 ) .34 2. Sequence of scribe and witnesses. Unlike the sequence followed in all the other documents, the list of witnesses preceded the name of the scribe in three Elephantine documents (C 1 , 1 1 , 46) and in P. Meissner. This practice was probably due to the fact that where the scribe himself wrote 81
R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 19 57 ) , 6 1 . S. H. Horn and L. H . Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1 954 ) , 1 8ff. 33 R. A. Parker, JNES 14 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 274; E. J. Bickerman, "The 'Zoroastrian' Calendar," Archiv OrientJlnf. 3 5 ( 1 967) , 205. 84 For full discussion of this calendrical point cf. R. A. Parker, JNES 14 (1955), 271. 82
198
INTRODUCTION
the names of the witnesses, as in the cuneiform tablets and in these four Aramaic papyri, his own name naturally came at the end of what he wrote. Where the witnesses signed their names, as in most of the demotic and Aramaic documents, the name of the scribe preceded their signatures.35 Moreover, in these four documents and in two others ( C 2 : 19, 3 :22) the phrase "witnesses" or "these are the witnesses" (P. Meissner) preceded their names while in the other documents, the witnesses' names were pre: ceded by the phrase " (and ) the witnesses are within." When the name of the scribe concluded the document, the only introduction to the necessary attestation was "witnesses." But once the order was reversed, it was possible for the witnesses to sign their names "within" the document, i.e., imme diately after the name of the scribe, or on the verso. The Elephantine docu ments followed the former practice and so the scribe added the additional notation "within." Most of the demotic documents had the witnesses' signatures on the verso but some from the end of the Saitic and the Persian period also had the signatures on the recto.36 Both practices were followed in Mishnaic times, there being a "plain document whose witnesses signed within [like the Elephantine documents] and a tied-up document in which they signed on the back (verso) " (Bab. Bath. 1 0 : 1 ) . An example of the former dating from 1 34 C.E. has been found; it concluded, "this document is plain and they signed within." 37 The latter is known from the early sixth century B.C.E. where, according to J er. 3 2 : 10, the witnesses signed after the docu35 R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 1 2 . E. Seidl, op. cit., 1 7, thought that the sequence scribe-witness was distinctively Egyptian and adopted by neighboring peoples from the Egyptians. But it seems that both the Egyptians and the Arameans signed their own names as witnesses and this automatically led to the sequence, independently in both sets of documents. The question of which people adopted this practice first cannot be determined. Even in some of the documents in which the sequence is scribe-witness, the scribe has continued the former practice of signing the names of the witnesses. While in most cases one can tell in which documents the scribe wrote the names of the witnesses and in which they themselves signed (cf. e. g., K 9-1 2 ) , such a distinction is not always possible, a t least on the basis of the photos alone. This is particularly true where the end of the document is damaged, e. g., C 1 5. If the scribe wrote the signatures in C 1 5, it seems that the scribe wrote the names of the witnesses in all the marriage contracts (C 1 5, 1 8; K 2, 7 ) . The scribe also wrote the names of the witnesses in the emancipation document (K 5 ) . 86 E. Seidl, op. cit., 1 22. 87 J. T. Milik, RB 61 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 82ff; J. J. Rabinowitz , BASOR 1 36 ( 1 954), . 1 6.
INTRODUCTION
1 99
ment was sealed, i.e., on the verso.38 Was the plain document also in use then? Here, too, is evidence of a practice at Elephantine similar to one in later Jewish use though in this case it is not known whether it was also · present earIler.39 The only principle known to be used in selecting witnesses is that the witness had to be a male. Women did not appear as witnesses in demotic or Neo-Babylonian documents 40 although they did appear as such in Egyp tian documents of the Eighteenth Dynasty 41 and in Old-Babylonian con tracts.42 As indicated, no Egyptians attested documents though Arameans (cf. list in K 8 ) , Babylonians ( "Hadadnuri the Babylonian" [C 6 : 19] ) , Caspians (C 1 3 : 18f; K 3 : 23b-24), "Magians" ( K 4:24), Medes ( K 5 : 1 7), and Persians (C 5 : 16f; K 3 : 23b ) did, even in documents where both parties were Jews. 38 Cf. L. Elau, "Zur demotischen und griechischen Papyrusurkunde," Festschrift zu Hermann Cohens siebzigsten Geburtstage (Berlin, 1 91 2 ) , 22 1ff; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 50f; J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 1 55 · Professor J. Y. Muffs informs me that the tied-up document has its model in Neo-Assyrian contracts. 39 J. J. Rabinowitz, op. cit., 1 56, thought "that the signing by the witnesses On the recto constituted a deviation from the old practice" in Judah. R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 1 957), 45, andLaw of the Aramaic Papyri, 1 6f, viewed this as a devi ation from the "Egyptian practice of their day," "to stress that the deviation from Egyptian usage was on purpose, and did not affect the validity of the document." But, as noted, even some Egyptian documents bore the witnesses' signatures on the recto. 4° Cf. E. Pritsch, ZVRW 27 ( 191 2 ) , 66; E. Seidl, op. cit., 2 3 . 41 Cf. E . Seidl, Einfilhrung, 43. 42 Cf. M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen Zivil- und Prozessrechts (Leipzig, 19 1 3 ) , xxxv.
VI A N A N I A H B . AZARI A H : T E M P L E O F F I C I AL M ARRI E D TO E GY P T I A N H A N D M A I D E N
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Various Obscurities
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Ananiah b. Azariah entered the scene in a document drawn up on July 6, 45 1 which did not identify him as a member of a degeZ, as was the case with virtually all other parties to legal contracts, but as "Z"1;en of YHW (who is ) in Elephantine" (K 1 : 2 ) . This was the title he bore in each of the subsequent documents although it occasionally appeared in an ex panded form, "l"1;en of YHW the God (who is ) in Elephantine the fortress" (K 2 : 2 ) . In the last document of the archive his wife was designated "Z"b-enah of YHW the God who dwells in Elephantine the fortress" (K 1 2 : 2 ) . Either she held the same position as her husband or the term meant "wife of the Z"b-en" much as the "prophetess" who bore Isaiah a child ( Is. 8 : 3 ) was doubtless his wife.1 The title l"b-en has its counterpart in "Za1]1]inu of Ashur," "Za1]1]inu of Nabu," "Za1]1]inu of Ishtar of Arbel" and "Za1]1]inu of Sin of Harran" found in late Assyrian documents. In one instance this temple official was respon sible for the maintenance and unkeep of the temple building and utensils and for the care of the garments and jewelry of the gods. 2 In Egypt outside of Elephantine the title was borne by a certain Sharah (Shadah ? ) of South For brief discussion, cf. E. c. Kraeling, op. cit., 274. For discussion of the term and the references s.v. alal:Jl:Jinu in The Assyrian Dictionary of the University of Chicago ( Chicago, 1964) 1/1 , 295f. 1
2
I
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
201
Saqqarah,3 apparently a non-Jew, and at Elephantine by Azariah (C 63 : 9 ) , whose name appeared i n a list o f memoranda of obscure import. Azariah, who probably was the father of Ananiah, was further described as nagodo., (cf. Biblical nagid) ,4 a title also borne by Hanani in the reign of Xerxes (C 2 : 3 ) . Several officials with the title nagid were connected with both the First and Second Temples in Jerusalem. Pashhur b. Immer, designated "paqid nagid (chief official ) in the House of YHWH," had Jeremiah put in stocks for prophesying in the Temple courtyard the destruction of the city of Jerusalem (Jer. 1 9 : 1 4 20 : 2 ) . Seraiah b. Hilkiah was "nagid of the House of God" during the time of Nehemiah ( 1 1 : 1 1 ) . A descendant of Moses, Shebuel b. Gershom, was "nagid in charge of the treasuries," al legedly in the time of David ( 1 Chron. 26:24) . Azariah's title, l'/:teno., nagoda>, is reminiscent of that of Pashhur, pakid nagid. Although Ananiah inherited the title Z'/:ten and the administrative post held by Azariah, he did not bear the additional title nagid, "chief." Very little information exists on the Elephantine priesthood. A termi nological distinction, perhaps present in the Bible (d. 2 Ki. 2 3 : 5; Has. 10: 5; Zeph. 1 :4 ) , was drawn between the priest of YHW who was designated l�hn (C 30 : 1, 18, 3 1 : 1, 3 8 : 1, 1 2 ) and the pagan priest who was called kmr (C 1 3 : 15, 27: 3, 8, 14, 30: 5) .5 An interesting sidelight is provided by the ostracon which has been interpreted to read : "Behold my tunic which I left at the house of the House of YHW. Tell Uriah to dedicate it. [Ad dressed] to Salluah." 6 The house of the Temple may have been some sort of storehouse or annex in which the garment was stored for use in the sacrificial service. It will be recalled that the Assyrian lalJlJi nu in the temple of Ashur had charge of the deity's garments. The priests apparently were among the leaders of the Jewish community and two of them, mentioned along with Jedaniah b. Gemariah, are known to us by name-Mattan and Neriah (C 38 : 1 ) . Although Ananiah b. -
3 Cf. N. Aime-Giron, Textes arameens d'Egypte, 102, for the title and 94,
105, for the name. 4 This word was read ngr> by A. E. Cowley, but the reading herein contained is preferable. Cf., however, M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 32. 5 Cf. A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine, 446ff; J. A. Montgomery, The Books of Kings, 538f. 6 O. Cairo 49,624 was found in 1925 and first published by N. Aime-Giron, "Trois ostraca arameens d'Elephantine," ASAE 26 ( 1 926) , 2 7ff. The present translation is that of A. D upont-Sommer, " 'Maison de Yahve' et vetements sacres a Elephantine d'apres un ostracon arameen du Musee du Caire," fA 2 3 5 ( 1 946-47 ) , 79ff; d. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 96f.
202
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
Azariah did not appear in an official document, it cannot be concluded that his position was unimportant. The Levites in the wilderness were not at tached to a degel but were dedicated to the service of the Tabernacle (Num. 2 : 33, 3 : 5ff) . The fact that Ananiah was not attached to a degel may mean that he was solely occupied with his Temple duties.7 The situation described in the first document and the reason for its inclusion in the Anflniah archive are most obscure. The document Con cerned an object of unknown meaning hira, or hida>-about which Micah b. Ahio ( ? ) said to Ananiah, "You have given to me five shekels as the price of your hira, about which you complained against me and my heart is satisfied with its price" ( K 1 :2ff) . Why should Ananiah have put forth a claim against Micah regarding an object described as belonging to Ananiah and, in settlement, pay him five shekels? As if that were not per plexing enough, Micah said further, "Should I bring complaint against you (before ) judge or lord in the name of this hirii> concerning which I complained against you, and for which you gave me five shekels of silver so that I withdrew from you, I shall give you five karsh of silver" ( K 1 : 5ff) . But the matter had just been said to have been the opposite : Ananiah complained against Micah. Here, Micah professed to have complained against Ananiah. The most likely explanation is scribal error; the scribe inadvertently repeated the phrase at the beginning of the sentence. The questionable phrase should read, "concerning which you complained against me." S In any case, the object was now securely guaranteed to Ananiah and should anyone challenge it, Micah would clean it of all taint and restore it to Ananiah ( K 1 : 8f) .9 The document was drawn up by a non-
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7 It has been suggested on the basis of the Aramaic and Medieval Hebrew meaning of the root IlJ.n that Ananiah was a "cantor" in charge of the musical part of the Temple worship. The feminine form of the word in Dan. 5 : 2 and Al;tiqar 83 would thus mean "singing girl"; d. J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1 953-54 ) , 3 39; C . C . Torrey, "More Elephantine Papyri," JNES 13 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 5of; E . Y. Kutscher, "New Aramaic Texts," TAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 234; B. Comoyer, "LlJ.n: chantre?" VT 5 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 83ft While not denying the existence of psalmody in the Elephantine Jewish Temple I prefer to follow the lead of the Assyrian evi dence. The Arameans of Syene, it will be recalled, came from Northern Syria where Nabu and Sin were worshipped; they may have taken over the term IlJ.n as they did the worship of those deities. I am grateful to Professor B. A. Levine, Brandeis University, for his letter of March 6, 1966, discussing this title. S Cf. R. Yaron, RIDA 3rd series, 5 ( 1958) , 299ff. For a different interpre tation cf. H. L. Ginsberg, TAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 56; Y. Muffs, op. cit., 33. 9 For the defension clause, d. pp. 2 1 6f and the reference in n. 50.
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Jew, Bty b. Mannuki and attested by seven or eight witnesses, among whom was the prominent Mahseiah b. J edaniah ( K 1 : lOff) . Eight witnesses were required for renunciation of a claim to landed property and this fact pre s ents a clue to the meaning of h'irjda,.10
Slavery The marital situation of Ananiah was most unusual. That he was married to an Egyptian girl was not unique since intermarriage was known in the Elephantine Jewish community. What was striking, however, was the fact that his wife was a slave girl and even after her marriage remained bound to her master and later to his son in some form of service obligation. More over, the couple had a son prior to the redaction of the marriage contract. To appreciate fully the special status of Ananiah's family, certain aspects of slavery should be considered. The slave at Elephantine, as elsewhere in the Near East 11 and Egypt,12 was considered property to be bought and sold for money ( K 5 :7 ) , be queathed to children ( C 28 ), or, like a house, garment, vessel, and grain, given and tafen ih pledge for a debt (C lo:8ff; K l 1 : lOff) .13 All the slaves mentioned in the Elephantine documents were Egyptian, and it is most unlikely that any of the Elephantine Jews were or might be enslaved, even for debts. Because they bore Egyptian names, Tebo and her three children, Petosiri, Bela, and Lilu (C 28 ) ; Tamut, daughter of Pethu (K 1 2 : 3 ) , and Tetosiri (SC Mb : 3 ) , it is likely that they were acquired by purchase. One slave lad, with the YHWH-istic theophorus name Jedaniah b. Tel;lO ( K 8 ) , was probably a house-born slave who was raised as a Jew. Evidence from 10 Far discussion of the number of witnesses, see R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 19 57 ) , 48fI. His category of "Conveyance following Judgment" should be eliminated and the two entries there listed (C 6 and K 1 ) should be included with "Re nunciation of Claim (to land) ." Such documents were designated seear mirT:zaq. C 6 was not a conveyance since C 5 clearly indicated that the house was already in the possession of Mahseiah. The endorsement was lost from K 1 , but the document was probably a "document of withdrawal" (cf. rT:zq in line 7 ) . 11 1. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East (New Yark, 1 949 ) , 34fI. 12 A. M. Bakir, Slavery in Pharaonic Egypt (Supplement aux Annales du Service des Antiquites de l'Egypte, Cah. No. 1 8; Cairo, 1 9 52 ) , 69ff. 13 For the last passage cf. H. · L. Ginsberg, "Notes on some Old Aramaic Texts," TNES 1 8 ( 19 59 ) , 148f; R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," JNES 20 ( 1961 ) , 1 27£.
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the Middle Kingdom indicates that Asiatic slaves who retained their Semitic names were given a second, Egyptian, name by their masters. Native-born children of these slaves all had Egyptian names.14 The only evidence for double names in Elephantine is the Egyptian husband of Mibtahiah whose original name was Asl:lOr (C 15 : 2 ) and whose Hebrew name was the common Nathan (C 2 5 : 3; 28 : 2 ) . The name of the ,slave's owner was inscribed on the slave's right arm, e.g., " ( Belonging ) to Mibtahiah" (C 28 : 5f) or " (Belonging) to Meshul lam" ( K 5 :3 ) . 15 The recto of a much-discussed Bodleian ostracon seems to have requested something like the following, " . . . So, too, behold Tetosiri who belongs to us! Let them write it on her arm above the writing which is (already) on her arm. Behold, thus did one send ( to inform me) saying that they do not find that his/her handmaiden is written ( = marked) according to his/her name" (SC M ) .16 Here was a newly acquired slave girl who had a marking on her arm indicating her previous owner but who had not yet been marked by her new owners. One co-owner was here writing to his partner saying that he had learned that the partner's name (apparently the main owner) had not yet been marked on the girl's arm and urging that it be inscribed forthwith. Though contemporary Egyptian evidence for slave-marking is absent, it is known that the Pharaohs stamped their own names on enslaved captives of war.17 Neo-Babylonian docu ments 18 show that personal slaves were marked on their hands or wrists with the names of their owners. The slave, like the animal, may have been
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14 W. C. Hayes, A Papyrus of the Late Middle Kingdom in the Brooklyn Museum (New York, 19 5 5 ) , 92ft. 15 Professor H. L. Ginsberg has proposed to me the following translation of C 2 8 : 4f: "A mark is tattooed on his right hand, a tattoo whose legend in Aramaic is as follows: 'To Mibtahiah.' '' Accordingly, K 5 : 2f would be trans lated "Tapmut by name, his handmaiden who is tattooed on her right hand as follows : 'To Meshullam.' '' Ginsberg further compared Is. 44: 5 where he changed the vocalization of the last three verbs so that the verse should read, "And this one shall say 'to the Lord do I belong' and this one shall be called by the name of Jacob and this one shall have written ( upon himself) a mark [reading ywd instead of ydw] 'to the Lord' and by the name of Israel shall be called." Even if we do not change the Massoretic vocalization we may still get the sense of a servant ( cf. verse 1, "Jacob my servant" ) being inscribed with the name of his master. 16 For this translation d. Ch . Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 7 ( 1 906) , 2040. 17 A. M. Bakir, op. cit., 1 1 0. 18 I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 46f.
ANANI AH B . AZARIAH
20 5
marked simply because he was chattel,19 On the other hand, the mark did i dentify his owner and expedited restoration in 'case he fled.2 0 A slave was usually known by his matronymic (C 28:4; K 8 : 3 ) ; if one was known by a patronymic it was likely that he, or his parent, was free born and sold himself, or was sold, into slavery. Contracts of self-sale from the Twenty-sixth Dynasty have come down to us and indicate that the person selling himself into slavery also included his present and future children in the sale. 21 Indigence, of course, was the chief reason for such self-sale. ,\ In 456 Meshullam b. Zaccur, apparently a man of some means, extended a loan of four shekels to the Jewish woman Jehol).en (C 10) . If J ehol).en's need reflected generally bad economic conditions, Tamut's father Pethu (d. K 1 2 : 3 ) , facing destitution, may have been forced to sell himself into slavery. It may have been at this time that Meshullam, having bought Pethu, acquired Tamut. Alternatively, Tamut may have been taken from Jehol).en as pledge in case of default in accordance with one of the terms of the loan contract providing for seizure of property (C 1O:7ff) .22
Marriage to an Egyptian Handmaiden On July 3, 449, a marriage contract was drawn up between Ananiah b. Azariah and Meshullam b. Zaccur, "Aramean of Syene of the degel of Varyazata" ( K 2 :2f ) , for the handmaiden Tamut. Because she was a slave, Tamut was not given away in marriage by her natural father or mother as 19 Ibid., 42• 20 G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 422; I. Mendelsohn, op. cit., 49f. 21 F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 19, No. 1 5; pp. 50ff (P. Ryl. 3-7 ) ; A. M. Bakir, op. cit., 56f, 74ff; J. Pi renne, "Les contrats de vente de soi-m�me en Egypte a l' epoque saile," Bulletin de l'Academic royale de Belgique, 5th series, 34 ( 1948 ) , 581ff. E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 45ff, denies the possibility of such self-sale. His interpretation of P. Ryl. 3-7 is plausible but his scepticism concerning the text written on the Louvre bowl is unwarranted. Even if only a draft, the text must reflect a real practice. 22 This loan document was discovered tied and sealed (cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., PI. 28) and may have remained in the possession of the creditor; cf. the clause, "I shall have no power to lodge a complaint against you before segan or judge on the ground that you have taken from me any security while this deed is in your hand" (C lo: 1 2ff ) .
206
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was usually the case at Elephantine, but by her legal master. The substan tive part of the document began regularly enough with a declaration by the groom to the proprietor of the bride, "I have come to you to be given in marriage Tamut by name who is your handmaiden. She is my wife and I her husband from this day and forever" (K 2 : 3f ) . The latter declaration was a traditional one (cf. Hos. 2 :4) 23 and was pronounced orally before written documents were drawn up. The remainder of the marriage contract differed considerably from the others known to us. These differences are best explained by the unique status of the bride: married to Ananiah, she was still a handmaiden of Meshullam. The normal practice in the Near East was to emancipate a slave-girl upon her marriage. In fact, manumission and marriage were usu ally expressed in one document.24 Biblical Law, however, alludes to the situation of a slave-girl betrothed to a free-man (Lev. 1 9 : 20 ) 25 and Near Eastern law also seems to have known situations of free-slave marriage.26 This family archive from Elephantine, however, enables us to trace for the first time the history of such an unusual relationship. No mention was made in the marriage contract of any mohar being paid by Ananiah to Meshullam 27 and most likely none was paid.28 No doubt, this was due to her continued slave status. 29 It should be noted that in cases 28 See
0
the discussion by J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 4; R. Yaron, JSS 3 ( 1958 ) , 30f; J. Kthner, Das soziale und religiose Leben der Militiirkolonie von Elephantine, 36f. 24 Cf. M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen zivil- und Prozessrechts, Nos . 3 1-34, pp. 5 5f (Old Babylonian) ; F. Thureau-Dangin, "Trois contrats de Ras-Shamra," Syria 1 8 ( 193 7 ) , 2 53ff (RS 8.208, an Akkadian tablet dated to the time of the Amarna tablets ) . 25 Z. W. Falk, "The Deeds of Manumission of Elephantine," TTS 5 ( 1954 ) , 1 1 4f. 26 M. Schorr, op. cit., N os . 3 5, 77, 214. There is no evidence in any of these documents that the wife was manumitted prior to marriage as maintained by Schorr nor that B�lizunu in No. 77 is the husband's first wife. l owe clarifi cation of these points to Professor S. Greengus of the Hebrew Union College. See also Hittite Law Par. 3 1 which Professor Giiterbock of the Oriental Insti tute, University of Chicago, informs me is better rendered by J. Friedrich, Die hethitische Gesetze (Leiden, 1959 ) , than by A. Goetze in J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 190. 27 For further discussion of the mohar see p. 221, n. 65. 28 The attempt of H. L. Ginsberg, "The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri," JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 1 56f, to posit a mohar payment has been rightly rejected by R. Yaron, "Aramaic Marriage Contracts from Elephantine," JSS 3 ( 195 8 ) , 16f, and his later Introduction to the Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 56ff. 29 J . Korner, cp. cit., 3 8; E. Volterra, "Osservazioni suI divorzio nei docu-
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of free-slave marriage in Babylonia, no mention was made of the payment of a terTJatum, the Babylonian equivalent of the mohar. Corresponding to the absence of any mohar was the meager dowry Tamut brought with her. She entered marriage with a single inexpensive woolen garment, probably the one on her back, a cheap mirror, some ointment for her toilet, and perhaps a pair of sandals and some other item ( K 2 :4ff) . Since the main, and most likely the original, purpose of the marriage contract was to guar antee the woman possession of her dowry in case of dissolution of the mar riage, it hardly seems worth the papyrus to have drawn up a marriage contract for a dowry valued at seven shekels and iYz l:lallurs ( K 2 : 6f) . Indeed, the several parties must have been somewhat ashamed of this paltry amount for on the endorsement of the document the scribe more than doubled it, writing, "Tamut brought into Anani in her hand 1 karsh, 5 shekels," i.e., 1 5 shekels (K 2 : 1 6) . Written on the outside of the docu ment and blatantly contradicting the sum inscribed within, it could have no legal significance and was only for the sake of appearance.30 The really vital clause in this marriage contract seems to be the last one. "And I Meshullam, tomorrow or the next day, will not be able to snatch Pilti from you unless you drive out his mother Tamut. Should I snatch him from you I shall give Anani 5 silver karsh" ( K 2 : 1 3 f ) . The penalty clause was written between the lines; whether it was originally omitted as an oversight or added as extra precaution is uncertain. Most such penalty clauses contained the additional notation that the threatened object con tinued to remain the possession of the current owner.31 The absence of menti aramaici," Studi orientalistici in onore di Giorgio Levi della Vida (Pub blicazioni dell'Istituto per 1'0riente, Nr. 5 2; Rome, 1956) II, 591. In his re view in Iura 6 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 3 54f, Volterra assumed that Tamut was emancipated upon marriage . . so For various explanations of this divergence, see E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 50; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1 9 54 ) , 1 56f; R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 57£. The most likely is still that of J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 88£, n . 73, citing the later Palestinian practice recorded in Tos. Ket. 4: 1 3. The various additions, erasures, and corrections in this contract suggest con siderable haggling. Tamut's woolen dress was originally valued at five shekels, but the scribe subsequently added two more shekels, raising its value to seven shekels (1. 5 ) . On the other hand, he was obliged to reduce the amount of scented oil he had just recorded from a "handful" to "half a handful" (ll. 56) . The divorce penalty was originally only five shekels, but was raised to the standard 7Yz shekels (ll. 8, 1 0 ) . For these corrections, cf. R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae." I am grateful to Professor Yaron for sending me a typescript of this article. 81 Cf. the discussion in R . Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 26df.
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such a notation here and the relatively small fine suggest that Meshullam might, under any circumstances, take the lad Pilti away from Ananiah provided he reimbursed him the sum of fifty shekels.32 In a subsequent contract Pilti was designated a child of Ananiah (K 4 : 1 8 ) ; since Tamut was his mother, it is almost certain that Ananiah was his natural father. The presence of a child prior to the redaction of the marriage contract raises the question of the previous relation of the parents. There are many Egyptian marriage contracts, including two from Elephantine, which indi cate the presence of children prior to the redaction of the document.33 This more than suggests that the Egyptian so-called marriage contract, far from concluding or even confirming the marriage itself, was necessary only to fix the property rights of the parents and children and thus need not have been drawn up until a child was born.34 The Aramaic marriage contracts, concerned as they were with property, may or may not have been drawn up at the time of the marriage. In this case the document does not seem to have been drawn up at the time of the marriage. The birth of Pilti, how ever, naturally raised the question of authority. Ordinarily, children of a slave belonged to the master; any other arrangement required contractual guarantees legally documented. But why would Meshullam who did not waive his rights to Tamut agree to do so in the case of her child? As indicated, both Egyptian and "Ara maic" law required some consideration for the full establishment of a per- · sonal or property right. What, then, was Ananiah giving Meshullam in exchange? By marrying Tamut he was taking upon himself her economic support. The quid pro quo was thus doubly established : Ananiah paid no mohar since he received no effective dowry; he received his child but had to support the mother as a husband did a wife. Should either party change his mind a new balance would have to be created. Should Ananiah drive out Tamut, Pilti reverted to Meshullam. Should Meshullam snatch away Pilti, he must pay Ananiah fifty shekels. Similarly, a balance existed be tween husband and wife. Should either party decide to divorce the other he or she would pay the other the "divorce money" of iYz shekels (K 2 : 7ff) . This sum, not overly large, was a standard amount at Elephantine incum- _ 82 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 49. 33 Cf. the list in E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische Ehevertriige, 2 84f. 34 This view was first set forth by Junker and Boak and has been elaborated and endorsed by W. Edgerton, Notes on Egyptian Marriage (Chicago, 19 3 1 ) , 2; C . F. Nims, "A Demotic 'Document of Endowment' from the Tim(! of Nectanebo I," MDAIK 16 ( 1 958 ) , 237ff; P . W. Pestman, Marriage and Matri monial Property in Ancient Egypt, 21ff.
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bent upon the party initiating the divorce (cf. C 1 5 : 24; K 7 : 26 ) and was probably intended to provide at least a minimal restraint upon that party.35 A similar payment was evidenced elsewhere in the Near East and in Egypt.3s It should be noted that the right of the woman to divorce her husband was to be found in the other Elephantine contracts ( C 1 5 :22 ff; K 7 : 21ff) . Divorce was abundantly evidenced in later Egyptian documents but was less widespread in the Near East.37 Although marriage arrangements were 35 J. Korner, op. cit., 57f, 62. 36 The Code of Hammurabi (Pars. 1 3 8-'-39 ) stipulated that a husband divorcing his wife must pay her "divorce money" (uzubbilm ) equivalent to the ter1:Jatum which he paid her father. If he had not paid a ter1:Jatum, the divorce money was to be one maneh ( = 60 shekels ) of silver. For discussion of this clause cf. M. E. Revillout, "La femme dans l'antiquite," JA, 10th series, 7 ( 1906 ) , 70, who understood it to mean that the husband now forfeited the terhatum which his father-in-law had returned to him after thc marriage. G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 296£, thought that the husband had to make an additional payment, whose measure was the ter1:Jatum. Con tracts from Kiiltepe, Nippur, Ashur, and Alalakh indicate the same penalty for whichever party initiated the divorce. At Alalakh and at Nippur it was loss of the ter1:Jatum, an additional half-maneh being required at Nippur; cf. D. J. Wiseman, The Alalakh Tablets (London, 1953 ) , No. 92, and discussion by I. Mendelsohn, "On Marriage in Alalakh," Essays on Jewish Life and Thought Presented in Honor of Salo Wittmayer Baron (New York, 1959 ) , 3 52, 3 56; M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen zivil- und Prozessrechts, No. 1 . At Kiiltepe and Ashur no bridal payment was indicated and the divorce penalty was the large sum of five manehs ( 300 shekels ) and three manehs ( 1 80 shekels ) , respectively; cf. J. Lewy, "On Some Institutions of the Old Assyrian Empire," HUCA 27 ( 1956 ) , 6ff; M. David and E . Ebeling, "Assyrische Rechtsurkunden," ZVRW 44 ( 1929 ) , No. 1 . In the Egyptian marria ge docu ments attesting the wife's right of divorce the penalties for the man and wife varied : the husband lost the "bride price" and paid an additional equal amount (L 8, 1 8, etc. ) or a greater one (L 22, 28, etc. ) while the wife, according to one deed, paid only one-half of the "bride gift" (L 8 ) . 81 Cf. M. Schorr, op. cit., No. 1 discussed by A. van Praag, Droit matri monial assyro-babylonien (Amsterdam, 1 94 5 ) , 197f, and E. Szlechter, "L'affranchissement en droit sumero-akkadien," AHDO and RIDA, 2nd series, 1 ( 1 95 2 ) , 1 3 7. Code of Hammurabi Pars. 1 42-43 and discussion by G. Dossin, "Un proces en repudiation sous Ie regne de Samsu-iluna ( 1 960-1 923 avo J.-C.) " AHDO 3 ( 1947 ) , 1 45ff and idem, "L'article 1 42/1 43 du Code de Ham murabi," RA 42 ( 1 948 ) , 1 1 3ff. A general discussion of "Die Auflosung der Ehe durch die Frau nach altbabylonischem Recht" is provided by D . Norr in A. Giuffre (ed. ) , Studi in onore de Emilio Betti III (Milan, 1961 ) , 507ff. He concludes that the woman's right of divorce in Old-Babylonia was more wide spread than one might suspect and that the Code of Hammurabi sought a
210
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a relatively private affair carried on by groom and proprietor, divorce was a matter of public interest. The party initiating action arose in an "assem bly," i.e., in the presence of a body of witnesses, and declared, "I hate [divorce] my wife, Tamut," or "I hate [divorce] my husband, Anani" (K 2 : 7ff) .38 The penultimate clauses in the marriage contract were erased before the document was finally attested and sealed. Most of the erasures can be read with a fair amount of certainty. They reveal the original intent of
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middle ground between absolute freedom and absolute prohibition-the woman might divorce her husband if he was at fault. There is some evidence for the existence of the woman's right of divorce at Nuzi; cf. E. A. Speiser, "New Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws," AASOR 10 ( 192 8-29 ) , NO. 2 . Unfortunately, the relevant Par. 26a-b in the Hittite Laws i s fragmentary; d. the translations of A. Goetze apud J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 1 90, and J. Friedrich, Die hethitischen Gesetze, 23f. The woman's right of divorce is expressly indicated in an Old-Assyrian text from Kiiltepe, a Neo Assyrian tablet and two tablets from Alalakh; for references see previous foot note. See also the possible reference in a Nimrud tablet ca. 650; B. Parker, "The Nimrud Tablets, 1952-Business Documents," Iraq 16 ( 1954 ) , 30, 37ft. I am grateful to Professor Y. Muffs for this reference. For the Egyptian ma terial, see the texts collected by E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., beginning with No. 8, and discussion by P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 64ft. 38 Although the scribe failed to add "in an assembly" in the case of action initiated by Tamut, it is clear from C 1 5 : 22 that the same procedure was fol lowed by the woman as by the man. There has been much discussion as to the meaning of bcdh but it stin seems best to take it in the sense given herein rather than as "on account of her" with E. G. KraeIing, op. cit., 147f, or "be hind her" with G. R. Driver, PEQ ( 19 5 5 ) , 92. Among those who explain it as above are A. E. Cowley, op. cit., 49; E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 234; R. Yaron, JSS 3 ( 19 5 8 ) , 1 5; H. L. Ginsberg, JNES 17 ( 1959 ) , 148f. If the term does mean an "assembly," there is the further question of the function of this group. Did it serve as a court which investigated the reasons given for divorce or was its function simply to give the act publicity? Taking the former view were S. Funk, "Die Papyri von Assuan als alteste Quelle einer Halacha," JJLG 7 ( 1 909 ) , 378f; idem, "Die Sprache des Scheidebriefes," JJLG 16 ( 1924 ) , 1 27; E . Volterra, Studi . . . Levi della Vida, II, 598; Z . W. Falk, Marriage and Divorce (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1961 ) , 102. The other view, which seems prefer able, is propounded by R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 54f. Basing his views upon Mishnah Sanhedrin 1 : 6, Z. Ben-Haim suggested that cetJiih meant a specific number of persons and that to be fully legal the declaration had to be made in the presence of the requisite number; "Yeb," Encyclopaedia Biblica ( Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1958) III, 42 8. For a general discussion of the term with references cf. A. Verger, "L'amministrazione della giustizia nei papiri aramaici di Elefantina," Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe -di Scienze morali Ser VIII, 19 ( 1964 ) , 77f.
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211
Meshullam to assure himself possession of half of the couple's mutually acquired property upon the death of either one. The document originally read, "Tomorrow or the next day, should Ananiah die, Meshullam b. Zaccur (?) has power over half of all the goods belonging to Tamut and Anani together. Tomorrow or the next day, should Tamut die, Ananiah, he, he [sic!] has power over half of all the goods belonging to Tamut and Anani together" (K 2 : 10ff ) . In a free-slave marriage it would be natural fo r the master of the slave to claim upon the latter's death a share of prop erty jointly acquired during the marriage ( d. CH 176) . The free party, in this case Ananiah, would have received the other half. What is most interesting, however, is that Meshullam apparently claimed half of the joint property even upon Ananiah's death-no doubt in return for the support which he would then have had to provide for his handmaiden.39 Whether he had second thoughts or was dissuaded by others, Meshullam gave up this latter claim. After all, if Ananiah predeceased Tamut, Pilti doubtless would have reverted to Meshullam, as he would in case of di vorce, and thereby would have restored the status quo. To equalize the position of the spouses, the other clause was also changed-if Tamut died, Ananiah did not have to share the joint property with Meshullam. If the wife was to receive full share, could the husband receive l ess ? 40 The term usually employed to designate the husband's acquisition of his wife's property upon her death was "inherit" (K 7 : 3 5; C 1 5 : 21 ) . In this case, however, the term used for both Ananiah and Tamut was "have power." This may have indicated that upon Ananiah's death, the inherited "joint property" reverted to Meshullam or his heirs as it would after
89 These erasures are discussed by R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri II," TNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 1 29, and J. Hoftijzer and P. W. Pestman. "Hereditary Rights as Laid Down in the Marriage Contract Krael 2," BO 19 ( 1962 ) , 2 1 6ff; R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae." The name "Meshullam b. Zaccur" most likely stood in the original. Traces of a lamed are visible above the last letter of the newly-written Tamut. The downstroke of the kaph is evident following hy. On the other hand, Yaron seems to be right in assuming that the other half of the joint property in the event of Tamut's predecease went to Meshullam and not the couple's children, as Pestman and Hoftijzer imagine. Correspondingly, Tamut would receive the other half in the event of Ananiah's death. This as sumption accords with Code of Hammurabi Par. 1 76 as cited by Yaron and gives a simpler explanation of the change than the various suggestions, all un likely, proposed by Pestman and Hoftijzer. 40 For equal distribution of commonly acquired property in case of divorce between a freeman and slave-girl, where she apparently retained slave status through the marriage, cf. Hittite Laws, Par. 31, as translated by J. Friedrich, op. cit., 27.
212
A NA N IAH B . AZARIAH
Tamut's death should she survive Ananiah.41 No mention was made o f the individual property of either spouse and its devolution in case of death. Presumably it followed the regular rules of succession, devolving upon the children (d. K 4: 16ff) . Tamut's marriage contract was a remarkable document for the balance it created between all parties concerned. Tamut the slave-girl had full rights as a wife; Ananiah, who begot a child of a slave-girl, had full rights as a father; Meshullam married off his handmaiden but retained full rights as a master. It was suggested above that Tarnut's marriage contract was not drawn up at the time of her marriage. Another possibility suggests itself. As a slave-girl, Tamut may not have been the wife of Ananiah but his con cubine presented to him by Meshullam on some mutually agreed basis. Neo-Babylonian documents also evidenced the "leasing" of female slaves to individuals outside the household.42 Once a child was born the agree" rnent had to be redrawn; Anani might have the child if he would take the mother to wife. In 41 6, several years after Meshullam's death, his son Zaccur was also faced with the problem of the status of a slave-boy in his possession, Jedaniah son of the woman Tebo. Zaccur transferred him to Uriah b. Mahseiah under some unknown arrangement-the document effecting the transfer ( d. K 8 :4) is lost. Uriah promised to consider him as his son and drew up a document to that effect (K 8) imposing a penalty of thirty karsh upon anyone who would attempt to reenslave the lad. The father of the boy is unknown but, in light of the arrangements worked out with Meshullam by Ananiah for Pilti, it is possible that Uriah was the father.43 In any event, this kind of problem continued into the Ptolemaic period. Greek soldiers took native Egyptian women as concubines and their status and no doubt that of their children-whether slave or free-was often questionable. In 261/60 Ptolemy II issued a decree declaring such women free and not liable to be pledged for debts as were slaves.44 At Elephantine 41 S. Creengus, The Aramaic Marriage Contracts in the Light of the Ancient Near East and the Later Jewish Materials (Typescript Master's Essay, Univer·· sity of Chicago, 1959 ) , 68. 42 1. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, 54f. 43 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 224, suggested that Zaccur was the father� For various treatments of K 8, see Z. W. Falk, TTS 5 ( 19 54 ) , 1 1 6f; idem, J5S 3 ( 19 58 ) , 1 27f; J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 29, n. 14, 33ff; R. Yaron, Law 19f the Aramaic Papyri, 40f; J. Korner, op. cit., 94ff; A. Verger, "Intorno a P. Brooklyn 8," Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze morali Ser VIII, 1 9 ( 1 964) , 294ff. 44 W. L. Westermann, The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity ( Philadelphia, 1 9 5 5 ) , 52.
ANANIAH B . AZ ARIAH
21 3
there was no doubt as to the status of Tamut and Tel)o, but this did not hold for their children whose situation had to be legally specified. The documents which entered the archive of this family during the next three decades clarify many points left uncertain in the marriage contract of 449. First, as already indicated, Tamut was not emancipated upon her marriage (K 5 ) . Secondly, it is made clear that Tamut, though hand maiden to Meshullam, had the right to hold a piece of property in her own name (K 4) . Moreover, a negative definition of joint property is given : all property acquired during marriage was not automatically held in com mon.45 On September 14, 437 Ananiah acquired a fairly sizable piece of � property for fourteen shekels of his own money ( K 3 ) and ceded part of it to Tamut on October 30, 434 (K 4) . Until that time the whole prop erty belonged solely to Ananiah. Thirdly, the marriage contract of 449 did not provide for the emancipation of future children born to the couple; a daughter, Jehoishma, became the handmaiden of Meshullam as was her mother. As will be seen, both were emancipated on June 1 2, 427, but had to continue to support Meshullam and, after his death, his son Zaccur (K 5 ) . Fourthly, both father and proprietor had a responsibility to Jehoishma; her father gave her part of his house prior to her marriage ( K 6 ) and Zaocur presented her with a handsome dowry worth 78Y2 shekels (K 7 : 1 5f, 4of ) . Zaccur apparently had final legal say regarding the disposition of his adop tive sister since it was to him that the groom Ananiah b. Haggai presented the mohar (K 7 : 1ff ) .
Purchase at
a
House
When Jeremiah acquired the field of his cousin Hanamel for seventeen shekels, he may have drawn up the document himself. It was a deed of pur chase-a double document-half of which was tied up and sealed. The other half, containing the signatures of the witnesses and a duplicate copy, was left unsealed for easy reference. The whole was stored in a jar for safe keeping and preservation (Jer. 32: 1ff) .46 At Elephantine, however, the seller had the document drawn up. The language used in the deed of sale (K 3 : 2 5, 1 2 : 3 1 ) reflected this difference. The house had originally been in the possession of the Caspian Apuli/ Yanbuli b. Misdai (K 3 :4, 12:4) and was now being sold by the Caspian 45 Contra J . J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 63. 46 For discussion of this passage, see L. Blau, Festschrift zu Hermann Cohen, 221£; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 50f; J . J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 1 5 5; J . Bright, Jeremiah (The Anchor Bible; Garden City, 1965 ) , 23 5ff.
2 14
j
."
., .' ,.
,I I
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
couple Bagazusht and Ubil. "We have sold and given to you the house of Apuli . . . . We have sold it to you and you have given to us its price, 14 silver shekels royal weight, silver 2 r to the karsh, and our heart is satisfied with the price which you gave to us . . . . I, Bagazusht and Ubil, both of us, have sold and given (it) to you and have withdrawn from it from this day and forever" (K 3 : 3-1 1 ) .47 ( See Figure 6. ) The deed was written by a Jew, Haggai b. Shemaiah, and witnessed by two Caspians and two Persians, some of whom signed their own names while the names of others were written by the scribe, on the bottom of the text (K 3 : 22ff) . Apparently, it was important that members of the same community or ethnos as the vendors attest the sale. The document con tained twenty-four lines in all. The scribe forgot to include his own name and was forced to write it in between lines 22 and 23. The document was rolled up from bottom to top, folded in from either side so that one side overlapped the other completely, then tied and sealed. The seal impres sion was lost but judging from those preserved on other documents it was either Egyptian or Persian.48 To the right of the seal the scribe wrote "docu ment" and to the left, " ( concerning that) which Bagazusht and Ubil sold to Ananiah, l"1:ren of YH (W? ) in Elephantine." Thus, the document was easily identified on the outside. The other documents were drawn up and sealed in a similar fashion. The house was a comparatively large one. It lay adjacent to the royal treasury and stood across the street from the Temple of YHW. It was ac quired relatively cheaply since the roof had fallen in and the courtyard (or entryway) was barren ( K 3 :4ff ) . To be made habitable, the building needed repairs. Since money had to be invested in the house, Ananiah wanted to be certain that his title to the property was relatively secure and that he would receive adequate compensation should he be forced to surrender his title. There were at least four ways by which the vendor guaranteed the buyer's right to his newly acquired property: 1 . Transfer of title. If the seller had written title to the property, such as a deed of sale ( d. C 13 :6f; K l 2 : 31 f ) or several such deeds from previous owners, he transferred them to the buyer. Bagazusht and Ubil did not transfer any other deed to Ananiah. 47 For discussion of these clauses and their import cf. R. Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 2 50f, 2 54ff; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 79ff; Y. Muffs, op. cit., 33f. 48 See the discussion by J. D. Cooney in E . C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 2 3ff. None of the extant seal impressions indicates an independent Jewish craft at Elephan tine such as is evident in the many pre-exilic Hebrew seals.
3;
"'��
S'l:>
�'v4,; ",4,;�
�� �4;
o
Figure 6. House, with its neighbors, which Bagazusht son of Bazu and his wife Ubil daughter of Satibar sold to Ananiah in 437 (K 3 ) .
216
'"
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
2 . Non-recovery clause. Bagazusht and Ubil promised in their name and in the name of their children not to institute a suit of recovery against Ananiah or against anyone to whom he might cede the property. In case such a suit were instituted, the claimant would have to pay Ananiah twenty karsh while the property remained Ananiah's (K 3 : 1 2ff) . Other Aramaic (and Egyptian) deeds of conveyance listed additional people who were prohibited by penalty from instituting such suits. They included brother or sister of the alienor; father or mother; partner (hngyt = *ham-gaiBa-) , companion ( hnbg=*ham-baga- ) , or guarantor (,drng < *adranga-) ; any person of the alienor, or an outsider-whether he be soldier or civilian, nearby or far away.49 In every case the penalties were most exorbitant and apparently intended to frighten away any potential claimants. The documents even added that despite suit, the claimant shall not have attained the property. Now, while such clauses may have had legal effect if the claimant came in the name of the alienor ( d. C 6: 14; 8: 1 5f) , it is doubtful if they could have bound a third party, such as a creditor. Accordingly, another kind of guarantee would have been desirable. 3. Defension clause. Bagazusht and Ubil agreed to defend the property within thirty days of any suit brought by an outsider. Should they fail in their efforts, they would be obligated to provide Ananiah with an equiva lent house. Provision was made for monetary compensation, including the value of improvements, in case the successful claimant had been a child of Apuli (K 3 : 19ff) . The child might insist that Apuli had had no right to alienate his inheritance.5o It is not clear, however, why an easier recom-
<
49 For discussion of these clauses, see R. Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 261ff; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 84ff. For the Persian terms cf. E . G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 84, 243; E. Benveniste, "Elements perses en arameen d'Egypte," JA 242 ( 1 954 ) , 298; J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1954 ) , 161; I. Gershevitch, The Avestan Hymn to Mithra ( Cambridge, 1 9 59 ) , 266f. I am indebted to the late Professor William B. Henning for discussion of the first two Persian terms and to Prof. M. Schwartz of Columbia University for discussion of the third. 50 Cf. E . Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 66, and the discussion of the veto power of children over their father's right to alienate his property. H. Cazelles, "Nouveaux documents arameens d'Egypte," Syria 32 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 79, supposed that Apuli had sold his house when he left Elephantine but that in the contract of sale he reserved for his children the right to repurchase the house should they wish to do so upon their return. This view was adopted by R. Yaron, "On Defension Clauses of Some Oriental Deeds of Sale and Lease, from Mesopotamia and Egypt," BO 1 5 ( 1958) , 2 1 . Unfortunately, the deed of sale which Bagazusht and Ubil drew up for Ananiah is silent as to any earlier deed of sale. For another explanation cf. J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 1 5 1 .
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
217
pense should be assigned when the successful claimant was an heir of Apuli than when he was a third party.51 4. Right of alienation. "You, Ananiah b. Azariah, have power over this house and your children after you and anyone to whom you may wish to give it" ( K 3 : 1 1£) . Ananiah might thus bequeath it or dispose of it as he saw fit.
Gift to Wife On October 30, 434, Ananiah gave to his wife Tamut half of a large side and a chamber of the house purchased three years earlier and since re paired. Her share lay across from the Temple of YHW and measured 77{; by 11 cubits (K 4:7ff) . "I, Ananiah, have given it to you gratis. It is yours from this day, forever, and your children's whom you bore me, after you . . . . If you die at the age of 100 years my children whom you bore me shall have power over it after your death. Moreover, if I Ananiah shall die at the age of 100 years Pilti and Jehoishma, both of them, children of mine, shall have power over my other portion" ( K 4:4f, 17ff) . It is probable that the house was given consequent to the birth of Jehoishma.52 Like the nudun num of the Old-Babylonian Laws, the house was to be inherited by the children after the wife's death.53 ( See Figure 7.) The essential difference between a gift and a sale lay in the fact that the rights of the alienee were limited since the alienor received no considera tion for the gift. To be sure, the usual clauses of non-interference were in cluded: if Ananiah sued for repossession of the property he would be penalized five karsh; if anyone else sued, the penalty would be twenty karsh. ( It is of note that this is the only document which included "mother or father" in the list of potential claimants [K 4 : 19] . ) Moreover, should someone attempt to "snatch away" the whole house after Ananiah's death, the penalty would be ten karsh. This additional clause had special reference to any attempt of Tamut's master, Meshullam, to assert a claim 51 For clarification of these clauses and a suggested explanation, see R. Yaron, BO 1 5 ( 19 5 8 ) , 1 5ft. 52 The assumption that she was born shortly before the granting of this gift would make her over 1 4 years of age upon her marriage to Ananiah b. Haggai ( cf. K 4 : 1 and 7 : 1 ) , a likely age for a girl's marriage. Apparently Tamut had no children (who lived ) from 449 until ca. 434. 58 G. R. Driver and J . C. Miles, The Babylonian Laws, I, 265ft.
218
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
�:: I
I�
Figure 7 . Half of the large side and a chamber which Ananiah gave his wife Tamut in 434 (K 4 ) .
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
219
to property ceded to her by her husband and meant to devolve upon their children. Tamut, in turn, was denied the ultimate right of possession freedom of alienation . Whether all property acquired by a slave belonged to the master is still open to question. This document can be used as evi dence either way. One other distinction between gift and sale is worthy of attention. A deed of sale required only four witnesses (K 3, 1 2 ) whereas one of gift re quired twice (C 46; K 9, 10) or even three times (C 8 ) as many. Both Ara maic and demotic documents were on the whole attested by either four or eight witnesses, a practice evidently introduced during the reign of Amasis.54 The difference between gifts and sales may have been due to the fact that where no compensation was given more witnesses were neces sary to strengthen the validity of the transfer. This document, however, drawn up by the skilled scribe Mauziah b. Nathan, had only four wit nesses ( K 4:22ff) . Perhaps the reduced number was due to the importance of the signatories-Gemariah b. Mahseiah, who may have been head of the Jewish community at the time; Hoshaiah b. Jathom, later listed as one of the leaders (C 33 :4, 34: 5 ) and two Magian priests, Mithrasarah and Tatt.
Conditional Emancipation As Meshullam grew old he "took thought" of his handmaiden Tamut and her daughter Jehoishma and on June 1 2, 427 had a document of manumis sion drawn up by the scribe Haggai and attested by four witnesses, three Jews and one Mede ( K 5 ) .55 "I set you free upon my death," 56 he told 54 R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 1 6ff. It is noteworthy that Amasis was known as a legal reformer (Diod. I.9 5.1 ) . 55 Edoardo Volterra would separate K 5 from the Ananiah archive, explaining the identity of names as mere coincidence. Furthermore, he assumes that the Tamut of K 2 was freed upon her marriage to Ananiah. See his review of Krael ing in Iura 6 ( 1 9 55 ) , 3 54ff, and, on the question of names, his articles " 'yhwdy' e " rmy' nei papiri aramaici del V secolo provenienti dall'Egitto," Rendiconti dell'Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, Classe di Scienze morali Ser. VIII, 1 8 ( 1 963 ) , 1 3 1ff especially pp. 1 58f; "Le affrancazioni nei documenti aramaici del V secolo av. Cr.," RSO (Scritti in on ore di Giuseppe Furlani) 32 ( 1 957) , 686ff; idem, "Ossyrvazioni alla Nota del Prof. R. Yaron," Iura 1 5 ( 1 964 ) , 1 73ff. The integrity of the Ananiah archive has been successfully defended by R. Yaron, "Identities in the Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri," Biblica 39 ( 1 958 ) , 344ff; idem, "Who is Who at Elephantine," Iura 1 5 ( 1 964) , 1 67ff; idem, ,SS 1 2 ( 1 967 ) , 306ff. 56 J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1954 ) , 1 6 1 .
;ZZ9
ANANIAH
B.
AZARIAH
her, "and I release Jeh ( 0) ishma by name, your daughter, whom you bore me. . . . ." Son or daughter of mine, etc., shall not have power over you and over your daughter Jehoishma whom you bore me "to mark and to sell for silver." Whoever shall so attempt shall pay you a fine of fifty karsh. ''you are released from the shadow to the sun. No one else shall have powe� over you and over J eh ( a ) ishma but you are released to the God" (K 5 : 4ft ) .57 It is not indicated whether the emancipation ceremony was public; it �ay . have taken place in the Temple ( d. Ex. 2 1 : 6; Jer. 34: 1 5 ) .58 Release to a god is reminiscent of Babylonian manumission documents 59 but it probably had a special significance in view of the Biblical passage, "Unto Me are the Israelites servants" ( Lev. 2 5 : 5 5 ) . In the Israelite Con .cept, freeing a slave to God meant that he was restored to civic equality.60 The penalty clauses, it seems, were not considered adequate assurance against reenslavement, nor was it sufficient that Tamut and Jehoishma were released to the God. They had to belong to somebody. They had to be adopted. Just as a gift was a more tenuous acquisition than a purchase, manumission that did not involve some payment by the manumittee, or entail some continued obligation on his or her part toward the former master, was more likely to be attacked. 61 Accordingly, Tamut and Je hoishma promised, "We shall serve you as a son or daughter provided for 57 For the various clauses, see E. Volterra, RSO 3 2 ( 1 957 ) , 692ff; R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 3 8f and references cited there. 58 E. Volterra, RSO 3 2 ( 1 9 57 ) , 693ff; J. Korner, op. cit., 87f. 59 J. Kohler and A. Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesetz (Leipzig, 1 909 ) III, No. 27:6; V ( 1 91 1 ) , No. 1 090: 1ff; P. Koschaker and A. Ungnad, Hammurabi's Gesetz ( 1923 ) , VI, No. 1428: 3ff; G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian . Laws, I, 229£; J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law, 3 1 ft. 60 Cf. W. L. Westermann, Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, 45f, who contrasted the dedication of a slave to a god in the Greek concept, according to which the slave secured his freedom because the Greek gods did not possess slaves. 61 There are several Old-Babylonian documents of manumission and they an seem to indicate that a slave attained his freedom only in return for some cOn sideration : self-purchase (Kohler-Ungnad Nos. 1 49, 786 ) ; adoption and pay ment of ter1;atum when married off upon emancipation (Kohler-Ungnad No. 776 ) ; adoption and promise to marry off ( implying receipt of ter1;atum ) (Kohler-Ungnad No. 3 1 ) ; adoption and marriage with a continued obligation of support (Kohler-Ungnad Nos. 1 , 1 2, 784 ) ; adoption with continued obliga tion of support (Kohler-Ungnad Nos. 2 5, 27-30, 785, 1089, 142 7; d. 1428 ) . For general discussion of the question of manumission d. E . Cuq Etudes sur le droit babylonien, les lois assyriennes et les lois Hittites (Paris, 1929 ) , 58ff; G. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 225ff; E. Szlechter, "L'affranchisse ment en droit sumero-akkadien," AHDO and RIDA 2nd series, 1 ( 19 52 ) , 1 2 5ff; E . Volterra, Iura 6 ( 19 5 5 ) , 3 5 5 ·
. �
�_
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
22 1
h Is/her father in your lifetime and until your death. We will provide for your son Zaccur as a son provides for his father, just as we did for you in your lifetime" ( K 5 : 1 1ff ) . Should they refuse to support either, they would be liable to a: fifty karsh penalty ( K 5 : 1 3ff) . The procedure here indicated, thol.lgh not spelled out, was one of adop tion, frequent in Babylonian manumission. 62 Both mother and daughter became the daughters of Meshullam and consequently the legal sisters of his son Zaccur. The continued obligation of support to father and son placed them in an intermediate position between slavery and freedom though closer to the latter than the former state. They now possessed legal � status as "daughter of somebody" and inviolability of person-they could not be marked as a slave or sold. But their right to work as they pleased and freedom of mobility, the two other legal characteristics of personal free dom/3 were limited. They had to be available on a limited basis to Mesh ullam and his son. It was unusual for the children of the manumittor to continue to have a claim upon his freed slaves.64 If the support obligation is considered a means of paying for emancipation, adequate payment would have included support of the son since Meshullam was an old man.
Marriage ofJehoishma The relationship established between Zaccur and Jehoishma was not a fictitious one. When Jehoishma married, it was Zaccur, and not her natural father Ananiah, who received the mohar of ten shekels from the groom Ananiah b. Haggai and presented her with a handsome dowry of silver, garments, vessels, and toilet articles worth, including the mohar, 65 78 Ys 62 M. Schorr, Altbabylonischen Urkunden, Nos. 23, 24, 2 5 ( ? ) , 27, 29 ( = Kohler-Ungnad Nos. 2 5, 785, 1089[?] , 29, 30) . 63 For discussion of these four attributes, see W. L. Westermann, op. cit., 3 5. 64 Cf. I. Mendelsohn, Slavery in the Ancient Near East, 78. 65 There is ample evidence in the ancient Near East for the mohar or tera,atum having been paid over, in whole or in part, to the bride. Cf. C . R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 253ff, and J. J. Rabinowitz, "The Puzzle of the 'Tirh�tum Bound in the Bride's Girdle,' '' BO 1 6 ( 19 59 ) , 1 88f; E. A. Speiser, "New Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws," AASOR 1 0 ( 1 928--29 ) , No. 26; R . H . Pfeiffer and E. A . Speiser, "One Hundred New Selected Nuzi Texts," AASOR 1 6 ( 1 9 3 5-36 ) , No. 5 5; the interpretation of Alalakh 92 by I. Mendelsohn, Essays in Honor of S. W. Baron, 3 52f. For the relation of the Nuzi tablets to the Biblical story of Laban cf. M . Burrows, "The complaint of Laban's Daughters," JAOS 57 ( 1 937 ) , 2 59ff; cf. already Targum Jonathan b. Uzziel ad Gen. 3 1 : 1 5 and H. Albeck, Shishah Sidre Mishnah, Seder Nashim (Jerusalem, 1 9 54 ) , 77. In fact, according to demotic documents
222
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
shekels (K 7 : 1££, 1 5££, 40££) . The marriage contract was drawn up i� Oc tober, 420 by Mauziah b. Nathan, the same scribe who drew up the earlier deed of gift, and was attested by six witnesses (K 7 :42££ ) , among whom were the leaders Haggai b. Shemaiah and Jedaniah b. Gemariah ( cf. C 33 : 1 , 3 ) .66 Such a contract was ordinarily drawn up at the instance of both groom and proprietor. The groom stated that he had received the bride from her proprietor and that she had presented him with her dowry. There were various terms in the Near East and Egypt for these posses sions 67 but the Talmudic term ketubbah is of special interest. It means "deed," specifically "marriage contract," and more narrowly, the sum Con tained therein which the husband promised the wife. At Elephantine the term for "marriage contract" was "document of wifehood" (sel!ar >intfL ) (K 10:7, 9f; C 35 :4£) and it may have come to mean that which was most prominently contained in the marriage contract-the dowry which the hus band was obligated to return in case of divorce (cf. C 1 4 : 3 f ) . The value of each object was duly recorded to indicate the extent of the husband's lia bility. The dowry, though consisting solely of personal possessions, was suggestive of the Talmudic "iron sheep" property (d. Yebamot 7 : 1 ) .68 the Egyptian groom ceased presenting the "bridal gift" to the proprietor some where toward the end of the Saitic period. From then on it was given directly to the bride; cf. P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 1 6f, and the various documents subsequent to L 5. 66 For the number of witnesses, see R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 19 5 7 ) , 48. The number of witnesses in Aramaic and demotic marriage contracts, unlike the other con tracts, seems to have followed multiples of three (K 2, 7; L 2, 4, 5, 6 ) and only occasionally of four (C 1 5, 1 8; L 7) . 67 Note the following for M esopotamia : nudunm1m (Old- and Neo-Baby Ionian marriage contracts; cf. C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, 1, 2 57, 265 ) ; seriktum (CH 1 37f, etc.; cf. C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Baby lonian Laws, I, 271ff ) ; sirku (Middle Assyrian Laws A 29; cf. C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Assyrian Laws, 205ff ) ; mulugu (E. A. Speiser, AAOSR 10 [ 192829] , No. 26) ; for Ugarit: fll.J and mlg (UT 77:47ff and discussion in A. van Selms, Marriage and Family Law in Ugaritic Literature [London, 19 54] , 33ff, 74, 87, 1 1 3 ) ; for Egypt : nkt.w n s1J,m.t ( for the discussion of this term cf. E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 304; P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 9 1 ) . 68 For a discussion of the origin of this term, see A. L. Oppenheim, "A Note on �on barzel," IEJ 5 ( 19 5 5 ) , 89ff; for a discussion ofthe type of property cf. L. M. Epstein, The Jewish Marriage Contract (New York, 1927 ) , 89ff; B. Cohen, "Usus fructus in Jewish and Roman Law," RIDA 3rd series, 1 ( 1 9 54), 1 86ff; E. J. Bickerman, "Two Legal Interpretations of the Septuagint," RIDA, 3rd series, 3 ( 1 9 5 6 ) , 95f. L. M. Epstein, op. cit., 94, described the Elephantine dowry as follows, "Title to it rests with the bride; possession of it is given to the groom. He receives it under stipulated value, receipts it in the Ketubah, man ages it as a tenant, uses it for his needs, guarantees its return to the bride at the
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
223
The proprietor, the donor of the dowry, made a declaration denying his right to assert: "These goods 1 gave gratis to Jehoishma. Now 1 desire to snatch them away." Strangely, no penalty was imposed upon Zaccur should he attempt to retrieve any of the dowry. The document merely said, "No attention shall be paid to him; he is guilty" (K 7 : 40ff) .69 Although the contract was drawn up between groom and proprietor, it was given to the bride and passed into her archive. As a deed of sale guar anteed the new owner possession of the purchased object, so the marriage contract guaranteed the bride possession of her dowry. Should either party divorce the other, Jehoishma was entitled to take with her all that she �brought into Ananiah's house. Both of the passages indicating either even tuality repeated the sum to which she was entitled ( K 7 : 23, 27 ) . Unfortu nately, the papyrus was damaged in one of these places ( K 7:27) and the value in shekels is unknown. This has caused a certain confusion of inter pretation 70 but if the rest of the text is taken literally, the most probable solution can be found. As noted, the mohar was given by the proprietor to the bride and was expressly included in her dowry of 78Ys shekels ( K 7 : 1 5f) . The lines, "If Jehoishma hates [i.e., divorces] her husband Ananiah and says to him, 'I hate [i.e., divorce] you. 1 will not be your wife,' divorce money is upon her; her mohar is lost" ( K 7: 24f ) , meant two things : ( 1 ) she was to pay him, as the next clause stated, iY:! shekels divorce money and ( 2 ) she was to take the "rest" of her possessions with her (K 7: 26f ) , i.e., minus the ten-shekel mohar. The amount to be restored in the broken pas sage is 68Ys shekels. If Ananiah divorced her, he was to pay the divorce money and naturally would lose the mohar which had been accounted to her dowry. She was to take out what she brought in : 78 Ys shekels ( K 7:21ff) .71 Thus, the dowry seemingly differed from the mohar by always following the bride. As the Egyptian contracts put it, "If you are inside (my house) , you will be inside with them (i.e., the total possessions ) ; i f you are outside (my house) you will be outside with them." 72 The mohar, on the other hand, returned to the groom if she divorced him but remained with the dissolution of the marriage, and is liable for its loss or destruction to the amount of its stipulated value. He cannot sell it because title to it is held by his wife; she cannot sell it because of the husband's right of tenancy in it." 69 For discussion of this clause, see R. Yaron, JSS 31 ( 1 958 ) , 28ff. 7° Cf. the attempt of H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 1 58f, at a dra stic solution. 71 For clarification of these points, see R. Yaron, JSS 3 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 1 8f; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 56ff. 12 P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 93.
2 24
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
bride if he divorced her. In actuality, however, this stipulation treated both parties equally: the party initiating divorce lost the mohar. Jehoishma lost it directly since it was already included in her dowry and Ananiah lost it indirectly since he had rights to administer that dowry. \\There · cash was concerned, this no doubt meant the right to spend it. Only in case of di vorce would he have had to produce the sum. The party who initiated ' divorce, then, would have suffered a real loss of 1 iY2 shekels, a respectable sum which might indeed have imposed a not inconsiderable restraint upon the spouse contemplating severance of the marital bond. Neither of the other two marriage contracts indicated what might be grounds for divorce. The marriage contract of Jehoishma, however, listed two such actions : ( 1 ) "the law of divorce" might be invoked by either spouse if the other one was guilty of ignoring a universally agreed upon marital right, such as sexual intercourse ( K 7 : 37ff ) ; 73 ( 2 ) Jehoishma might invoke the "law of divorce" if her husband Ananiah took another wife (K 7 : 36f) .74 The reason for such specific mention is not hard to find. It was necessary to indicate that there were certain violations which would lead the injured party to sue for divorce without incurring the penalties usually attendant upon such suit. Indeed, it is likely that the violator would have to pay the penalties : divorce money and loss of mohar. Also, Je hoishma required contractual protection of her conjugal rights and statu s as sole wife. As a freedwoman with continued service obligations to an� other man, her marital rights and privileges may have been ambiguous. That Anani's conjugal rights were also protected i n the contract is not a counter-argument. The parallel clause referring to his rights stems from the natural tendency toward balance and/or equalization prevalent in this and other contracts. The fate of the wife in case of divorce was indicated in two different formulae: "She shall go wherever she pleases," and "she shall go to her father's house" (K 7: 24, 28; C 1 5 :25, 28f ) . The latter was apparently the usual practice (d. C 1 5 : 2f) for both the divorcee and the childless widow ( Gen. 3 8 : 1 1 ; Lev. 22 : 1 3; Ru. 1 :8; Tobit 3 :7ff) . Nevertheless, there were in stances of widows coming into possession of their late husbands' estates : Naomi ( Ru. 4:3, 9 ) , the Shunamite woman ( 2 Ki. 8: 1ff), and Judith 73 For interpretation of this imprecise clause, see H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 . ( 1 954 ) , 1 59 · of this clause, see R. Yaron, JSS 3 ( 1 9 58 ) , 24. E. Volterra, 74 For restoration Iura 6 ( 1 9 5 5 ) , 3 59, understood this clause to apply to the situation after Jehoishma's death. Ananiah would inherit from Jehoishma only if he did not remarry. If this were correct, however, we should expect the clause in line 3 6 t o begin with lhn as i n line 3 3 and not 'p l' a s i n lines 3 7, 39, 40.
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
/
22 5
( 8 : 7) . That the practice was not altogether strange may be seen from the popular statement of a later day, "A wise daughter shall inherit her hus band" ( Sir. 22 :4) . The clauses treating the rights of Jehoishma in the event she was left a childless widow are partially damaged and the key term is unknown. But the general sense is clear.15 Jehoishma was to succeed to Ananiah's possessions and anyone seeking to "drive her out" from these was to be penalized twenty karsh, the possessions still remaining with the widow. Should Jehoishma have remarried, however, "It is divorce, they shall do to her the law of divorce" ( K 7 = 28ff) . Jehoishma was thus provided for by the estate of the deceased as long as she remained a widow. Upon her remarriage, however, she was to be separated from that estate, much as she would have been in the case of divorce, and it was to be returned to the late husband's family. If the couple had no children and Jehoishma predeceased Ananiah, her property was not to revert to her father or "brother" but was to be in herited by her husband ( K 7 : 3 4ff) . Since this provision differed from the usual practice ( cf. CH 1 63 f) it had to be incorporated into the marriage contract. The presence of children naturally meant that the possessions of both spouses passed to them, though it should not be assumed out of hand that the sur;yiving spouse thereupon received nothing. Unfortunately, the remaining documents from the archive do not mention any children born to the couple. There does exist, however, the endorsement of a document which reads, "Document which Ananiah b. Meshullam wrote to Je hoishma" ( K 1 5 ) . Meshullam was the groom's grandfather (K 1 1 : 1 ) and the omission of an ascendant in a genealogy was not unknown (cf. K 1 1 : 1 5, 1 2 : l l ) . It has therefore been conjectured that Anani presented his wife with a gift of property when she bore him a child.16
Gift to Jehoishma by Her Father Three months prior to the redaction of Jehoishma's marriage contract, her natural father, Ananiah b. Azariah, drew up a document in which he pre sented her with part of his house ( K 6) .11 Perhaps this interval was the 15 R. Yaron, "Aramaic Marriage Contracts : Corrigenda and Addenda," JSS 5 ( 1 960 ) , 66ff; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 72f; J. T. Milik, RB 6 1 (1 9 54 ) , 2 50. 16 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 298. For a different view cf. J . R. Porter, "Son or Grandson (Ezra X. 6 ) ?" JTS 1 7 ( 1 966 ) , 65f. 11 For discussion of the date of this document, see E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 194; S. H. Horn and L. H. Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1 9 54 ) , 14f; R. A. Parker, JNES 14 ( 19 5 5 ) , 273f.
226
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
betrothal period. Unfortunately, the precise terms and nature of this gift are uncertain, since the document is in a most fragmentary state with the ending entirely missing. Still, judging from the preserved passages it seems that the portions ceded were nearly identical with, though somewhat smaller than, those recorded in two subsequent deeds of cession, one drawn up on November 26, 404 ( K 9 ) and the other on March 9, 402 (K 10 ) .78 In the latter document the particular piece of property was given a designa tion ( K 10 : 7, 9f) which is partially obscure. It seems to indicate that the gift was something over and above that which was included in her mar riage contract.79 The earlier document gave her half of the stairway and free right of movement thereon (K 6: lOff) . There followed a promise of non-recovery. "I, Anani, have given you these properties gratis. I shall not be entitled-I, Anani-to snatch ( them ) away from you nor shall I be en titled to say ( through) someone else, 'I shall snatch (them) away from you.' 80 Whoever arises against you to drive you out from these properties" shall pay a fine of ten karsh (K 6: 14ff) . The document went on to say, "Should Jehoishma die at the age of . . ." (K 6 : 1 8 ) and then broke off. It probably said, as did Tamut's deed of gift (K 4: 17ff ) , that her children by Ananiah b. Haggai would inherit the property (cf. C 9: 7f) . Jehoishma, then, lacked one of the attributes of absolute possession-the right of aliena tion. 81 In the second deed, which is intact, Ananiah gave his daughter "part" of his house, half of the gateway or porch, and half of the stairway under which there was some kind of room. The dwelling part was roofed and con tained three windows and a door in working condition (K 9: 3f, 12f) . The practical effect of possession of "half" of a gateway and stairway meant freedom of entry and exit, ascent and descent, respectively (K 9 : 14f) . The document was drawn up in contemplation of death; Ananiah said, "I have 18 This date is now also accepted by R. A. Parker, JNES 14 ( 19 5 5 ) , 274, n. 7. On the identity of these properties, see H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 1 58, 1 6 1 . Since the length is always given first in these documents, the "7 cubits" of K 6 probably correspond to the width of K 9; Thus, the property in K 6 would be slightly smaller than that in K 9, the other measurement possibly being the 5Y3 cubits of K 1 2 : 8, 1 6. (See Figures 8 and 9.) 79 E. G. Krae1ing translated the term "remainder portion ( ? ) "; J. J. Rabin owitz, Jewish Law, 1 63, as "additional portion"; cf., now, R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae." 80 For this last clause, see discussion in Y.Muffs, op. cit., 38, n. 3 . 81 There is a Pe1atiah i n one of the fragments and i t has been suggested that this meant Ananiah's son, Pilti; cf. J. T. Milik, RB 61 ( 19 54 ) , 2 50; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 19 54 ) , 1 58. ,
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Figure 8. Portion of the house which Ananiah gave to his daughter Jehoishma in 420 (K 6) .
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
Figure 9. Dimensions and neighbors of Jehoishma's apartment as indicated in two documents drawn up for her by Ananiah in 404 (K 9 ) and 402 (K 10) .
ANAN IAH B . AZARIAH
22 9
taken thought of you in my life time . . . . I, Ananiah, give it to Jehoishma my daughter upon my death gratis" in return for the support which she extended me in my oId age ( K 9 : 2, 16ff) . The gift was gratis only in the sens e that there was no monetary payment made at the time of its presenta tion but there was the consideration necessary to make the property the complete possession of Jehoishma : old age support. Accordingly, the docu ment stipulated that Jehoishma had power over the house as did her chil dren after her and "whomsoever you shall desire to give it" ( K 9:21 ) . She was thus accorded the right of alienation which she lacked earlier. A fine of thirty karsh guarded against any suit and it was added that no other document should supersede the present one ( K 9 : 1 8ff) . ( See Figure 9.) If this second deed contemplated transfer of the property only upon the death of the donor,82 it is hard to escape the conclusion that the docu ment made out sixteen years earlier, prior to Jehoishma's marriage, carried the same intention. In the second document, the clause indicating that the gift was effective only after the death of the donor appeared at the end ''; (K 9 : 16f ) . In the first deed, however, the end of the document is missing. Thus, the clause in which Ananiah denied his right to snatch away the property meant denial of his right to change his mind about the gift prior to his death� while the clause referring to the right of a third party to drive Jehoishma from the property applied to the period after his death, the same meaning such clauses had elsewhere ( K 7 : 30ff; C 1 5 :29ff) .88 In essence, the first document acknowledged Jehoishma's claim as heir to a share in her father's estate. It is quite clear from the several no-suit clauses that daugh ters might inherit from their fathers at Elephantine.84 Such acknowledg ment was made when Jehoishma married ( cf. C 8 ) because at that time she left her father's household to join that of her husband.85 One year and four months later Ananiah drew up another deed in which, 82 For discussion of divided ownership in Babylonian law, see P. Koschaker, "Ober einige griechische Rechtsurkunden aus den ostlichen Randgebieten des Hellenismus," ASAW 42 ( 1 93 1 ) , 46, 74, 7S, Sl, 94, lOS. l owe this reference to Professor Y. Muffs. 83 See R. Yaron, 'SS 5 ( 196o ) , 66ff, for the meaning of this clause in the marriage contracts. 84 R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 67f. 85 The Old-Babylonian seriktum, which might be in land and/or goods, was considered an advance payment on the daughter's share in the inheritance. Upon her death it devolved upon her children; cf. CH 162, I SO, and C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws I, 272ff, 3 36. It may be noted that demotic deeds of gift also served the function of distributing the testator's estate; cf. E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 67.
2 30
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
judging from the boundaries, he ceded the same property as earlier. But the description was different and there were some additions. The dwelling quar ter was designated as "the south side"; it contained a roof and three doors. Not just half, but the whole stairway and courtyard were now ceded (K 10:2f ) . As already noted, the document indicated that the property was in addition to that which was written on Jehoishma's marriage contract (K 10:7, 9f) . Was another document necessary merely to add the other half of the stairs and courtyard? The answer seems to lie in a phrase inserted almost incidentally in two of the no-suit clauses.86 "I, Anani b. Azariah, the l'!:len, shall not be entitled to say, 'I have given (it) to you gratis . . . until some other (time ) .' Should I say 'I will snatch (it) away from you' I shall be obligated to pay to Jehoishma a fine of 30 karsh, pure silver, royal weight, and you still have power over that house whose boundaries are indi cated above, in my lifetime and upon my death" (K 1O:9ff; cf. l 1 3 ) .87 The aging Ananiah was evidently persuaded to make over the property to his daughter prior to his death. This new document superseded all previous ones just as the one drawn up a year earlier superseded the first document. Accordingly, it was stipulated that no one should be entitled to claim priority for any other document in regard to this property (K 1O : 1 5f) . Both documents were drawn up by the scribe Haggai b. Shemaiah and both were attested by eight witnesses. Nathan b. Jehour (K 9: 24, 1 0 : 1 8 ) and Haggai b . Mardu ( K 9: 26, 10:20) witnessed both documents. Also among the witnesses were the communal leaders Hoshaiah b. Jathom (K 9 : 23f; cf. C 33 :4) and Jedaniah b. Gemariah (K 10:20) . One, Nahum (so! not Rehum ) , bore an interesting title-bar baytii>, "son of the house" (K 10: 1 9; also 1 1 : 14; 1 2 : 34) . The same title was borne by the satrap Ar sames ( D 2 : 1 *, 3 : 1 *, 5 : 1 * ) and the Persian dignitary Warohi (D 10 : 1 ) . The term "house" in their titles apparently meant "royal house." 88 Per haps Nahum was some official 89 whose function eludes us. ( See Plate 14a and-Figure 9 . ) 86
For another interpretation see pp. 284f and 294f. 87 For this clause cf. Bab. Bathra 1 53a and J. N. Epstein, "Notizen zu den jtidisch-aramaischen Papyri von Assuan," JTLG 6 ( 1909 ) , 364f; R.' Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 2 5 5. 88 C. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 40. E. Benveniste, Titres et noms propres en Iranien ancien, 23ft 89 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 2 5 5f, citing Koh . 2 : 7, thought of a house-born slave "who was adopted by his master," Professor A. L. Oppenheim of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, thought it doubtful that a slave would witness a document (oral communication) . The mar-hiti in the contemporary Murashu tablets was an important personage; cf. C. Cardascia, Les archives des MuraSfi. ( Paris, 19 5 1 ) , 1 1ft.
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ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
231
Sale of Property to Son-in-Law The house, now fully given to Jehoishma, came under the administration of her husband Ananiah b. Haggai. Because of a scribal error in a document drawn up nine months later by Haggai b. Shemaiah, the husband's rela tionship to the house at first appears confusing. Ananiah and his wife Ta mut, written "Tapmut" in the document and described as "l'"/:leniih of YHW the God who dwells in Elephantine the fortress" (K 1 2 : 2 ) , sold their share of the house to their son-in-law for thirteen shekels. Haggai proceeded � to indicate the contiguous boundaries-"East of it is the house which I gave to you ps 3rt on [ = over and above] the marriage contract of Jehoishma" ( K 1 2 : 9 ) .90 Whether the parties were looking over Haggai's shoulder or whether he himself realized the imprecision, he partially erased the words "on the marriage contract of Jehoishma" which came at the beginning of the next line and began the document afresh. The corrected passage read "East of it is your house-you, Anani b. Haggai-which we gave to Je hoishma our daughter ps srt on her marriage contract" ( K 1 2 : 17f) . The house came under Anani's jurisdiction through the right of usufruct ( d. C 9 ) , but it, was given to Jehoishma and ownership rested with her ( d. C 8 ) . ( See Figure 10. ) This seems to have been the main reason for starting over again but Haggai made some other changes and additions as well. Tamut was given a different description-prypt of Meshullam b. Zaccur ( K 1 2 : 1 1 ) , who was apparently no longer alive. Later on in the document she was described as having been gw, of Meshullam (K 1 2 : 24) . Both terms are still obscure. A brief description of the property tranSferred was also included-"lower story, built, contains beams, windows and two doors; built is the lower story, i.e., my large side" (K 1 2 : 12f) . Anani b. Haggai was granted the right of alienation and was protected against attempts at recovery by a fine of twenty karsh imposed on any claim ant ( K 1 2 :22ff) . The deed of sale written out by the former owner of the property, Bagazusht, was handed to Ananiah. Again there was an imprecise notation as it is said, "which he sold to us and we gave him its price in silver" (K 12 :32 ) . Actually, Ananiah b. Azariah bought the house alone and paid for it himself. He subsequently gave part of it to Tamut. It is interest ing that in the document accompanying the gift he stipulated, as will be recalled, that when either party died, his/her share was to pass to their 90 C f. H. L. Ginsberg, TAOS 74 ( 1954 ) , 162; he failed to note, however, that Tamut was described as "daughter of Pethu" in line 3 3 . R. Yaron. "Minutiae Aramaicae."
232
ANAN IAH B . AZARIAH
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Figure 10. Dimensions and neighbors of the large side of the house which Ananiah and Tamut sold to their son-in-law Anani in 402 (K 1 2 ) .
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ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
233
children Pilti and Jehoishma ( K 4 : 1 7ff) . Apparently this did not exclude the possibility of both parties in conjunction selling part of the property to Jehoishma's husband prior to their death. Jehoishma had already been given ownership of part of the property and would no doubt have enjoyed access to the rest. It is noteworthy that the scribe Haggai did not sever the partially writ ten document from the newly written one. The break came just at the point where one papyrus sheet was joined to the bottom of another, which would have been a natural spot to sever the rejected text. Perhaps it was con sidered best to preserve the rejected portion once it had been written. � Moreover, it contained two clauses which Haggai saw no need to repeat mention of the property's owner prior to Bagazusht, namely Yanbuli b. Misdai (K 12:4) , and the notation that none of the purchase price was outstanding ( K 1 2 : 6) .91 The need to pay out thirteen shekels apparently put Ananiah b. Haggai in straitened circumstances. Right after Thoth 12 when he bought the house he had to cross over to Syene to borrow six seah of emmer from an Aramean who belonged to the same degel as he, that of Nabukudurri. The creditor bore the Egyptian name Pakhnum b. Beso (K 1 1 ) . It is of interest that the scriqe of the document was Aramean and the four witnesses Jews ( K 1 1 :1 2ff) ,I>2 The contract called for repayment of twelve seah of emmer upon receipt of royal rations, probably at the beginning of the next month, or for repayment of one karsh within twenty days, which was, in effect, the conversion of a loan of grain to one of money. Failure to pay meant seizure as pledge of any property held "in Elephantine or in Syene or in the prov ince" ( K 1 1 : 1 1 ) . The aged couple-Ananiah must have been in his mid-sixties 93_no 91 R. Yaron, "Notes on Aramaic Papyri," RIDA, 3rd series, 5 ( 1 958 ) , 309f. 92 The date of this document gives only the Egyptian month and the regnal year. This is in accordance with the pattern regularly found in Egyptian demotic documents between 548 and 481; cf. P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 1 68, n. 2. Since the Egyptian calendar was solar, it would be strange if the term "month (literally 'moon' ) of Thoth" meant "new moon of Thoth, i.e., "the first of the month" as suggested by E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 260; cf. R. Yaron, ,S5 2 ( 1 957 ) , 3 5 . K 1 2 was written on Thoth 12 and also lacked a Babylonian date. If we assume that K 1 1 was written subsequently, the question which perplexed Kraeling-why did a man who eleven days later bought a house have to borrow six seah of grain?-would be answered. The purchase of the house temporarily depleted Ananial)'s resources and required a loan. 9 8 He was pa.rty to a contract in 451 (K 1 ) and was already a father in 449 (K 2 ) .
2 34
ANANIAH B . AZARIAH
doubt continued to live in the apartments which they sold to their son-in law. It would be interesting to know what considerations on either side led to the transfer of the house. Would not Jehoishma have inherited it anyway? Or would it have gone to Pilti? Was he still alive? Why did Ana niah b. Azariah and Tamut need the thirteen shekels? In any case, the couple were relieved of the responsibility of maintaining the dwelling, no doubt were cared for, a,nd in addition, had a small amount of money. One might assume that they spent their last days relatively free of concern.
Family Archive The archive ended with a loan contract of the son-in-law Ananiah b. Hag gai, indicating that he paid the loan as due and thus received the contract in return. The present state of the archive suggests that both Ananiah and Tamut had passed away and that their documents were transferred to their daughter and son-in-law, the latter adding two of his own ( K 11, 12 ) . Six of the documents (K 3, 4, 6, 9, 10, 12) concerned the house which Ana niah b. Haggai had recently acquired. As stated, the more documents one possessed indicating title to property the more secure was one's ownership of it. Two documents defined Jehoishma's personal status (K 5, 7) . Ta mut's marriage contract (K 2) had little more than sentimental value since the dowry which usually went to the children was most meager. Whether the settlement regarding the hir/dJ.> (K 2) granted Jehoishma any property rights is unknown since the meaning of the word is obscure. One document, at least, appears to be missing: that granting Jehoishma property from her husband (K 1 5 ) . The material discovered by C. E. Wilbour contained many additional fragments (K 16, 17) though it is not certain whether these formed part of the Ananiah family archive. One document (K 8 ) , wholly intact, apparently did not. Though made out by Uriah b.' Mahseiah to Zaccur b. Meshullam, the adoptive brother of Jehoishma, it is hard to see how it came into her possession. Uriah promised to consider a certain Jedaniah, former slave of Zaccur and transferred to Uriah, as his son. To be sure, if Zaccur had no other heirs, this document might have gone to his adoptive sister but the possibility is unlikely. It must have come from an other family archive.
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VII M I BTA H I A H D A U G H T E R O F M A H S E IA H : P RO M I N E N T P RO P E RT Y H O L D E R T H RICE M ARRI E D
Papponymy Although the Elephantine Jews adopted the Aramaic language, they con tinued to give their children Hebrew names.1 This practice was reinforced by the custom of naming a child after his grandfather; for example, Ta mut's master, Meshullam b. Zaccur, named his own son Zaccur (K 5 : 2 ) . There were many similar instances. 2 I t seems that the practice was not 1 From the publication of one of the first Elephantine papyri discovered (C 1 1 ) G. B. Gray, "Notes on the Names in the Papyrus," PSBA 2 5 ( 1 903 ) , 263, concluded that "these Aramaic-speaking Jews of Egypt were for the most part content to draw on a stock of traditional names brought by their ancestors from Palestine, instead of creating new ones. . . ." The publication of the Sayee-Cowley and Sachau papyri bore him out completely as noted by G. Holscher, "Zur jiidischen Namenkunde," BZAW 41 ( 1 925 ) , 148, and M. Noth, "Gemeinsemitische Erscheinungen in der israe1itischen Namenge bung," ZDMG 81 ( 1 927 ) , 2 3 . Even such pre-exiIically unattested names as Abiosher (C 2 2 : 104 ) , Jehour (C 1 : 2, 28: 16; K 9 : 24, 1 0 : 1 8, 1 2 : 34 ) , Jehotal (C 2 2 : 57, 103, 2 3 : 4 ) , and Jehodad ( C 1 1 : 1 3 ) are similar in form and structure to other pre-exilic names so that there is no reason to view them as having been formed at Elephantine. Cf. N. J. Cohen, Lesonenu 3 1 ( 1966-67 ) , 203. 2 There are 22 such instances : ( 1 ) Ahio b. Pelatiah b. Ahio (C 5 : 1 5, 1 0 : 22 ) ; ( 2 ) Hosea b. Zaccur b. Oshaiah ( C 20 : 1 8, 22 :98. That one and the same Hosea might have his name written in at least three different ways may be seen in th e case of Hoshaiah b. Jathom [K 4: 24, 9 : 2 3], whose name is also written Hosea [C 3 3 :4] and Osea [C 1 2 : 3] ) ; ( 3 ) Hosea b. Barman b. Osea ( C 1 2 : 2, 2 2 :4 ) ; (4) Hazzul b. Haggai b. Hazzul (C 2 2 : 30 ) ; ( 5 ) Zephaniah b . Zaccur b.
2 36
,
11 :11
II,
M IBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSE IAH
limited to naming the child only after a deceased ancestor. A grandfather moving into his middle, or a great-grandfather moving into his late, years would have experienced a sense of rejuvenation (d. Ru. 4: 1 5ft) in seeing a new-born babe carry his name. Papponymy was,not limited to the Jews but was current among the Egyptians,S the Phoenicians/ the Babylonians,5 and the Persians. 6 There is Zephaniah (C 8 : 3 2, 22: '3. In C 22:3 I would restore the name of the father as [Zephania]h rather than [Hodavia]h which in the Aramaic seems to have a letter or so too many for the allotted space. This would make this fellow the son of the witness Zaccur b. Zephaniah ) ; ( 6 ) Haggai b. Shemaiah b. Haggai (C 3 3 :3; K 7:43 ) ; (7) Jedaniah b. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah ( C 5 : 2, 2 5 : 1 8) ; (8) Jezaniah b. Penuliah b. Jezaniah (C 1 5 : 38, 2 5 : 1 9 ) ; (9) Mahseh b. Uri b. Mahseh (C 2 3 : 14, 22:65 ); ( 1 0) Nattun b. Haggai b. Nattun (C 1 2 : 1 , 22:63 ) ; ( 1 1 ) Nattun b. Pe1aliah b . Nattun ( C 22 : 1 1 1 ) ; ( 1 2 ) Anani b . Nathan b. Anani ( C 8 : 32, 22: 1 2 ) ; ( 1 3 ) Shallum b. Menahem b. Shall urn (C 2 5 : 1 8, 2 2 : 20 ) ; ( 14) Uri b. Meshullach b. Uri ( C 22: 68, 73 ) ; ( 1 5 ) Hoshaiah h. Nathan b. Hoshaiah b. Zephaniah (C 22 :7. I read the great-grandfather's name as Zephaniah with Sachau rather than Hananiah with Cowley and equate the father Nathan b. Hoshaiah with Nathan b. Hosea of C 29 : 1 ) ; ( 16) Zaccur b. Meshullam b. Zaccur b. Etir (C 1 3 :3; K 5 : 2, 1 2 ) ; ( 1 7) Mahseiah b. Jedaniah b. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah (C 5 : 2, 2 5 : 18) ; ( 1 8 ) Nathan b. Mauzi b. Nathan b. Anani ( C 1 3 : 1 7, 1 8 : 3, 20 : 1 6; K 1 0 : 1 9 ) ; ( 1 9 and 20) Nathan b. Anani b. Nathan b. Anani (C 8: 32, 22: 1 2 . The case of two brothers each giving their children the same name as their father is paralleled in Mibtahiah and Jedaniah each naming their children Mahseiah [C 8 : 3 1 , 2 5 : 3, 1 8] ) ; ( 2 1 ) ( cf. NO. 5) Zaccur b. Zephaniah b. Zaccur b. Zephaniah (C 8 : 3 2, 22 : 3 ) ; (22) Mahseiah b. Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah b. Jedaniah (C 2 5 : 3 ) . For a deemphasis of the significance of papponymy, cf. M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 14f. S Cf. M. Noth, Die israelitischen Personennamen im Rahmen der gemeinse mitischen Namengebung (Stuttgart, 1928 ) , 59, on the authority of Ranke. Hardly a collection of texts from the Saitic-Persian period can be studied without coming upon several examples . Without any attempt at thoroughness we may not� from Griffith III: Rwrw daug�ter of T 3-snt-n-I:Jr d. Rwrn; (pp. 27f) ; P3_ dy-Ist son of Ns-sm3-t3 'Y)' s. P 3-dy-lst s. Ns-sm3-t 3wy s. P3-dy-lst s. Yrt 'w-r ' w and Yrt ' w-r ' w s. P3-dy-Ist s. Yrt ' w-r ' w ( p . 43 ) ; I:Jr s. Psm!k-mn-m-P s . I:Jr (p. 65, n. 1 ) ; cf. the lists of witnesses in P. Rylands 1-3, 5f, for such combinations as N son of M and M son of N which most likely contain three generations of one family however they are to be combined. � 9: N 3 -Tl1nh-p 3-R c s. cn� · f-Bnsw s. N�-mnl],-p -Rc s.
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M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
23 7
even some evidence for its occurrence among the non-Jews at Elephantine.7 This may account for some of the twelve instances where a father with a Jewish name had a child with a pagan name.8 According to the recon structed genealogy Hosea b. I:Iarman b. Osea (C 12 :2, 22 :4) , Osea may have married an Aramean woman whose father was named I:Iarman. The son was given the name of the wife's father but the grandson received the Jewish name of his grandfather.9 Because the practice of papponymy is known to have existed, a genealogy of Mibtahiah's family can be recon structed (see Fig. l l ) . The contents of her archive corroborate the fact that the family was of prominent lineage.
A House of Mahseiah Mibtahiah's personal archive contained seven documents. Four concerned a house given to her by her father at the time of her first marriage ( C 5, 6, period or ca. 300 B.C.E. [?]; cf. literature cited J. B . Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 505 ) , 22, 3 5 (Egypt) , 69 (Achaemenidian period ), 73, 76f, 93 f, 96f . 6 Cf. the genealogy of the Murasu House as set forth and discussed by G. Cardasciai' Les archives des MuraM (Paris, 19 5 1 ) , 9. 6 Cf. the genealogy of the conqueror of Egypt: Cambyses s. Cyrus s. Cam byses s. Cyrus. The name Arsames seems to have recurred in the family of the satrap of Egypt (cf. Hdt. 1.209; VII.ll, 69, 224; so too G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 92 f and n. 2, p. 93 ) ; cf. also the name Pharnabazus in the satrapal family; W. W. How and J. Wells, A Commentary on Herodotus, II, 277. 7 In a papyrus dated by Cowley ca. 435 a Nefayan appears as head of the Syenian garrison (C 1 6 : 7 ) The same post is held by Vidranga in 416 (C 2 5 : 2 ) and by his son Nefayan in 41 1 (C 3°:7) . In view of Persian practice of passing down administrative and military posts within the same family it is likely that here, too, we have one family : Nefayan b. Vidranga b. Nefayan. In 460 we find a scribe Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni (C 8 : 27f//9 : 1 6 ) while in 41 1 we find a scribe Nabutukulti b. Nabuzeribni (C 2 8 : 14) . In view of the practice of the scribal profession passing on from father to son (cf. Nathan b. Anani and his son Mauzi [C 1 3 : 1 7, 1 5 : 37, 45 :9; K 2 : 1 4; C 1 8 : 3, 20 : 1 6, 2 5 : 1 7; K 4 : 22, 7 :42] and the Egyptian scribes cited, E. Lliddeckens, op. cit., 247 plus references, n. 3 ) it is likely that we have the following genealogy : Nabutukulti b. Nabuzeribni b. Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni. 8 See n. 1 3 3, Chapter IV. 9 Cf. G. B. G�ay, "Children Named After Ancestors in the Aramaic Papyri from El ephantine and Assuan," BZAW 27 ( 1914 ) , 1 74f; M. Noth, Israeliti schen Personennamen, 64, n. 1 . S. Daiches, The Jews in Babylonia in the Time of Ezra and Nehemiah According to Babylonian Inscriptions, 34, suggested a similar explanation to account for many of the foreign names borne by the Babylonian J ews of this period. .
Jedaniah
I
Mahseiah (C 5:2) - -1- -
I
Jedaniah (C 8:31 )
I
Shemaiah (C 8:31 )
Gemariah ( C 8 : 29 )
I
-
--
-
Isweri ( ? ) ( C 43 : 2 )
-- -
-
-.
Mibtahiah = ASQ-or ( Nathan ) ( C 8 : 2-3 ) (C 15:2) ,
J
\
.. .
Miptahiah Jedaniah ( C 43 : 1 1 ) ( C 22 : 1 21 )
Figure
"'
-
Seho . .
ll.
Meshullemeth ( C 22 : 2 )
Family of Mahseiah b. Jedaniah.
Jedaniah ( C 20 : 3 )
I
T
Mahseiah ( C 20 : 3 )
M IB TAHIAH DAUGHTE R OF MAHSE IAH
2 39
8, 9 ) ; a fifth document concerned a house given by her father in exchange for certain goods ( C 1 3 ) . His original title, handed over at the same time (C 13 :6f), was subsequently lost. Another document pertained to a settle ment arising from divorce from her second husband (C 1 4 ) , while the lat est document preserved from Mibtahiah's archive was the marriage con tract from her third husband ( C 1 5 ) . Three more documents were added by her children (C 20, 25, 28) and showed that the archive passed to them upon her death. The Mibtahiah archive opened twenty years prior to that of Ananiah's family. In 471 her father Mahseiah b. Jedaniah possessed a plot with a house that was partially in ruins though a gateway was still standing. South � east of the plot dwelled Konaiah b. Zadok who, like Mahseiah, was desig nated "Aramean of Syene of the degel of Varyazata" ( C 5 : 1 £ ) . Konaiah desired to build a wall of some sort which would run along the side of his house from its northwest corner, where it would impinge upon the gateway of Mahseiah's property, to the property of Zechariah on the southeast. Mahseiah gave him the right to build the wall but actual ownership was to reside with Mahseiah. No doubt the wall itself, benefiting Konaiah, lay on the property of Mahseiah. Konaiah drew up a document on September 12 asserting this and waiv ing any right on his part or on the part of those related to him to prevent Mahseiah from building "against" or "upon" this wall, or from using the gateway as passage to and from the street which lay between their houses and that of the Egyptian boatman Peftoneith. Any attempt to violate either of the agreements would be subject to a five karsh fine (C 5 :2ff) . The document was written by Pelatiah b. Ahio and attested by eight wit nesses, five of whom were non-Jews ( C 5 : 15ff) . The number eight was probably due to the fact that here, as in gifts, something was being given for which there was no visible consideration. For over six years Mahseiah apparently did nothing to improve his property. To the northeast of it lived the Khorazmian Dargman b. I:Jarshin; "whose station is fixed in the fortress of Elephantine" ( C 6:2f) and who belonged to the degel of Artabanu. Seeing this property adjoining his lying unused, he apparently laid claim to it.10 When Mahseiah came forward and maintained that it was his, he was hailed before Damidata and his colleagues the judges and no doubt asked to produce a document attesting his title. Mahseiah, apparently unable to produce a document in proper 10 Underdeveloped property in ancient and modern Egypt was prone to litiga tion; d. A. F. Shore and H. S. Smith, "Two Unpublished Demotic Documents from the Asyut Archive," TEA 45 ( 1959 ) , 59, especially n. 7.
240
M I BTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
form, was forced to take an oath by YHW that the property did indeed belong to him. His wife and son joined him in the oath (C 6:4ff), thereby strengthening his claim. On January 2, 464 Dargman was forced to draw up a document of withdrawal in which he promised in his own name and in the name of those related to him not to undertake any future suit of recovery. An attempt to do so would be subject to a twenty karsh penalty (C 6 : 1 2ff) . The document was written by the scribe Ito b. Abah and at tested by eight witnesses, three of whom were non-Jews (C 6: 16ff) . The number is the normal one in such deeds of withdrawal concerning realty (d. C 25; K 1 [?] ) .
e
Jezaniah-Mibtahiah's First Husband Jezaniah b. Uriah, of the degel of Haumadata, shared the southeast bound ary of Mahseiah's property with Zechariah. No doubt, Jezaniah inherited this property from his father since the house of his brother Hosea was located northeast of his ( C 2 5 : 5; Figure 1 2 ) .11 When Mibtahiah d. Mah seiah, now also of the degel of Haumadata, married Jezaniah in 460 or 459/2 her father gave her his "building plot" (C 8) 13 whose measurements were now given as 13% by 11 cubits. "You have power over it from this day and forever and your children after you. You may give it to whom you wish. . . . This land is yours; build (on it) or give it to whom you wish." No one was entitled to claim the property on the basis of another docu� ment or through suit. Any such attempt would be subject to a ten karsh fine. Mahseiah presented his daughter with the previous documents pertain ing to the property (C 5, 6 ) , taking special note of the document of with drawal drawn up for him by Dargman (C 8 : 23ff) . To give added weight to the complete renunciation of all rights to the property, he had his sons Gemariah and Jedaniah and the latter's son Shemaiah sign as witnesses, bringing the total to twelve, four more than required for such a document (C 8:29, 31 ) . As male heirs, Gemariah and Jedaniah thus waived their rights to this part of their father's estate. Another witness, Zechariah b. Nathan, second to sign his name ( C 8: 29) , possessed the house on the 11 Cf. M.-J. Lagrange, "Les papyrus arameens d'Elephantine," RB 16 ( 1907'), 266. 12 For discussion of the date cf. S. H. Horn and L. H. Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1954 ) , 9£· 13 For this term cf. E. Y. Kutscher, JAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 234f. ,
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MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER O F MAH SE IAH
24 1
Figure 12. House of Mibtahiah's first husband Jezaniah, with its neighbors, which Mibtahiah inherited and which passed to the children of her third husband, Ashar, upon her death in 416 ( C 25 ) .
24 2
M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
southeast side. His presence at the transfer was a guarantee against the recurrence of a controversy such as had arisen earlier when Dargman, an other neighbor, had laid claim to the property. ( See Figure 1 3 . ) Mibtahiah's right to this piece o f property was not as absolute as this document indicated. On the same day Mahseiah had a second document drawn up by the same Aramean scribe, Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni, and at tested by the same twelye Jewish witnesses ( though they do not sign in the same order ) . This document (C 9) was made out to the husband Jezaniah. ;}t testified to the rights and privileges which the husband possessed in the plot. He was expected to improve the property and dwell there with Mibtahiah.14 In return for this he was assured that at his death his children by Mibtahiah would inherit the property. What would happen if he im proved the property and was then divorced by Mibtahiah? "She shall have no power to take it and give it to anyone else. Your children by Mibtahiah, they, shall have power over it in return for the work which you did. Should Mibtahiah snatch away from you half of the house, it shall be hers to take.15 14 The last two words in C 9 : 5 are a crux inteTpTetum. F. E. Peiser, OLZ 10 ( 1907 ) , 626, translated "furnish, outfit the house" or "furnish it with her (Mibtahiah's) effects." He referred to Ezek. 7 : 1 1b where the pertinent word mhmhm is at best dubious and most likely due to dittography. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 60, n. 2 5, translated "enrich its neglected condition ( ? ) ," reading ctT rather than ctd and comparing Syriac hm, for the second word. In any case, Cowley'S translation, "rear cattle on it ( ? ) " is most unlikely. It has also been suggested to read bhmyt> and perhaps separate into two words : bh myt>-th e first word vocalized to read "in it," though no further suggestion was made as to the phrase as a whole; Th. NOldeke, ZA 30 ( 1 907 ) , 1 46. J. T. Milik, RB 61 ( 1954 ) , 249, suggested reading bhm yth but without translation. I would like to read the first word as a noun (ctT ) and, separating the second word (bh myth ) , translate "and bring wealth, that is possession, into it," in other words, "furnish it." 15 Cowley'S translation of line 10, "If you put her away from you," followed by E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 60, and by R. Yaron, "If thou putest her away from thee (?) '' Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 272, is untenable. Everywhere in these legal ' root n$l in the haphel has the meaning "to remove (arbitrarily? ) papyri the something from someone's possession" (C 8 : 1 8, 1 8 : 3; K 2 : 13, 4 : 20, 6 : 1 5, 7 :42, 10: 10, d. Al).. 81 ) . It appears in deeds of gifts or dowry clauses and guarantees the donee that the donor will not be able to take back what he has given; thus, e.g., the use of the term in K 2 : 14 indicates Meshullam's original right to the child. Such clauses were necessary since something given for nothing might easily be reclaimed by the donor as having been but a temporary grant. There is no reason to deny this common meaning in our papyrus which only speaks of her divorcing him and not of his divorcing her. Since his rights to the prop erty were not primary (sale or gift) but only derivative, divorce on his part (
MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER O F MAHSEIAH
243
Figure 1 3 . House, with its neighbors, which Mahseiah gave Mibtahiah upon her marriage to Jezaniah in 460 or 459 (C 5, 6, 8, 9 ) .
2 44
MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSE IAH
You shall have power over the other half in exchange for the building which you put into that house. But, again, over this half, your children by Mibtahiah shall have power over it after you" (C 9 :8ff) . Thus, in exchange for added value Jezaniah was guaranteed life ownership of at least half of the house. The house itself, however, whether in toto or in separate halves, was guaranteed to Mahseiah's grandchildren 16_a reason why another grandchild of his, Shemaiah b. Jedaniah, added his name to the list of witnesses. The gift was very much like the Old-Babylonian seriktum (CH 162 ) , which had to pass to the mother's son upon her death,17 and resem bled in part the Talmudic m'Z6g, private property of the wife not entered in her marriage contract but to which the husband had rights of usufrucU8 No marriage contract for this union has been found and no children from the union are known. Jezaniah disappeared from the scene (he prob ably died ) and the house became the property of Mibtahiah. In 446 she acquired from her father a third house which he had bought from Meshul lam b. Zaccur, the master of Tamut. The house was given to her in ex change for goods which she had earlier provided him when he was posted to the fortress (C 1 3 :4) .19 The exchange is doubly strange since the un specified goods with which Mibtahiah supplied her father were worth five would leave him with nothing more than the knowledge that his children by her would inherit the property, as indeed would be the case if she divorced him. The correct interpretation of the word in our papyrus was already advanced by J. N. Epstein, JJLG 6 ( 1 9°9 ) , 360; Th. N6ldeke, ZA 20 ( 19°7) , 146; E. Pritsch, ZVRW 27 ( 1912 ) , 33. 16 J . N. Epstein, JJLG 6 ( 1 909 ) , 362f, compared here the Mishnaic ketubah clause, "male children whom thou shalt have by me shall inherit the money of thy ketubah above the share which they are to receive with their brethren" (Ket. 4 : 1 0 ) , which, as a provision of law and not of contract, appertained even if not written into the Ketubah. Following F. E. Peiser, OLZ 1 1 ( 1 908 ) , 76, he further concluded from C 2 5 : 1 3, 16f that upon his marriage to Mibtahiah, Jezaniah had another wife and possibly children and that the threefold emphasis in C 9 : 7ff of "your children from Mibtahiah" was meant to exclude from the inheritance of this home any children of Jezaniah by his other wife. But the reference to a son or daughter of Jezaniah in C 2 5 : 1 3, 16f may merely have been legal hypercaution. 17 c. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, Babylonian Laws, I, 272ff. 18 For discussion of m'log see references in E. J. Bickerman, RIDA, 3rd series, 3 ( 1 956), 95f; B. Cohen, "Ususfructus in Jewish and Roman Law," RIDA, 3rd series, 1 ( 1 954 ) , 187f; B . Cohen, "Dowry in Jewish and Roman Law," Melanges Isadore Levy (Brussels, 1 9 5 5 ) , 72. 19 For the word hnd(y) z cf. H. H. Schaeder, "Iranische Beitrage I," 256; G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents, 53f; J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1 9 54 ) , 162. (
MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSE IAH
2 45
karsh, i.e., fifty shekels. First, how did Mibtahiah come by such a large amount of property? Secondly, why did she accept in return a house which was not likely to be worth more than a third of that amount (d. K 3 :6, 1 2 : 5, 14 ) ? Any answers to these questions would be pure conjecture, but it is clear that Mibtahiah was a woman of means. She was given full control over the house, which lay northwest of the Temple of YHW, and was accorded the right of alienation. She was given the deed of sale drawn up for Mahseiah by Meshullam and was assured against reclaim by a ten karsh fine imposed on anyone instituting suit. ( See Figure 14. ) The document was also unusual in its formal aspects. Although drawn � up by the professional scribe Nathan b. Ananiah (d. C 10, 1 5; K 2 ) , it contained a number of mistakes in spelling. Unlike any other document, the alienor here added his name to the list of witnesses. Writing in a large hand at the end of the line "Signed Mahseiah bar J," he discovered that he had no room to complete his patronymic and so simply wrote on the next line "himself" (C 1 3 : 1 7f) .20 Finally, the document was signed by five additional witnesses, bringing the total to two more than were necessary. Three of the witnesses were non-Jews and two were designated as Caspians. ,
Pia the Builder-Mibtahiah's Second Husband Some time after the death of her first husband, Mibtahiah married again, not a Jew but, judging from the name, an Egyptian, "Pia b. Pa1).i, builder, of the fortress of Syene" (C 14:2 ) . No marriage contract of this union is preserved. The next document in the archive is dated twenty years after her first marriage. At this time, Mibtahiah must have been in her mid-thirties. The document is obscure on several points, but the situation may be recon structed along the following lines. The couple was divorced and the docu ment at hand is a settlement of claim pursuant thereto. Mibtahiah was described as "Aramean of Syene of the degel of Varyazata" (C 14: 3 ) . The 20 l owe this explanation to Professor R. A. Bowman of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. For a similar situation where one of the parties involved in the transaction is a signatory to the contract and adds after his name "for himself" ( cl npsh) cf. P. Benoit, J. T. Milik, and R. de Vaux, Les Grottes de Murabbacilt (DJD, II) , Nos. 1 8 : 19, 19 : 26, 21 : 2 1 , 24C : 19, 24D : 2o, 30:32, 42 : 1 0. Cf. J. J. Rabinowitz, "A Legal Formula in Egyptian, Egyptian Arama ic, and Murabbacat Documents," BASOR 145 ( 19 5 7 ) , 3 3 f; R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 1 7; E. Volterra, "Intorno a AP. 1 3 lin. 1 7-1 8," Studi e Testi 2 3 1 (Melanges Eugene Tisserant, I; Vatican City, 1964 ) , 443ft -
24 6
MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
Figure 14- House, with its neighbors, which Mahseiah acquired from Meshullam and then transferred to Mibtahiah in 446 (C 1 3 ) .
M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER O F MAHSEIAH
24 7
suit at Syene 21 concerned "silver, grain, clothing, bronze and iron (vessels) : all goods, possessions and the marriage contract" (C 14:3£ ) . The latter term no doubt referred to the personal possessions recorded in that con tract. Mibtahiah was obligated to take an oath about the goods and she swore by the Egyptian goddess of the island, Sati. The oath satisfied Pia and he consequently drew up a document of withdrawal on August 26, 440, renouncing all claim to these goods. A penalty of five karsh fell upon any one instituting a suit of recovery. The document was written by a non Jewish scribe, Peteisi b. Nabunathan, and attested by four non-Jewish witnesses. It would be of interest to know how this divorce took place and whether a document was necessary to effect it. The Israelite husband was obliged to draw up a bill of divorce ( Deut. 24: 1 ff; Jer. 3 : 8; Is. 50 : 1 ) and some ten demotic divorce documents from Egypt are known. It is likely that the Egyptian document did not effect the divorce but simply gave evidence of the woman's right to remarry.2 2 Among the Jews at Elephantine, such evi dence may have existed in the announcement of divorce before an assembly of witnesses. It is not to be thought that all divorce actions were followed by a suit, as was this one. Mibtahiah was a woman of considerable means and her departure from her husband's house meant the removal of all of her possessions. Pia either challenged her right to certain of these goods or demanded that Mibtahiah take an oath regarding all the goods which she claimed as her own.23 Since he allowed her to remove her dowry, she may have had to surrender to him the marriage contract which stipulated her right to it. This would explain the absence of the marriage contract from the archive. 21 The word following Syene, nprt, has been explained by P. J olion, MUS] 1 8 ( 1 934 ) , 62, as the Egyptian word nfr-t, " (Syene ) the beautifu1." Others have taken this word as a verb. Cowley, for instance, translated "Let us make a division." But if the word is a verb, the translation of J. Halevy, RS 1 5 ( 1907 ) , 1 1 0f, "je m'abstiens," fonowed by Kraeling, op. cit., 54, n . 1 3, is preferable to that of Cowley. 22 Cf. P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 73f, 77f. 23 Cf. J. J. Rabinowitz, "Some Remarks on the Evasion of the Usury Laws in the Middle Ages," HTR 37 ( 1 944 ) , 52f, n. 5; R. Yaron, The Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 63. For demotic oaths taken by a divorcee, see U. Kaplony Heckel, Die demotischen Tempeleide, Nos. 1-1 6. In some demotic marriage contracts the husband specifically renounces such a claim upon his wife for an oath; see E. Lliddeckens, op. cit., 286f; P. W. Pestman, op. cit., 96ft For Jewish law cf. Ket. 9 : 5 .
24 8
MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHS EIAH
Mibtahiah's Jewishness for the period of her marriage to the Egyptian builder has . been questioned because she swore by an Egyptian goddess and no Jewish witnesses attested Pia's document of withdrawaJ. 24 It means little, however, that none of the four witnesses was Jewish. Many docu ments contained non-Jewish witnesses and were drawn up by non-Jewish scribes. It was no doubt the task of the alienor to engage the scribe and assemble the witnesses.. Documents known to be written in Syene, as was this one, were usually drawn up by non-Jewish scribes (C 6, 8, 9; K 8, 1 1 ) and frequently contained a battery of non-Jewish witnesses ( C 6; K 8; d. too, K 3 ) . This is not surprising since Syene was the main residence of non Jewish foreigners. Five years after the divorce, 2 5 Mibtahiah took a third husband, Asl).or b. Sel). o, also an Egyptian and "builder to the king" (C 1 5 : 2 ) . Before the documents pertaining to this union are considered, the attitudes toward and evidence for intermarriage in the earlier periods and in contemporary Judah should be examined.
Intermarriage The Torah contains three types of definite prohibitions against intermar riage : 1. Marriage to Canaanites was permanently prohibited for religious reasons; taking their daughters might lead to worshipping their gods (Ex. 34 :1 1ff; Deut. 7 : 1 ff) . 2. Marriage to Moabites and Ammonites was prohibited out of resent ment for the inhospitable treatment given the Israelites seeking passage through their lands on the way to Canaan ( Deut. 23 :4ff) . 24 See n. 9, Chapter V. 25 For the date assumed here cf. S. H. Horn and L. H. Wood, JNES 1 3 ( 1954) , 1 3. The reader should be warned, however, that this date is sheer con jecture. In the document only "Epiphi 6" is clearly preserved. "Tishri" is evident from the bottoms of letters and the sign for "20" is fairly certain. Though Cowley added only five more strokes, as many as nine may be fitted into the space. It is thus obvious that a number of date combinations are pos sible, e.g., 6 Epiphi = 27 Tishri on October 1 6, 457; cf. M. H. Pognon, "Chronologie des papyrus arameens d'E1ephantine," JA, 10th series, 1 8 ( 191 1 ) , 346ff. It is obvious that such a date would require a very different reconstructioh of Mibtahiah's family history from that proposed here which is based upon Cowley's arrangement of the papyri and accepted by Krae1ing and Yaron. For different dates, cf. C. G. Wagenaar, De joodsche Kolonie van Jeb-Syene, 59f; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 24.
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24 9
3. Edomites and Egyptians were allowed into the community of Israel after living on Israelite soil for three generations because Edom was a brother ( but cf. Num. 20 : 14ff) and because Israel formerly dwelled in Egypt ( Deut. 23 : 8f ) . In practice, there were many instances of intermarriage during all periods but most of them evoked disparaging comment, either directly or by in nuendo. 26 The exceptions to such criticism, though few, were outstanding. They also show that intermarriage usually occurred in border areas or when circumstances forced migration abroad. A woman of the border tribe of Naphtali was taken in marriage by a man from Tyre and their son Hiram did all the bronze work in Solomon's Temple ( 1 Ki. 7 : 1 3f) . It is not stated which god he worshipped but he resided in Tyre and learned his father's trade. When famine forced the family of Elimelech to leave Bethlehem and migrate to Moab his sons married Moabite women. The males died but the mother and one daughter-in-law returned to Judah. The words of this Moabite woman, Ruth, became famous, "Your people shall be my people and your God my God" ( Ru. 1 : lff) . Her son by Boaz was consid ered son of the Israelite woman Naomi and became the ancestor of King David (Ru. 4 : 1 3ff) . During the post-exilic period in contemporary Judah the question of intermarriage was a controversial one. It pervaded all levels of society and though it was not serious numerically,z7 it disturbed some of the leaders ideologically. The foreign women were never accused by either Ezra or Malachi ( 2 : lOff) of practicing idolatry 28 though Nehemiah was apprehen sive lest they lead their husbands into idolatry as the wives of Solomon had done (Neh. 13 :26f; cf. 1 Ki. 1 1 : 1-10 ) . Ezra was concerned about the abominations ( Ez. 9 : 1 1 ) characteristic of the aboriginal Canaanite inhab itants-sexual immorality and detestable diet ( Lev. 1 8, 2o : lOff)-and plainly considered the Ammonite, Moabite, Egyptian and Edomite ( sic! ) on a par with the Canaanites. He was apprehensive lest marriage with these peoples contaminate the "holy seed" (Ez. 9 : 2 ) and cause the complete expulsion of the repatriates from the land of Canaan-Israel, just as the 26 For general discussion of intermarriage during Biblical times, see E. Neu feld, Ancient Hebrew Marriage Laws (London, 1944 ) , 216ff; R. Patai, Sex and Family Life in the Bible and Middle East (New York, 1959 ) , 32ff; L. M. Epstein, Marriage Laws in the Bible and Talmud (Cambridge, 1942 ) , 145ff. 27 O nly 1 1 3 instances were recorded during the time of Ezra ( 1 0 : 1 8-44) and an unspecified and perhaps smaller number during the time of Nehemiah ( 1 3 : 2 3-26) . 28 Y. Kaufmann, Tol'dot IV/1, 369f.
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M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
practices of the Canaanites had caused that people's expulsion earlier (cf. Ez. 9 : 1 2 with Lev. 1 8 : 25, 28f, 20 : 22 ) .29 Malachi also viewed intermarriage as an "abomination" and a "desecration" of the "holy of the Lord" though the punishment he envisaged was not wholesale expulsion but simply the loss of sacrificial participation and joy to the individuals involved.30 Nehe miah, on the other hand, was disturbed by the very real danger that children learning the foreign language of their mothers would soon forget the ' language of their native Judah (Neh. 1 3 : 23f) . It appears that the Elephantine Jews did not share the views of Ezra, Nehemiah, and Malachi but of those who favored intermarriage. In Ele phantine, as in Judah, intermarriage took place in the families of the lay leadership and Temple officialdom. Having long since adopted Aramaic the lingua franca of the Persian Empire-as their spoken language and the language of their private letters and notes, the Elephantine Jews were ap parently not overly concerned that their children could not speak the lan guage of Judah. Untroubled by the fear of a second expulsion from the promised land-a fear which plagued some of the pious of Judah-and united around their own Temple, the Elephantine Jews apparently felt capable of absorbing a small number of pagans into their community. It has been noted that there were about fifteen persons who bore non Hebrew names but had children with Hebrew names and some twelve persons with Hebrew names who gave their children non-Hebrew names. Instances in both these categories could reflect intermarriage. Yet the minimal extent to which the Jews intermarried or adopted non-Jewish names may be seen in the contrasting figures of the Hermopolis papyri. In these letters all of the seven names-and-patronymics are mixed Aramean Egyptian : Makkibanit b. Psami b. Nabunathan (BK 1 : 14, 2 : 1 8, 3 : 14), Aqbah b. Apries ( BK 3 :6), Eder b. Pasi (BK 4: 1 1 ) , Sheil b. PtlJrtys (BK 4: 1 1 ) , ,sh b. Petekhnum (BK 4: 1 1 f ) , Nabushezib b. Petekhnum (BK 4 : 1 5, 5 : 10 ) , and I:Iarudj b. Bethelshezib (BK 5 : 5f ) . Moreover, of the thirty or so women related to Jews in the Elephantine papyri and ostraca 31 29 Ibid., 292f. 30 Ibid., 370. 31 1 . Abiasher (C. 2 2 : 104 ) ; 2. Hazzul (C 22 : 1 1 2, 3 9 : 3 [female?] ) ; 3. Isla}:t (CG 1 52 concave : 1 ) ; 4. Ja}:tmol (C 22:89, 97) ; 5· Jehoeli (C 22 : 1 0 5 ) ; 6. Jeha}:ten (C 10:2, 1 8 : 1 , 22:92, 101 ) ; 7. Jehaishma (K 4 : 1 8, etc. ) ; 8. Jehoshama (C 2 2 : 84, 87, 98f, 1 17 ) ; 9. Jehaur (C 1 : 2 ) ; 10. Kavla (C 34:4) ; 1 1 . Kaviliah ( d. Chap. IV, n. 1 2 5 ) ; 1 2. Menahemeth ( C 22 : 81, 9 5, 108 ) ; 1 3 . Mephatteal;1 (C 2 2 : 83, 88, 106 ) ; 14· Meshullemeth (C 2 2 : 82, 39 : 3, 63 :4) ; 1 5. Mibtahiah (C 8:2, etc.) ; 16. Nehebeth (C 1 :4 ) ; 17 · PaUul (C 34 : 3 ) ; 1 8. Rami (C 34 : 3 ) ; 1 9 . SaUuah ( C 1 : 1, 1 8 : 2, 22: 102, 3 5 : 3, 1 0, 67,3 ) ; 20. Seraiah (C 22 :4) ; 2 1 . Sithri ( C 68,8 ) ; 22. Shelewah ( C 39:1 ) ; 2 3 . Zibiah ( C 34:4 ) .
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only nine bore Egyptian or Aramaic names : Abihi ( C 22:90, 100, 39:2, 46:9 ) , Ahutab (CG 16, 169, etc. ) , Isreshwet ( "Isis is Joy" [C 34: 3] ) , Isweri ( "Isis is Great" [C 43 :2, 1 3] ) , Jathma ( C l l : I ) , Jethoma ( C 1 :2, 67,3 ), Reia ( "Companion" [C 22:86, 34: 3] ), Ta ( p ) mut (K 2 : 3, etc. ) , and Takhnum ( "The One of Khnum" [C 39:2] ) . On the other hand, of the eleven recognizable feminine names in the Hermopolis letters, three are Semitic and eight are Egyptian : Isreshwet (BK 1 : 3 ) , Isweri (BK 7 :2 ) , Shepneith ( "Gift of Neith" [BK 7:3] ), Tabi ( "The One of the Soul [?]" [B K 2 : 5, 7, 5 : 1, 6: 1] ) , Taru ( "The One of the Lion [?]" [BK 5 : 1, 10, 6:8] ) , Tashi ( "The One of Destiny" [BK 1 : 1 1, 2 : 1, 18, 3 :9, 4:3] ) , Tapmut (BK 1: 5, 10) , Tetosiri ( "The One whom Osiris Gave" [BK 2: 17] ) . Compared to the Arameans of Syene, whose onomasticon is divided almost equally be tween Egyptian and Semitic names, the Jews of Elephantine displayed an almost exclusively Hebrew onomasticon. The extent to which this contrast is due to either social or to religious factors is uncertain . Did the Aramean males originally come to Syene alone and the Jews come to Elephantine with their families? Or did the Jew show a greater tendency toward en dogomous marriage than did the Aramean (d. Tobit) ? There must have been some ceremony by which a newcomer indicated abandonment of his polytheistic practices and adoption of Judaism. The pagans who' intermarried in Judah apparently became Jews. Those who wanted to join Zerubbabel in the rebuilding of the Temple claimed, "We worship your God as you do" (Ez. 4 :2 ) . Whatever the ethnic origin of Sanballat the Horonite, his descendants bore YHWHistic names, Delaiah, Shelemiah (C 3°: 291/3 1 : 28 ) , Hananiah and Jeshua ( or Jaddua ) .32 Two distinctive signs of the covenant between God and Israel were circumcision (Gen. 1 7: 1 1 ) and the Sabbath ( Ex. 31 : 1 3, 1 7; Ezek. 20 : 1 2 ) , and it is likely that circumcision and Sabbath observance were required of male proselytes (d. Gen. 34: 1 5f; Ex. 12 :44, 48; Is. 56:6f ) 38 The factthat Egyptians prac ticed circumcision (Hdt. 11.36) 34 and that some of them abstained from pork (Hdt. 11.47 ) 35 may have served to facilitate proselytization.36 One marrying into the Jewish community might adopt a Hebrew name, not as 82 F . M. Cross, BA 26 ( 1963 ) , 1 2of; idem, HTR 59 ( 1 966 ) , 204. 33 For discussion of "religious proselytization" in the post-exilic community cf. the divergent views of Y. Kaufmann, op. cit., 293ff, and B. Uffenheimer, The Visions of Zechariah, From Prophecy to Apocalyptic (Hebrew; Jerusalem, 1961 ) , 30ff. For the question in general, see E. G. Hirsch, "Proselyte," I. Singer, ed., The Jewish Encyclopedia, X, 22off. 84 J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 326; W. W. How and J. Wells, Commentary on Herodotus, I, 1 8d. 85 H. Kees, Ancient Egypt, 91£. 86 A. S. Hirschberg, Hatkufa 8 ( 1921 ) , 362. .
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a ritual of conversion, but as a matter of onomastic assimilation. As sug gested, many who intermarried did not change their names; however, they may have had two names as Jews had elsewhere in the Diaspora (Est. 2 : 7; Dan. 1 =7) . 37 The name of Mibtahiah's third husband appeared in three documents. In the two later ones he was not called by his Egyptian name Asl�or but by the Hebrew name Nathan (C 25 : 3, 8f, 21; 28:2, 17) . All the documents were drawn up after his death and his name appeared as a patronymic.
Ashor the Builder-Mibtahiab's Third Husband It is easy to see why the marriage contract was drawn up by the groom and the party responsible for the bride when the bride was a handmaiden or virgin whose dowry was presented by her parents (cf. C 18) or relatives, natural or legal (K 7 ) . The terms of the agreement affected the parent or proprietor as they did the groom. But when the bride had already been married twice, possessed considerable property, and apparently accumu lated the dowry herself ( there is no evidence that Mibtahiah's father pro vided the dowry) , a marriage con tract between the groom and the father of the bride seems less comprehensible. Moreover, though a childless widow might continue to live in her husband's house, a divorcee was entitled to go "whither she pleased" (K 7 :24; C 1 5 : 25, 28f) . Perhaps the survival of the practice of presenting the mohar to the father or guardian of the bride made the groom-father/proprietor contract more tenacious. By the late Saitic period, the Egyptians drew up their marriage contracts directly between the groom and the bride ( L 5 ) , since the father regularly turned the mohar over to his daughter. The Aramaic scribes, however, in sisted upon retaining the traditional formulae : "I have come to your house that you give to me your daughter, Mibtahiah, in marriage. She is my wife and I her husband from this day and forever. I have given to you the mohar of your daughter Mibtahiah, five silver shekels royal weight" (C 1 5 : 3££) . Mibtahiah's mohar was just half that given for the virgin Jehoishma. Though it may be coincidental, this 2 : 1 ratio is the same as that later pre- 37 The famous A1:Iiqar was known in the Assyrian court of Esarhaddon by the Assyrian name Ab�l'-enlil-dari; cf. J. van Dijk, "Die Inschriftenfunde," in H. J. Lenzen (ed.) , XVIII. vorliiufiger Bericht tiber die . . . ausgrabungen in U ruk-Warka, Abhandlungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft Nr. 7 (Berlin , 1 962 ) , 45, lines 19£, 51£. See further J. C. Greenfield, "Studies in Aramaic Lexicography I," JAOS 82 ( 1962 ) , 293.
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scribed as divorce payment for a virgin as against a divorcee ( Ket. 1 : 2, 4) . Mibtahiah on her part brought with her a dowry valued at six karsh, five shekels, twenty l:Iallurs, Le., 65Yz shekels (C 1 5 : 14) ' The total can be reconciled with the individually enumerated items if the mohar is in cluded.3 8 It is therefore strange that this document does not, like Jeho ishma's contract, specifically state that the mohar was included in Mibta hiah's dowry. The dowry was usually recorded because the bride was entitled to take it with her in case of divorce. The other financial payments also dif fen�d from those in the contract of Jehoishma and Ananiah. If Jehoishma divorced Ananiah she had to pay the 7 Y2 shekel divorce money and return the mohar. Should Mibtahiah divorce Asl:Ior, the contract provided only for her payment of the 7Y2 shekel divorce money ( C 15 :22f) ; nothing was said about the mohar and presumably she was to keep it. If Ananiah di vorced Jehoishma, he had to pay the divorce money and naturally lost the mohar. On the other hand, this contract said only that Asl;lOr would lose the mohar if he divorced Mibtahiah; nothing was said about any divorce money (C 1 5 :26ff) . It seems that, while the same monetary restraint (or penalty ) was placed upon the spouse contemplating divorce in the other marriage con tract, here Asl:Ior was slightly more protected. He would lose control over the mohar worth five shekels whereas Mibtahiah would have to pay the usual divorce money of 7Y2 shekels. Since she would keep the mohar, the actual outlay on her part over and above the value of her dowry would be merely 2Y2 shekels. This sum was not likely to act as a restraining factor. The advanced age, earlier marital status, and economic means of the indi vidual partners may have been the reasons for the different stipulations. Since Mibtahiah had independent means, she did not need protection against divorce as much as Jehoishma. Moreover, since Mibtahiah was a divorcee, it was apparently felt that Asl:Ior needed the protection against divorce; therefore the divorce penalty was applied only to Mibtahiah .39 As long as the marriage lasted, however, it was Mibtahiah who was granted special protection in the contract. "I shall not be able to say, 'I 38 A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxx-xxxi. 39 Alternatively, it has been supposed that the mohar was a fictive payment in this instance, to be paid only in the case of divorce. Accordingly, the phrase "hisjher mohar is lost" need only be indicated in a case of divorce initiated by As1:wr. Since Mibtahiah had never received the mohar, divorce on her part meant that she left with her possessions not including the mohar. He, how ever, would have to make the payment when he instituted the divorce. Cf. S. Greengus, The Aramaic Marriage Contract, 52ff. \Ve would still have to account for the fact that Mibtahiah's payment was slightly greater than AsJ:tor's . ,
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have another wife besides Mibtahiah and other children besides the chil dren whom Mibtahiah shall bear me.' Should I say, 'I have other children and wife besides Mibtahiah and her children' I shall give to Mibtahiah 20 silver karsh royal weight" (C 15 : 3 1ff) . On the face of it, this provision seems designed to simply protect Mibtahiah against Asl:lOr's taking another wife much as Jehoishma was protected. However, not only did the language and terminology of the two contracts differ (there, divorce; here, fine), but the circumstances in each union also varied. Jehoishma needed special protection against a future wife. Mibtahiah required assurance against the recognition by ASQor, no doubt in his forties, of a former wife and children. Ananiah was not to "take" another wife; ASQor, not to announce, "I have another wife and other children." The language of subsequent documents confirms this interpretation. The couple did have children and these were designated, "Jedaniah and Mahseiah both of them sons of Asl�or b. SeQo from Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah" (C 20: 3 ) or "Jedaniah b. Nathan and Mahseiah b. Nathan his brother, their mother (being) Mibtahiah daughter of Mahseiah b. Jedaniah" (C 25:3 ) . Since the name of the mother was never given else where in Aramaic legal contracts it must be concluded that its inclusion here was necessary to distinguish these sons of ASQor from other sons by a former wife.40 It may well have been that ASQor really did not have any other children and that the stipulations in the marriage contract were induced by hyper-caution. Mibtahiah not only secured recognition as ASQor's sole heir for her fu ture children with him, but assured for herself full access to his property during his lifetime and after his death if they had no children. "Nor shall I be entitled to wrest my goods and possessions from Mibtahiah. Should I take them away from her [in accordance with anoth ( er do ) cument erased] I shall give to Mibtahiah 20 silver karsh royal weight" (C 1 5 : 3 5£) . "And [whoever] shall arise against Mibtahiah to drive her out from the house of ASQor and from his goods and possessions shall give her 20 silver 4 0 For a discussion of this and the following clauses d. S. Greengus, op . cit., 76ff, and the less likely views of R. Yaron, ISS 3 ( 1958 ) , 24ff; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 6off. It may be noted that both Old- and Neo-Babylonian laws (CH 167; New Babylonian Laws, 10, 1 5 ) provide for the circumstance wherein a man has children by a first wife who dies and then by a second wife. A Theban marriage contract of 252 B . C.E. drawn up for a second wife contained a state ment that the man's children from his previous marriage should not be able to contest the property dispositions being made in his contract for his second wife (L 14:4 ) ; P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Law in Ancient Egypt, 1 3 1£, 1 86f.
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karsh and apply to her the stipulation o f this document" (C 1 5 : 29ff) .41 If no children were born to Ashor and Mibtahiah, that stipulation provided that "she has power over the house of Ashar and his goods and possessions and everything, entirely, which he has upon the face of the earth" (C 15: 17ff) . Ashor could dissolve the marriage at almost no expense, but as long as he chose to maintain the union he could in no way diminish Mibtahiah's full �upport, limit her legitimate rights to his property, disinherit her should he die childless, ar share his patrimony with other children should they have offspring of their own. Whether the non-removal clause meant that Ashor could not, for example, sell any of his property without Mibtahiah's explicit consent, is unknown.
Jedaniah and Mahseiah-Mibtahiah's Children The couple had two sons, both of whom were named by Mibtahiah. One bore the name of her father, Mahseiah, and the other bore the name of her grandfather, Jedaniah. Jedaniah may have been the elder since his name twice appeared first (C 20:3, 2 5 : 3 ) and it was he who apparently came into final possession of his mother's three houses and dowry. Ashar died some time in 420 or shortly before. In September of that year Menahem and Ananiah, sons of Meshullam b. Shelomam, filed suit against the brothers before Ramandaina, the frataraka, and Vidranga, the garrison commander. They claimed that "there were goods : woolen and linen garments, bronze and iron vessels, wooden and palm-bast vessels, grain, etc." which Ashor had received from their grandfather, Shelomam b. Azariah. The bailee had allegedly declared, "They are on deposit; they were deposited," and the bailor's descendants claimed that "he held them in his possession and did not return them." Mahseiah and Jedaniah were inter rogated by the court and "satisfied" the claimants concerning/with the disputed goods (C 20:4ff) . They thereupon drew up a document of with drawal,42 declaring themselves and their heirs and anyone related to them H For the correct reading of this clause cf. H. L. Ginsberg in Pritchard, An cient Near Eastern Texts, 2 2 3 ; R. Yaron, 'SS 5 ( 1960 ) , 66ff; idem, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 73f. 42 The word mirlJaq doubtless stood above the name Jedaniah of which only the last letter, he, is preserved; cf. the other two-line endorsements of this archive where the first word of the second line begins immediately under the second word of the first line (C 8 : 3 5f, 2 5 : 20f) . The first word of the line,
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as having "withdrawn" from these goods. Whoever should further sue for them would pay a ten karsh fine "and he shall again be withdrawn from these goods about which we sued you" ( C 2o:9ff) . Unfortunately, it is not clear from the document whether Mahseiah and Jedaniah were forced to return the allegedly deposited goods or make pay ment, or if they succeeded in disclaiming "on oath (7 ) " all responsibility therefor.43 It may not be assumed from this document that upon the death of their father, Mahseiah and Jedaniah had not divided his property be tween them. The claimants simply cited both heirs in their suit without thought as to whether Asl.lOr's property had been divided. Such, apparently, was not the case in 416 when Mibtahiah died at the age of sixty or so. Her three houses and their documents passed to her chil dren. The brothers had not yet made a division since a suit to recover one of these houses cited both of them. Each of the brothers may have been given a stipulated half share of the disputed property and the suit directed against each as half owner. The composition of the archive, however, argues against this and suggests that the three houses devolved upon the brothers as joint owners. About five years after Mibtahiah's death, Jedaniah became the sole owner of the houses. This conclusion is reinforced by the fact that the last document was drawn up by Mahseiah for Jedaniah and acknowl edged his right to certain of their mother's slaves. A division of these slaves is clearly stated ( C 28 :2f) . The first house which came into Mibtahiah's possession, that given to her by her father, lay next to a piece of property belonging to her first husband Jezaniah ( C 8:6f ) . When he died childless the property passed to her. Whether her right to that property was simply that of possession or constituted full ownership was apparently an open question. Her title may have been considered as limited to her lifetime, the property reverting to the family of Jezaniah upon her death. Indeed, the language in the other marriage contracts supports such a view : in case of a childless union the husband inherited her property ( C 1 5 : 20ff; K 7:34ff) but the wife simply succeeded to or had power over his (K 7 :28ff; C 1 5 : 17ff) .44 When Mib tahiah died a nephew of her first husband, his brother's son Jedaniah b. sefar, is always separated from the rest of the line by at least the space of the seal; cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., PI. 2 1 . Differently, the loan document (C 10 ) , where the seal was apparently affixed after the endorsement was written; d. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., PI. 28. 4 3 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 57; R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 34. 44 For a discussion of these differences d. R. Yawn, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 7off; S. Greengus, Aramaic Marriage Contracts, 64ff.
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Hoshaiah b. Uriah, stepped forward as the closest heir of the deceased Jezaniah and claimed his uncle's property from Mahseiah and Jedaniah. The case was heard before the garrison commander Vidranga and re suIted in a rejection of the claim. The reason for the decision was not given but it has been suggested that the marriage contract with Jezaniah was opened to see what term was employed to describe Mibtahiah's rights to her husband's property. It must have been discovered that Mibtahiah was to inherit her husband and he, her. The marriage contract, having served at this time. Such a to clarify the inheritance, may have been discarded ' reconstruction of events would also explain its absence from Mibtahiah's archive.45 Another explanation is possible. On December 16, 416, Jedaniah b. Hoshaiah was obliged to draw up a document of withdrawal (C 25) re nouncing his right and that of anyone related to him to lay further claim to the inherited house under penalty of ten karsh . Jedaniah explicitly ex cluded from the list of parties not to press suit any son or daughter of the original owner, Jezaniah b. Uriah ( C 25 : 13, 1 6f) . Whether there were any such children, Jedaniah was indicating that he could only speak for people related to him who were more distant than was he as nephew to Jezaniah. One more dosely related, a son or daughter, could not have his rights denied by any document drawn up by Jedaniah. Indeed, such an heir might have taken precedence over Mibtahiah's sons by another marriage (cf. K 3 : 2 1 f; Num. 27:6ff) . The s cribe who drew up this document, Mauziah b. Nathan, was the same one who drew up the earlier document of withdrawal (C 20 ) in the possession of Mahseiah and Jedaniah. His scribal activities went back at least to 434 (K 4:22) and his professional competence went hand in hand with his role as one of the leaders of the Jewish community during the crisis after 410 ( C 3 3 : 2 ) . It was he who was imprisoned on suspicion of theft by Vidranga in Abydos (C 38) . Most interesting is the fact that all the four known marriage contracts, dating from 449 to 420, were drawn up by his father Nathan b. Ananiah (K 2; C 1 5 ) or by him (C 18; K 7) . Did this scribal family have exclusive rights to draw up such documents? Other legal contracts were drawn up by Jew and Aramean alike. The last document in this archive was drawn up by Nabutukulti b. Nabuzeribni on February 10, 410. The brothers agreed to divide up their mother's Egyp tian slaves. Jedaniah took Petosiri and Mahseiah received Belo. The slaves' mother, Tebo, and her youngest son, Lilu, remained the common posses sions of Mahseiah and Jedaniah and were to be divided up in the future. 45 R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 75f.
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MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
It was specifically stated that the two eldest sons had a mark inscribed on their hands "( Belonging) to Mibtahiah" ( C 28:4ff) . The document was drawn up by Mahseiah and he agreed not to institute suit in claim of Petosiri. Should he or anyone related to him do so, a fine of ten karsh would be forthcoming. A similar document was no doubt drawn up by Jedaniah guaranteeing Mahseiah his right to Belo and promising not to " press suit. The fact that the archive preserved the document made out for Jedaniah is evidence that the archive came into his possession-and with it, no doubt, the property described therein : three houses ( C 5, 6, 8, 9; 25; 1 3 ) and personal possessions ( C 1 5 ) . Apparently, the archive was not complete; a previous document for one of the houses was missing (cf. C 1 3 :6f) and there was no deed indicating how the four slaves, mother and three children, were acquired.
The Egyptian Woman At first glance the family life of Mibtahiah may seem involved and extraor dinary. Mibtahiah, however, was no ordinary woman. Her nephew Jedan iah b. Gemariah was head of the Jewish community in the last decade of the century and it is likely that the post had been held earlier by her father. Mahseiah's economic means accorded with his social status and his daugh ter benefited accordingly. "Builder to the king" apparently was a position of importance and it is probable that Mibtahiah's first husband also came from a family of means. Other aspects of her life, particularly her several marriages, were not unique. Not everyone lived out a full lifetime nor always remained with the party of his/her first choice, particularly where, according to Aramaic as well as Egyptian law, either party had the right of divorce. Widows and widowers, divorces and divorcees, with or without children, found themselves in a common plight: each wanted the security and companionship provided by marriage. To gain proper perspective, Mibtahiah's life can be compared to that of an Egyptian woman, Tsen enl:lOr, whose archive is dated some fifty years before Mibtahiah's archive. Tsenenl:lOr's father had had a wife and son before he married her mother. Tsenenl:lOr married Inaros and bore him a son, Peteamenl:wtep. Early in the reign of Darius I, Inaros died and Tsenenl:wr married Pshen isis. His family background resembled that of his wife : his mother had had one and possibly two children by a previous marriage. Pshenisis also had children from an earlier union . With Tsenenbor he begat the girl Rum. In 517 B.C.E. both parents drew up documents providing for their children of previous marriages and for their own daughter. Tsenenbor possessed
M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAH SE IAH
25 9
property of her own and expected to inherit more from her parents. She provided that her daughter receive a share equal to that of her son, Petea menl;lOtep. In contrast to this situation, Mibtahiah's was relatively simple. She possessed no children from any of her previous marriages. In addition, any children of the present union were explicitly protected against having to share the9-" patrimony with any previous children of their father. There is no record of any gifts by Asl:lOr to Mibtahiah after their mar riage. Ananiah, however, presented his wife with part of his house, probably after she bore him the daughter Jehoishma. In 516, Tsenenl:lOr purchased a young slave. The vendor transferred his title and drew up a new docu ment: "I give you (my) slave. He is yours . . . with his ( future ) children, with everything which belongs to them and which they might acquire. They may no longer consider themselves as 'free men' in relation to you" (M 8:3 ) . Perhaps Mibtahiah, too, acquired her slave woman after the birth of her first child. Pshenisis, in 512, presented Tsenenl)or \vith half of a building plot on which they were to build together. The archive contains at least fifteen documents. After the death of Tsenenl:lOr, it apparently passed to her daughter Ruru and later to Ruru's brother, Ieturu. The latest document in the archive belonged to him. The several documents cover inheritance rights, dowry (? ) , landed property and realty, slaves, priestly income (Tsenenl;or was a choachyte, "water pourer" ), and animals. Altogether, the documents cover a period of fifty years. The Mibtahiah archive spanned sixty years and touched upon realty, dowry, inheritance rights, miscellaneous goods and slaves. Allowing for the difference of priestly status and the economic transactions thereby entailed, the subject matter of the two sets of documents was generally similar. While there may be differences in details of family law, both families reveal numerous instances of remarriage. Moreover, both Egyptians and Jews, certainly those of means, had the habit of recording all property rights in documents of papyrus and transmitting such documents from party to party as the rights themselves were transferred. It is such preservation and transmission which account for the constitution of the various archives and which enable us to reconstruct social history.46 46 While each of the three Elephantine archives was found and published together, the documents of the Tsenenl).or archive were found in three different museums and the archive had to be reconstructed by scholars. Cf. N. Reich, Papyri juristischen Inhalts in hieratischer und demotischer Schrift aus dem British Museum ( Vienna, 1914 ) , 33ff, 8 5f; E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsge schichte, 1 2f; P. W. Pestman, Marriage and Matrimonial Property in Ancient Egypt, 1 84. Les archives de TsenenlJ-or are to be published "shortly" by M. Mali nine and P. W. Pestman; d. the notice in J. Hoftijzer and P. W. Pestman, BO (1962 ) , 218, n. 12.
260
M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAH SE IAH
The Israelite Woman The history of Mibtahiah resembled in many details that of a woman of comparable social status in Egyptian society; it also showed remarkable similarity to that of her Israelite ancestress. The lack of legal contracts hampers a detailed comparison but the Biblical and inscriptional material is ample enough to confirm the existence of women with personal and property rights not unlike those of Mibtahiah. At the head of society stood the Queen Mother who in Jlldah, and per haps in Israel too, appeared to possess specific prerogatives and in a period of crisis might even aspire to rule, as did Athaliah ( 2 Ki. 1 1 : Iff) .47 The many prophetesses who assumed positions of leadership and whose advice was sought in times of crisis were well known : Miriam (Ex. 1 5 :20; Nu. 1 2 : 1 f ) , Deborah (Ju. 4 ) , Huldah ( 2 Ki. 22 : 14ff), and Noadiah (Neh. 6: 14) . The "woman of worth" was "a person of competence, of tireless industry in the supply and administration of a substantial household" ( Prov. 3 1 : lOff) .48 She possessed money (cf. J U. 1 7 : 1 ff) and acted on her own in making and selling garments to traveling merchants (Prov. 3 1 :24) , buying land and planting vineyards with profit (Prov. 3 1 : 16) . The "great woman" of Shunem gave every impression of independent mind and action ( 2 Ki. 4:8ff, 8 : 1ff) . Other women also showed themselves active in asserting their views ( 2 Sam. 6 : 20ff ) and even attaining their own designs over the wishes of their husbands, e.g., Rebekah (Gen. 27) and Abigail ( 1 Sam. 25) . Such women of means and prominence no doubt drew up their own legal documents and sealed them with their own seals. Four seals have been discovered in Israel with the inscription "A daughter of B," 49 and four more reading "C wife of D." 50 There is even a seal "( Be47 R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel (London, 1961 ) , 1 1 7ff. 48 M. B. Crook, "The Marriageable Maiden of Prov o 3 1 :1 0-3 1," TNES 1 3 ( 1954 ) , 1 37. See, too, on this chapter the several commentaries on Proverbs, e.g., by W. O. E. Oesterley (London, 1929 ) , lxxx-lxxxiv; C. H. Toy (Edin burgh, 1 899 ) , xii; R. B . Y. Scott, Proverbs . Ecclesiastes (Anchor Bible. Garden City, 196 5 ) , 1 8 5ff. 49 D. Diringer, Le iscrizioni antico-ebraiche palestinesi (Florence, 1934 ) , 2 1 6ff, 260. 50 D. Diringer, op. cit., 21 8ff; S. Moscati, L'epigrafia ebraica antica 1935"1 950 (Rome, 19 5 1 ) , 63. Upon marriage a WOman was usually known by the name of her husband and not her father, e.g., Sarai wife of Abram (Gen. 1 2 : 1 7) , Deborah wife of Lapidoth (Ju. 4:4 ) ; d., too, Is. 4 : 1 . See D. R. Mace, Hebrew Marriage (New York, 1953 ) , 194.
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M I B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAH S E IAH
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longing) to 'Aliah servant (,mt) of Hananel," no doubt a female official.51 Although polygamy was practiced in ancient Israel monogamy seems to have been the rule. It was certainly the condition taken for granted in the circles which cultivated Wisdom literature.52 The husband was exhorted to marital fidelity and the joys of intercourse with one's own wife were extolled (Prov. 5 : 1 ff) . The marital bond was a divine covenant (Prov. 2 : 17) and a good wife was not only a good find ( 18 : 22) and a crown to her husband ( 12 :4) but a gift of God ( 19 : 14) . She shared with her hus band the education of their children ( 1 : 8) and was entitled to their respect (Ex. 20 : 12//Deut. 5 : 1 6) and obedience ( Deut. 21 : 18ff) . The only right of the Jewish woman at Elephantine not clearly evident in the Bible was that of divorce, but it would be hazardous to say that such a right never existed. The Biblical, like the Babylonian, law codes contain no general statement of the law of divorce, nor of many other laws for that matter, but lay down rules for certain specific cases ( Deut. 24: 1ff) .53 " 'e are no more told that a woman may or may not divorce her husband than we are informed as to the disposition of the bride's possessions,54 the fate of the children, or the payment, if any, of divorce money. Two indications of the woman's right of divorce, however, may be. seen in a still unpub lished divorce document and in clauses which Palestinian Jews inserted in their marriage contracts.55 The divorce document, dated "20 Sivan, Year 3 51 N. Avigad, "A Seal of a Slave-Wife (Amah ) ," PEQ ( 1 946 ) , 12 5ff. My interpretation of the meaning of ,amah differs from that of Avigad. See, further, A. Reifenberg, Ancient Hebrew Seals (London, 1950 ) , 9ff, and the Aramaic seal from Syria ( ? ) in the eighth century ( ? ) " (Belonging) to A}:lat daughter of Na�rai" published by N. Avigad, "An Early Aramaic Seal," IEJ 8 ( 1 9 5 8 ) , 228ff. 52 R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel, 24ff; D. R. Mace, Hebrew Marriage, 1 21ff. 53 C. R. Driver and J. C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws, 267f. 54 But cf. 1 Sam. 2 5 :42; the widow Abigail possesses five maidens. 55 Jer. Ketuboth 30b, chap. 5, end of halachah 8; cf., too, Jer. Ketuboth 31C, chap. 7, end of halachah 6. The connection between the Elephantine and Ye rushalmi passages was realized and discussed by J. N. Epstein, TTLG 6 ( 1 908 ) , 368ff; L . Elau, "Az assuani aram papynlsok talmudi viIagitasban " Magyar zsid6 Szemle 2 5 ( 1 908 ) , 246f [I am indebted to Dr. P. Artzi of Bar-Dan Uni versity for reading this and other Hungarian articles of Elau with me.] ; idem, Die ;iidische Ehescheidung und der iiidische Scheidebrief I (Budapest, 191 1 ) , 20f; L. M. Epstei�, The Jewish Marriage Contract, 197ff. A collation of variant and improved readings of the Yerushalmi passages with discussion and reference to the Elephantine passages is to be found in S. Lieberman, H ilkhoth ha-Ye rushalmi of RabbiMoses ben Maimon ( Hebrew; New York, 1 947 ) , 56, 61 . For references to a discussion of the passage by Menahem b. Solomon ("ha-Meiri" ) cf. A. Schreiber, Beth ha-BelJirah al Masekhet Ketuboth (Jerusalem, 1946 ) , ,
262
MI B TAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAHSEIAH
of the Freedoni of Israel," reportedly states, "Here is a document of divorce for you from her" (hlVY lk [masc.] mnh [fern.] gt sbqn wtrk[yn] ) . The language of the parallel clauses, "if he hates" and "if she hates," is similar to that of the Elephantine papyri. Even if the later situation still meant that the husband had to write the bill of divorce, the language may well point to an earlier practice whereby the woman could take the steps judicially necessary for divorce.56
The Cousins Jedaniah In conclusion, a word should be said about the locus of the Mibtahiah Jedaniah archive. Too often documents turn up on the antiquities market and original archives are broken up, as were many of the Egyptian archives. Even when intact, the spot where they are found is often unknown. This is true of the Ananiah archive. We are fortunate, however, in the case of the Mibtahiah papyri. The exact location of this archive was pointed out to Otto Rubensohn of the Berlin Museum by local residents; he then de� cided to undertake excavations on the site. In this and in an adjacent house-complex, he made his great discovery of Aramaic papyri.57 In his publication Ed. Sachau divided the material into four categories : ( 1 ) let ters, ( 2 ) lists, ( 3 ) legal documents, and (4) literary documents. The main personality in the first category Was clearly Jedaniah b. Gemariah, nephew of Mibtahiah and leader of the Jewish community in the last decade of the century. Eight letters in this category were written by or to him or in some way concerned him ( C 21, 30-34, 37, 3 8 ) .58 In the second category 269, 3 1f£' For the report of the second century text cf. P. Benoit, J. T. Milik,
R. de Vaux, Les grottes de Murabbacilt (Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, II. Oxford, 1 961 ) , 1 08, apud commentary on lines 7-8; R. de Vaux, Ancient
Israel, 3 5. 56 Talmudic law listed several situations where a man might be compelled to divorce his wife; see L. M. Epstein, The Jewish Marriage Contract, 218ft. It should be noted, however, that Josephus recorded two incidents wherein women in the Herodian household sent their husbands documents of divorce, an act which was "not in accordance with Jewish law" (Ant. XV.7.10, 259) but "flouted the way of our fathers" (XVIII.5.4, 1 3 6 ) ; cf. R. Yaron, "CPJud. 1 44 et Alia," Iura 1 3 ( 1962 ) , 174f. But he, himself, reports that his first wife "left" him (Life 75, 41 5 ) . 57 W . Honroth et al., ZAS 46 ( 1 909-1 0 ) , 28f. 88 Three and perhaps four letters were written by Hosea/Hoshaiah b. Nathan ( C 39-42 ) , who may have been the same as Hosea b. Nattun, Jewish leader along with Jedaniah (C 3 3 : 5 ) . One letter was sent by Arsames (C 26) and one
-
MIBTAHIAH DAUGHTER OF MAH S E IAH
26 3
one list was statedly drawn up by J edaniah ( C 22 ) and five others con tained names of his contemporaries (C 1 2, 19, 2 3, 24, 53 [Pasu b. Man nuki] ) .59 The literary documents included an Aramaic translation of the Behistun inscription and the Book of Al).iqar. The absence of any private documents belonging to Jedaniah b. Ge mariah indicates that all of these were public papers : letters, lists, and government inscriptions. The piece of Wisdom literature may have been read by Jedaniah in his free moments. Documents to and from the satrap Arsames, or copies of such, undoubtedly carne to him in his capacity as leader of the community. The only uncertainty is whether the house m, in which most of these papyri were discovered, was Jedaniah's own house or some communal building. Unfortunately, this house was so badly de stroyed that the excavators were unable to draw any plan of it, though, as previously indicated, they were for some of the other houses. There are several possible explanations of why Mibtahiah's private ar chive, which had passed to her son Jedaniah b. Asl).or/Nathan, was found adjacent to the public papers of Jedaniah's cousin and namesake, Jedaniah b. Gemariah, son of Mibtahiah's brother. The simplest assumption is that Jedaniah b. AsI;or/Nathan lived next door to the building which con tained his cousin's Pllblic papers. Similarly, the legal documents found on this site but not belonging to either of the Jedaniahs may have derived from neighbors or previous owners. On the other hand, it should be noted that the last document in Jedaniah b. Asl).or/Nathan's private archive was drawn up in February, 410, just five months before the destruction of the Jewish Temple. The archive may have ended at this particular point be cause later documents were stored in another jar which has not yet been discovered. It is also possible that Jedaniah b. Asl).or/Nathan left Elephan tine at this time, perhaps on caravan duty, and entrusted his documents to his cousin but never returned to reclaim them. Alternatively, he may have perished in the subsequent disturbances and his property and documents may then have passed to his cousin. Before turning to the communal archive of Jedaniah b. Gemariah, let us examine three sets of private letters. One of these shows how documents can turn up in strange and unexpected places. or two probably to him (C 16-1 7 ) . Two of the documents included by Sachau in this first category were really legal texts ( C 29, 36 ) . 59 Of the remaining two lists, one has been dated palaeographically to the end of the fifth century ( C 51 ) and the other to the sixth century (C 5 2 ) ; cf. J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 47f; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 30f.
VIII P R I VA T E L E T T ERS
The Family at Psami b. Nabunathan One of the first Elephantine papyri to be published \vas a loan contract ( C 1 1 ) .1 The subsequent publication of the Mibtahiah archive gave no hint of the Jews ' military status. The word degel had been transcribed regel, and it was believed that the Elephantine Jews were merchants or money lenders. In like manner, the editors of the Hermopolis letters be lieved that the Arameans of Syene represented in those letters were not soldiers but merchants or artisans.2 These letters were discovered in Novem ber 1945 in gallery C of the subterranean Ibieion at Tuna el-Gebel. The chambers and corridors of this necropolis were lined with jars containing mummies of the ibis, the bird sacred to Thoth. In one of these jars eight Aramaic letters, tied and sealed, had been deposited. The letters were ap parently sent from Memphis (d. BK 2 : 3 ) and may have been placed in the ibis jar temporarily by a messenger who failed to recover and deliver them to their addressees at Ofi (Luxor) ( BK 5, 6, 7 ) and at Syene ( BK 1-4 ) .3 Careful study of these letters reveals their close similarity to the Elephan1 A. E. Cowley, "Some Egyptian Aramaic Documents," PSBA 2 5 ( 1 903 ) , 204· 2 E . Bresciani and M. Kamil, "Le lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," 367. 3 Ibid., 36If. For preliminary notices of the discovery and contents of these letters, cf. S. Gabri, "Lettres arameennes trouvees a Touna el Gebel Hermou- polis Ouest," BIE 28 ( 1 945-46 ) , 1 61 f; M. Kamil, "Papyri arameens decouverts a Hermoupolis-Ouest, op. cit., 2 53ff; idem, "Notice on the Aramaic Papyri Dis covered at Hermopolis West," Revue de l'histoire juive en Itgypte 1 ( 1 947) , I ff; idem, "The Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Hermopolis-West," Actes du xxi' congres internationale de orientalistes, 1948 (Paris, 1949 ) , 106£; idem, " Les dernieres decouvertes arameennes en Egypte," Les Mardis de Dar el-Salam ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 198ff.
P RIVATE LETTERS
26 5
tine letters and suggest that these Arameans were soldiers also. Moreover they indicate that family archives contained not only legal documents but private letters as well. Seven of the eight letters were written by the same scribe, sealed with the same Egyptian seal (BK 1-6, 8 ) , and sent by members of the same family. The eighth letter was written by a different hand, bore a different Egyp tian seal, and concerned a different family (BK 7) . One of the first seven letters is completely damaged; only the first and last words of each line are preserved (BK 8 ) . Another letter is broken in the middle and the name of the sender is missing (BK 6) . The average width of the letters is 27 cm. (BK 1, 3, 4, 5; 7 [27.5 cm.] ) , though one is 33.5 cm. (BK 2 ) . They are usually written on both sides, beginning on the verso and concluding on the recto (BK 1, 3, 4-6) . The address was written on the recto, after the papyrus was sealed, and included the place of destination.4 From the five wholly preserved letters (BK 1-5 ) as well as from the sixth (BK 6 ) ; it is possible to reconstruct a genealogy, as shown in Figure 1 5, which extends for five generations. Makkibanit b. Psami addressed his father both as "my lord . . . your servant" (BK 3 : 1 ) and as "my father" (BK 1 : 14, 3 : 14) . Nabushezib b. Petekhnum also addressed Psami as "my father . . . your servant" (BK 4:10) . Both men referred to Minh as "my mother" (BK 3 :2, 4 : 1 3f; cf 3: 10 ) . If Nabushezib was not using "father" and "mother" as honorific titles or as designations of .older relatives, then he must have been Makki banit's stepbrother. Petekhnum had died after the birth of his son and his wife Minh then married Psami. The situation of an individual married more than once is already familiar to us from the Mibtahiah and Tsenen Dar family archives. Tabi was referred to as the sister of Nabushezib ( BK 2 : 5f) . She was probably the daughter of Petekhnum and Minh. If the damaged letter is correctly restored (BK 6:3; cf 2 : 1, 4-7 ) , then Banitsar, who was the son of Tabi (BK 2 : 5 ) , was also the son-in-law of his uncle Nabushezib (BK 6: 3 ) . He, in turn, had a son ( BK 6:8f ) . Six of the seven letters were addressed not to "father" but to "sister." Makkibanit wrote to "my sister Reia from your brother" ( BK 1 : 1 ) and "to my sister Tashi from your brother" (BK 2 : 1 ) . In the letter sent to his father he greeted "my brother Bty and his wife and children" (BK 3 : 3 ) and included a note to "my brother Apries from your brother" (BK 3 : 5 ) . Nabushezib wrote to "my sister NanaiDem from your brother" (BK 4: 1f) and greeted "my brother Bty and his wife" (BK 4: 14) . Both Makkibanit 4 E.
Bresciani and M. Kamil, op. cit., 362f.
266
P RIVATE L ETTER S
Nabunathan
ill
Psami ( BK 1 : 1 4 )
Petekhnum
. � .
Mmh
I
Makkibanit ( BK 3 : 2 )
Tabi
daughter ( BK 6 : 3 )
·. T
son ( BK 6 : 8£ )
Figure
1 5.
Family of Psami b. Nabunathan.
Banitsar ( BK 2 : 5 £ )
P RIVATE LETTERS
267
and Nabushezib wrote to "my ( ! ) sister Tam and Tabi from your brothers" (BK 5 : 0 . The fragmentary fifth letter (BK 6:1, 1 1 ) was addressed in the salutation "to my sister Tabi from [your brother . . . ]r" and on the outside docket "to my mother [ . . . from . . . b. ]srh. The terms "brother" and "sister" were found in the salutations of other letters ( C 2 1 : 1 f, 11, 40: 1, 5, 4 1 :9 , 42 : 1, 68,8; Padua I : X + 1, 3 :fragm. a) and could have the general meaning of "relative" (cf. Gen. 14: 16, 24: 59f) or "companion" ( d. 2 Sam. 1 :26) . The term "sister" could also apply to a lover (cf. Song of Songs + 9 ff) and no doubt to a wife as well. None of the letters was addressed, nor were greetings sent, to a wife, and some of the women addressed as sis ters were probably wives. In Egyptian, husband and wife are often desig nated "brother" (sn) and "sister" (snt ) , respectively.5 Why were these letters written? To give one reason, the writers wanted certain things from the recipients of their letters. Makkibanit asked both Tashi and Apries to send him five handfuls of castor oil (BK 2 : 13f, 3 : 1 2 ) . Was he writing to both to make sure that he received the oil, or did he desire a total of ten handfuls? Nabushezib wrote to Nanail)em, "Let them bring us castor oil and we shall give it for [less likely, "put it in"] [sesame?] oil" (BK 4:7) . As seen, Syene may have had a castor plant grove.6 Makki banit asked Apries to send him enough skins for a garment (BK 3 :7f ) . Pre sumably these skins were imported from Nubia. Nabushezib complained that a tunic (ktnh ) which Nanail)em had sent him arrived all torn (?; sntt ) , "and my heart was not attached to it." He was therefore wearing a garment which she had brought to him at Syene (BK 4:4ff) . Both brothers wrote to Tam and Tabi at Ofi, "And now, know that nothing has been brought to us from Syene. Moreover, from the time that I left Syene, Sheil has not sent me a letter or anything (else ) . And now, let them bring us a chest and beams (?; bynbn) . And if you can, send us castor oil. Send it with I:Iamdj b. Bethelshezib" who was coming to bring something to the place Bmrsry (BK 5 : 2ff) . Requests, then, were for oil, containers, and garments. The writers, in turn, made purchases for their family and for the temples at Syene. Makki banit told Apries, "And now, whatever you want, write to me" (BK 3 : 7) . To Tashi he wrote, "And now, I have bought olive oil for Jakeh and a gar ment (ktn ) ; moreover, for you one pretty vessel (?; tqbt [= t3 �bt] / sprt ) ; 7 5 Cf. P. Montet, Everyday Life in Egypt, 46, n. 48; P. Grelot, RB 64 ( 1967 ) , 434. The genealogy proposed by J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1 967 ) , 549, is un doubtedly incorrect. a Cf. Chap. III, n. 1 6 1 . 7 E. Bresciani and M . Kamil, op. cit., 388, hypothetically translated this word as "garment." It reportedly appears also in the unpublished ostracon CG 1 52
268
P RIVATE LETTERS
furthermore, perfumed oil for the temple of Banit. But I have not yet found someone to bring them to you" ( BK 2 : l 1ff) . He informed Apri es that he had bought colored cloth ( 1:ztbt) and perfumed oil but had not yet found someone with whom to send them (BK 3 : lOf ) . The problem of finding a messenger was apparently acute. Nabushezib wrote to Nanail;em , "And now, if I shall find a trustworthy man, I shall send you something" (BK 4:9f) . And someone wrote to Tabi at Ofi, "We are seeking a ship that they may bring it to you" (BK 6 4 ) . The letter writers also gave instructions to their family to do certain things. Makkibanit told Reia, "And now, do not buy anything as clothing and send to her (i.e. to Tapmut) " (BK 2 : 10 ) . He wrote to Tashi that he had given 6Yz shekels to Banitsar b. Tabi. Tashi should now write to the woman Tabi, who was at Ofi, and request receipt of one shekel's worth of wool from Tabi's share of her son's money. Moreover, Makkibanit wanted to know what kind of wool was sent-whether a young lamb and its shearings 8 or whether the wool which was due from Makki . If Tabi did not send her anything, he would lodge a complaint against them, "here" (at Memphis? Ofi? ) . Makkibanit further wanted to know if Reia had given Tashi any wool ( BK 2 :4ff, 1 6 ) . Someone wrote to Tabi, "And now, Ma [kkibanit] gave [ . . . to Banitsar] 9 son-in-law of Nabushe six shekels of silver and a zuz. . . . And buy wool, as much as you can (kzy tmth ydky) , and se[ nd it to Tashi ( 7 ) ]" (BK 6:3ff) . As noted, Makkibanit instructed Tashi and Apries to buy in exchange for barley every beam they could find and leave them with Mmh who apparently lived in the same house with Apries (BK 2 : 14ff, 3 4 ) .10 Much as the letters were concerned with · the receipt and dispatch of objects, they were more concerned with the welfare of the family members. All the letters contained at the beginning a blessing for the recipient: "I/we bless you by Ptal; that he let me/us behold your face in peace" (BK 1 :2f, 2 : 2, 3 : 1 f, 4:2, 5: 1 f, 6 : 1 f, 8 : 1f) or " (Greetings of) peace and life I send convex : 1 . I suggest that it might be the Egyptian word "kbt, "vessel," with the feminine article. The word appears in the demotic mar�iage contracts among the objects included in the bride's dowry; cf. W. Erichsen, Demotisches Glos sar, 534. The final t was no longer pronounced at this time and the variant tqbh (BK 4 : 5) would simply represent a phonetic spelling. I am grateful to L. H. Lesko, University of California, Berkeley, for discussion of this word. 8 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil rendered the expression wgzth as "and you shear it." A better rendering would seem to be "and its shearing." 9 So I would restore BK 6:3 on the basis of BK 2 : 1 , 4f. 10 Cf. above, p. 84.
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_
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269
you" (BK 3 : 5, 7: 1 ) .11 Each letter concluded with the statement, "For your welfa re · t 81m) I h,ave sent this letter (spr) " (BK 1 : 1 2f, 2 : 1 7, 3 : 13, 4: 1 2f, 5 :9, 6: 10, 7:4) . Several letters contained the expression, "Do not be con cerned about him/me/us; I am/we are concerned about you" (BK 1 :4, 2 : 3, 3 : 3, l Z, 4: 7f, 8: 8ff, 14f ) . Most o f the letters sent greetings to other people, usually to four or five (BK 1:2, 1 1 , 2 : 3f, 16f, 3 : 2f; d. 6:2, 7 ) , once to more than eight persons (BK 7:2ff), and once to over seventeen in dividuals (BK 4: 3, lOff) . This practice of greeting so many different per sons greatly enhances our knowledge of the Aramean onomasticon of Syene. The personal concern expressed in these letters exudes great warmth and considerable charm. The family was located in three different spots-Syene, Ofi, and Memphis-and apparently communicated among themselves regu larly. Failure to receive a letter or package caused considerable consterna tion (BK 5 : 2ff) . Nabushezib (and Makkibanit) wrote to Tarn and Tabi at Ofi, "And what is this that you have not sent me a letter?! As for me, a snake bit me and I was dying and you did not write (to see ) if I am alive or if I am dead" (BK 5 :7ff) . Makkibanit was probably the elder of the two stepbrothers and he wrote to Tashi, "Nabushe is well here. Do not be con cerned for him. I shall not take him away (lh mns mh 1h ) from Memphis" (BK 2: 3 ) . Nabushezib's nephew and son-in-Iaw ( ? ) , Banitsar, was also away in Memphis, together with his son. Someone wrote to Tabi at Ofi, "Bani tsar is well here, and (so is ) his son. Do not be [concerned for them]" ( BK 6:8f) . The writers also called upon the correspondent to "take care of" someone, probably a youngster (BK 2 : 1 6f, 4:8f) or to "look after" someone (BK 1 : l lf) . One letter, not part of the Psami archive, was sent by )my to his mother Atarrarnari. "And now, upon you do I rely. Look after these children" (BK 7 : 2f ) . I:Iarndj was probably a n elder member of the family or else one incapaci tated. Makkibanit wrote to Reia, "And now, I:Iarudj is well here. Do not be concerned for him. As you could do for him, I am doing for him. Both Tap mut and AQ.atsin are supporting (msb1n) him. And now, verily, you have not written a letter in his name ( i.e., to him ) . And now, the fact that you are full of anger at me ( zy mlty Ibty) /2 saying 'No one asks about (lh 8'[ 11
Ptal;1 was the deity of Memphis and it is most likely that this place was the origin of these letters ( cf. BK 2 : 3 ) . 12 E . Bresciani and M. Kamil rendered this expression, "as for that which you said to Bty," taking mlty as 2nd person feminine pael from root mll, "speak." The word is rather a peal form from ml'ly, "full"; lbt derives from Akkadian libbatu, "wrath." The expression, "to be full of someone's wrath"
2 70
P RIV ATE LETTERS
cl) J:Iarudj" ( i.e., takes care of him ) , now, much as I am doing for J:Iarudj (mlw kzy cbd mh l�rw$) 13 so may Bani t do for me (kwt tcbd bnt cly ) . Verily, i s not J:Iarudj my brother?! And now, behold, salary has been given to them (i.e., to Tapmut and Al).atsin ) here ( hlw yhb Ihn prs tnh ) and it will be taken before them in Syene (wytlq� qdmthn bswn) . And now, if there is a guarantor against you (i.e. if you owe him money for paying off your debt) , send him to Tapmut (hn >t crb clyky >tyh ltpmt) " ( BK 1 :3ff) .14 Tapmut would probably reimburse him out of her salary. Makkibanit wrote to his father Psami in a similar vein, "Do not be concerned about J:Iarudj. I shall not leave him alone to the extent that I am able ( to provide for him) . And now, I am providing (cbd ) for him" (BK 3 :4) . The statements of Makkibanit in his letter to Reia find a remarkable par allel in the story of Al).iqar and indicate the practical effects of that didactic work. Al).iqar was about to be executed at the king's behest by Nabusum iskun and he pleaded for his life, saying to Nabusumiskun "[Am] I [not] the same Al).iqar who once saved you from an undeserved death? [When Sennacherib] , the father of this king Esarhaddon, sought to [kill you, th]en I brought you to my house. There I supported you as a man ( deals ) with his brother ( tmh hwyt msbl lk k>ys cm >�why) " (Al).. 46ff) . Al).iqar hid Nabusumiskun in his house and later brought it about that Sennacherib forgave him. The king, in turn, was pleased with Al).iqar for having kept him alive. Al).iqar continued, "Now, as for me, just as I have done for you, so, indeed, do for me (mt lqblzy mh cbdt lk kn >pw cbd ly ) . Do not kill me. Take me to your house until other times" (Al).. 51 £) . Nabusumiskun heeded Al).iqar's plea and spared his life. As Al).iqar had treated Nabusumis kun-like a brother-so would Makkibanit treat J:Iarudj. As Al).iqar asked that his action be reciprocated by Nabusumiskun, so Makkibanit prayed that his good deed be rewarded by the goddess Banit. The term "brother" referred not only to an immediate kinsman, but to a member of one's national group as distinct from the foreigner. The Israelite, for example, expected certain humanitarian considerations from
means "to be fun of wrath against someone"; cf. Ezek. 1 6 : 30 (where read, "How I am filled with wrath against you" ) ; C 37 : 1 1, 41 :4; Padua I :X + 3 (E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 [1960] , 2 1 ) . 13 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, op. cit., interpreted mlw as imperative from the root mll. But this word, too, comes from root ml)/y and here represents 'a hitherto unattested use as part of a conjunction; cf. the comparable phrase in Al::J . 52 discussed below and Akkadian mala. 14 E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, op. cit., translated this phrase, "if there is a pledge near you." The regular word for pledge in these Aramaic texts, however, is crbn ( C 10 :9, 1 3 , 17, 42 : 5; K 1 1 :10 [reading bcrbny] ) .
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his brother, even though the latter may have been a complete stranger to him (Deut. 22 : Iff ) . Particularly in time of need was such help to be forth coming. Interest-free loans, remission of debts in the sabbatical year, en dowment of the freed slave and the right of redemption were examples of such assistance ( Deut. 1 5, 23 : 1 9ff; Lev. 2 5 ) . Divine threat and promise were invoked to stimulate extension of this aid. "No one should wrong his brother . . . but fear your God; for I the Lord am your God" ( Lev. 2 5 : 14, 17; cf vv. 35ff, 39ff) . The people complained to Nehemiah against the fi nancial burden they were suffering at the hands of their Judahite "broth ers." "And now, our flesh is as the flesh of our brothers." Nehemiah re buked the nobles, "You are exacting interest, each from his brother. . . . Ought you not to walk in the fear of our God . . ?" ( Neh. 5 : 1ff) . The statement most reminiscent of the one in Makkibanit's letter is "Give to him readily and have no regrets when you do so, for in return the Lord your God ""ill bless you in all your deeds (mcSk) and in all your undertakings" (Deut. 1 5 : 10; cf. 23 :20) . A]:Iiqar had supported (hwyt msbl ) Nabusumiskun and Tapmut and A]:Iatsin were supporting (msbln) I:Iarudj. A]:Iiqar's support was "as a man with his brother." As seen, the document of manumission which MeshuI lam b. Zaccur drew up for Tapmut and Jehoishma required that they con tinue to serve him "as a son or daughter supports (ysbl ) his/her father" (K 5 : 11 ) . In one of the deeds of gift for J ehoishma, Ananiah b. Azariah motivated his donation by saying "because she did support me (sbltny ) when I was old of days, unable to work with my hands, and she supported me" (K 9 : 17) . Deutero-Isaiah reminded Israel that "even to your old age I am He, and to your hoary age, I will support ()sbZ ) " ( Is. 46: 3 ) . The sup port of Tapmut and A]:Iatsin may have been due to I:Iarudj's old age, his incapacity, or to some temporary inability to support himself, as was the case with Nabusumiskun. A deed of withdrawal made out by Miptahiah d. Gemariah for her sister Isweri (C 43 ) is also instructive here. With the exception of the first few lines, the right hand side of the papyrus is torn away. Owing to the sche matic nature of the legal phrases, however, the text has been restored with a fair degree of certainty. Miptahiah said to her sister: .
I . have given to . you 6-six-shekels of silver, according to the stones of the kin'g, silver, 2 zuz to one karsh.15 I, Miptahiah, have given it to you as a gift in consideration of the support ( lqbl sbwl ) 15 The reading zuz was rejected by Ed. Sachau, Aramaische Papyrus und Ostraka, 1 23, as "unlikely"; but in light of BK 2 : 6 is probably to be maintained. Cf. the interpretation of R. Yaron, "Minutiae Aramaicae."
P R IVATE LETTERS
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[which you have given me . . . ] . . . . [Also there is provision fro m the royal house ('p ,yty ptp, ly mn byt mlk' ) for me, me, Mip-] tahiah which was in your hand. You have given it to me . . . . [ . . . I have withdrawn from you from] this [mon]ey and from the provision which was ( made) to me from the royal house. Whosoever shall seek to reclaim the six shekels or further demand the pro vision shall be fined two karsh. For some reason, unable to support herself, Miptahiah had her sister collect her government provision for her and sup port her. Similarly, I:Iarudj, unable to support himself and collect his gov ernment salary, was supported by Tapmut and A"batsin who apparently re ceived the salary on his behalf. This salary was in some way to be forwarded to Ijarudj's family in Syene. Receiving a government salary, the men of the Hermopolis letters were most likely not merchants or artisans but Armean soldiers stationed in the Syene garrison. They would travel away from home with or without their wives, on caravan duty or some other assignment.
Osea and Hosea Private letters of the Elephantine Jews were similar in content to the Her mopolis letters and support the assumption that the latter belong to a mili tary family. There are two groups of letters, three in one ( Padua 1-3 ) 16 and four in the other (C 39-42 ) . Most are fragmentary, so that it is not possible to reconstruct a family genealogy for either group. Like the Her mopolis letters, they were written on both sides, beginning on the verso and ending on the recto, which also contained the address.17 Wherever ascertainable, the width of the papyrus was about 30 cm. In the first group, two letters were addressed to Jehoishma, one by her son Shallum b. Peteam[un] (Padua 2 ) . The other addressed Jehoishma as "my sister" and referred to the Temple ('gwr,) (Padua 3 ) . Both letters were written in a vulgar script, though apparently at different times. The third letter (Padua 1 ) , written in a semi-conservative script, began, " [Greet ings to the Tem]ple of YHW at Elephantine. To my son Shelomam [fr]om your brother Osea. [I send you ( greetings ) ] of peace and strength [abundantly]." The outside address read, "To my brother Sheloma m b. [O)sea, your brother Osea b. Pete[amun) ." If Osea's patronymic has been 16
TIle letters held by the Civic Museum of Padua were published by E. Bres ciani, RSO 3 5 ( 1 960 ) , 1 1££. The palaeographical observations are based upon J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 5 2 . 17 Cf. Ed. Sachau, op. cit., Pis. 1 3, 14, 1 6.
\
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correctly restored he might be a relative, less likely (on palaeographic grounds ) a brother, of Shallum. One could address a father as "brother" much as one could address his mother as "sister" (BK 6 : 1, 1 1 ) . In the second group, one letter was written in a semi-extreme cursive script and sent by Hoshaiah b. Nathan to Pilti b. Jaush (C 40 ) . Both appeared to gether as witnesses to a document drawn up in 404 (K 9:24) . Two letters were written in a vulgar-extreme and extreme cursive script, respectively, and sent by Hosea (C 39, 42 ) , probably to be identified with Hoshaiah, while the addressor of the fourth letter (C 41 ) is missing. It was written in a semi-conservative cursive hand. One of the two letters of Hosea was addressed "to my lady Shelewah, your servant Hosea" (C 39 : 1 ) . The other was sent to [Am] os b. Hag [gai] (C 42 : 1 , 1 5 ) . Like the Hermopolis letters, both sets of Elephantine letters referred to requests for garments (C 42 :8ff; Padua I : X + 2ff ) and both dealt with houses. Unfortunately, in each instance the text is fragmentary and the meaning uncertain. The letter of Osea to Shelomam may have referred to a house being taken in pledge ( Padua 1 : 6f ) . 18 The sense of Hosea's letter to [Am]os (C 42 ) seems to be that he and Sel:lO (?; cf. C 40: 2 ) had paid ten karsh to Paisan and apparently needed a further sum of five karsh. If [Am]os could not borrow the money for him at interest, drawing up an LO.U. and 'giving a pledge, then he should sell the house of Zaccur and the house of )sn [ . . . ] . If they would not sell their houses (or, if no one would buy them ) , he should find someone who would buy the big house of Hodo and sell it to him at market value. Whether he found the money or not, he should come to Memphis as soon as the letter reached him. "Do not stand! Come down to Memphis immediately" (C 42 :7; cf. Gen. 45 :9 ) ·19 Like the Hermopolis letters, the ones to Elephantine expressed concern for people's welfare. As seen, they invoked a divine blessing on the ad dressee (C 39: 1, 4° : 1 , 41 : 1 , 42: 1 ; Padua 1 : lff) . Hosea's letter to Shelewah was but five lines long and was taken up almost completely with greetings. It sent greetings to "my lord" Menahem, "my lady" Abihi and her son and daughter, Takhnum, Jehoishma, Meshullemeth, Hazzul, Kilkeliah, and others. The first half of the last line is missing but the end stated, "Jaush said to me. . . . " This Jaush may have been the father of Pilti b. Jaush ad dressed in another letter by Hosea (C 40 ) . In that letter, greetings were sent to Shewa and his children, Ab[ihi ( ? ) ], and others. Hosea acknowl edged a certain effort that Pilti had put forth and said that he and Sel:to 18 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, JNES 21 ( 1 962 ) , 20. 19 The interpretation of this letter differs somewhat from that of Cowley. I owe the Genesis reference to Professor Jonas Greenfield.
2 74
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b. Pel:;a had spoken to Paisan. A letter had been sent about the matter to $el:;o (? ) . Hosea urged Pilti to look after the children and made reference to Mauziah. On another occasion $el:;o was at Elephantine and his cor respondent wrote (C 41 ) that he rejoiced whenever he received a letter with greetings from $ebo. Moreover, whenever anyone was going to Ele phantine he would send greetings to $el)o. He was now oomplaining that he , had not been told something and so became full of anger at him ( m1) 1btk) before Dalah. Moreover, since he had left Syene, he had not re ceived a single letter from $el)o informing him of $el)o's welfare. He had asked him to look after the lads and my house "as you would do for your house." The conclusion of the letter, unfortunately fragmentary (C 41 : 7 ) , may be reconstructed along the lines o f Makkibanit's letter to Reia, "In form me of every matter ( tem) which happens in my house" (BK 1 : 1 2 ) . Comparison of this letter of Makkibanit with Osea's letter to Shelomam reveals the military occupation of the correspondents in the Hermopolis letters. Makkibanit wrote to Reia, "Behold, salary has been given to them here (h1w yhb 1hn prs tnh ) and it will be taken before them in Syene" (BK 1 : 8f ) . Osea wrote, "Since you left (Lower) Egypt, salary has not been [given to us here] (prs 1) y[hyb 1n tnh] ) . . ." 20 (Padua 1 : 3 ) . It is most probable that the salary given to Tapmut and Al)atsin was a monetary al lowance from the royal treasury (d. C 1 1 :6) and not simply private wages. The question of salary payment was of great Concern and occurs also in the family archive of Ahutab.
The Family of Ahutab Letters sent a long distance, from Migdol or Memphis to Elephantine Syene, were written on papyrus, which was rolled, tied and sealed. Letters sent across the river from Syene to Elephantine were written on ostraca. Over 300 ostraca and fragments have been discovered at Elephantine, most of them by Charles Clermont-Ganneau in 1 907-1909, but only about sixty have been published so far. About thirty of these appear to have been written, in an indifferent hand, by a single scribe ca. 475 B.C.E.21 Unfortu nately it is not possible to say how, why, or even whether these ostraca were preserved. Did they exist in some faI?ily archives or were they d,is carded shortly after receipt? 20 Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer, op. cit., 19. 21 A. Dupont-Sommer, "La collection des ostraca arameens recueillis par Clermont-Ganneau a Elephantine," Actes du xxvi" congres international des orientalistes, 1 948 (Paris, 1949 ) , I09ff; J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 5 3ff.
PRIVATE LETTERS
27 5
Most of these ostraca began on the concave side and, turning from right to left, continued on the convex side.22 Being written on potsherds that lay ready at hand, these notes were often terse and even cryptic. Words might be written right up to the edge of the sherd. Final and even initial letters could often be squeezed out. Interpretation of many texts is difficult and the same text has been read and explained in entirely different ways. One example will serve as illustration (CIS 2/1, 137 ) : Now, behold, I have seen a borage (J:i,lm) , and from that time on it has been cooking ()ph) , very hot. (If) you see ( tJ:i,zy) Jal;nlloliah (yJ:i,mlyh ) pay ( slmy) ( her) . Now, if you wish (�bty) (those things ) , do not ( )1 ) sell them. Let the chil dren eat ( them) . Behold, there is no cucumber left ( 1) s)r qtyn) .23
Now, behold I have seen a dream ( J:i, lm) and from that time on I have been (mh) very feverish. An apparition appeared ( [)]tJ:i,zy J:i,z[w] ) . Its words ( m1why ) : Peace (81m ) . Now, if you will sell all ( k1) of my bundles (�bty ) (of grain ) , the chil dren may eat, for there is no remain der of pieces ( qtyn ) ( of silver) .24
A dream or a vegetable?! Greek and demotic ostraca told of disturbing dreams and it is likely that our Aramaic text also reported dreams.25 The first one was . disturbing and the second was reassuring. The father would not be returning home for a while and the money had run out, so he ad vised his wife to sell stored grain in order to buy food for the children. Being limited in space, the ostraca did not send such extensive greetings as did the papyri. Both showed concern for the children and both sent in structions to the recipient. Both made requests, but the ostraca often spoke of something being done or sent "tomorrow." Although most of the ostraca were apparently written between members of the same family circle, the fact that Syene was the site of the Arameans meant that certain ostraca may have been sent by Arameans. One example would be the note sent by the tailor Gadal, a name which could be Aramaic as well as Hebrew, to Micaiah (CG 70 ) : 26 "To my lord Micaiah, your servant Gadal. (Greetings of) peace and life I send to you. I bless you by YHH and by lfn ( = Han?, Khn[um?] ) . Now, send me the garment which is on you that one may sew it (wyJ:i,tnh ) . I send this letter for your welfare." 22 A. Dupont-Sommer, RES ( 1942-4 5 ) , 65. 23 Idem, ASAE 48 ( 1 948 ) , 1 1 7ff. 24 B. A. Levine, JAOS 84 ( 1964 ) , 1 8ff. 25 H. Donner and W. Rollig, Kanaanaische und aramaische Inschriften, II, 323· 26 A. Dupont-Sommer, RI-IR 1 30 ( 1 94 5 ) , 1 7ff; idem, eRA! ( 1 947 ) , 177f. Cf., too, H. L. Ginsberg apud J. B . Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 491; E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 86.
27 6
P RIVATE LETTERS
Thirteen ostraca mentioned the woman Ahutab.27 Three published os traca were addressed to Ahutab (SC N; Sachau 65,2; CG 169 ) ; two unpub lished ones are reported to be addressed to her (CG 1 3 5, 1 57) and two more unpublished ones are reported as probably being addressed to her ( CG 78, 228) . All three letters began with the salutation : "Welfare (81m) of Ahutab," which is probably an abbreviation of the longer formula "The welfare of Ahutab may deity seek at all times" ( d. C 40: 1, 41 : 1 ) . One of the letters may have continued "Nathan came to Syene from the boat" ( ntn ,1 swn mn )lp) ) and possibly made some reference to a (fishing ? ) net (sbk ) which was to be sent to the addressor (sllJhy 1y) ( Sachau 65,2 ) . The other two reported, respectively, that the writer had no salt (CG 169) 28 and that there was no cucumber seed (SC N ) . The first of these requested that salt be sent, even if it had to be bought mn )lpy ,bw() zy yb, "from Alphaios boatman of Elephantine" ( ? ) ; "from the grain boats . . ." ( 7 ) ; "from the passing boats . . ." ( ? ) .29 The second note made some reference to a seed of gourds (d1m) .30 Of the three letters which mentioned Ahutab, one was addressed "To Hoshaiah. Your welfare" (Bodleian ostracon concave : 1 f ) .31 The greeting probably abbreviated, "May deity seek your welfare at all times." A second note bore the salutation, "The welfare of Uriah," the implied continua tion being "may deity seek at all times" (Sachau 63,l ) . The third ostracon contained no greeting (CG 16) .32 The first one was the famous Passover ostracon and after the salutation continued, "Now, look out for the chil dren until Ahutab comes. Do not bring them to anyone else. If you have ground ( the meal for) their bread, knead for them one qab until their mother comes." Following the question about the Passover, the letter con cluded, "Do send the welfare of the child[ren] ." The last line may either mean, "Send the children my regards" ( "The welfare of the children may deity seek at all times" ) or "Send me regards of the children" (viz., "The children are well here"; d. C 37:2, 57:2 [81m 1y tn)]; BK 1 : 3f, 2: 2f, 6: 8f, 8: 1 1 ) . As seen, the letter to Hoshaiah asked, "Inform me when you are cele brating the Passover." An answer must have been sent and shortly there27 A. Dupont-Sommer, RES ( 1 942-45 ) , 66f. 29 Ibid., 73f. J. T. Milik, Biblica 48 ( 1967 ) , 5 5 5 . 2 8 Ibid., 67, 70f. 30 Cf. A. E . Cowley, PSBA 37 ( 191 5 ) , 221 81 A photograph of this ostracon was published by A. H. Sayee, PSBA 33 ( 1 9 1 1 ) , 1 83ff. For correct interpretation, cf. E. L. Sukenik and J. Kutsher, Kedem 1 ( 1 942 ) , 53ff; A. Dupont-Sommer, REt 7 (N.S.; 1 i}46"'"47) , 46ff. . 32 A. Dupont-Sommer, ASAE 48 ( 1 948) , 109ff.
P RIVATE LETTERS
277
after the correspondent wrote to another member of the family, Uriah ( Sachau 63,1 ) , telling him that the time had come to wash and shear the sheep. This would ordinarily be in the spring time.33 The letter continued, "The welfare of Ahutab (may deity seek, etc. ) . Now, concerning that bread, eat until tomorrow eve ( [c]rwbh ) . An ardab of flour remains here" ( , qrnlJ s,r tnh ) . If the reading "eve" is correct, then the correspondent could have been informing Uriah to finish the leaven by the eve of Pass over. He, himself, had enough flour, presumably to prepare unleavened bread for Passover. The third ostracon, the one without address, requested 2 qabs of salt, a pick and a garment (CG 1 6 ) . It concluded, "Let Ahutab bring one orner of split ( ?; pllJ? ) beans." Three more ostraca (CG 44, 214, 2 5 5 ) , as yet unpublished, are reported to refer to the woman Ahutab. Though it is pos sible that these thirteen ostraca refer to more than one woman, the absence of this name from the papyri suggests its infrequent use and argues for the existence of but one Ahutab behind these thirteen references. As noted, Syene had its own garrison which received government sup plies (C 24: 33 ) . Since one of the ostraca greeting Ahutab was addressed to Uriah, it is possible that two other ostraca mentioning Uriah belonged to the same family group. One has been explained as having the address at the end rather than at the beginning: 34 "Look after my tunic which I left at the house of the Temple of YHH. Tell Uriah to dedicate it ( [y] lJrrnh ) . To Salluah." The other is both difficult to read and interpret but it contained one passage which inquired as to when "they are giving salary (yhbn prs) at Syene" ( SC M convex : 3f) . Salary was thus distributed at Syene as well as at Elephantine. These three sets of letters-the Hermopolis and Elephantine papyri and the ostraca-all concerned private affairs. The one or two intimations as to occupations suggest that the correspondents raised sheep and tilled the soil. An three groups, however, contained the expression yhb prs, "give salary," and it is likely that this meant the same thing in the Hermopolis letter and in the ostracon as it did in the Elephantine letter. The salary was government wages paid to soldiers who enhanced their subsistance by raising sheep and tilling the soil.
33 M. Lidzbar�ki, Ephemeris, III, 2 5 5f; J. C. Greenfield, Orientalia 29 ( 1 960 ) , 98ff. 34 0stracon Cairo 49,624 was published with a photograph by N. Aime Giron, ASAE 26 ( 1 926 ) , 27ff and restudied by A. Dupont-Sommer, JA 23 5 ( 1 946-47) , 79ff. Cf., too, A. Dupont-Sommer, CRAI ( 1 947 ) , 189ff; E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 96f.
IX CO N F L I CT AN D RE S O L U T I O N
Communal Archive The archive of J edaniah b. Cemariah contained ten documents dealing with communal affairs. Most of them concerned the relations between J ews and Egyptians and the destruction of the J ewish Temple. Three docu ments were copies of letters drawn up by, or at the order of, J edaniah ( C 27, 30//3 1 ) ; three were memoranda drawn up by him ( C 22, 32, 3 3 ) ; and three were letters addressed to him and his colleagues ( C 21, 37, 38) . One contained his name ( C 34: 5 ) . U nfortuna tely, several were damaged and others undated ( C 27, 34, 37, 38 ) . One is dated but damaged ( C 21 ) and another only partially dated ( C 22 : 1 ) and bristling with problems. One undated letter most likely preceded the destruction of the J ewish Temple (C 38 ) . The dates of two other documents (C 34, 37) are uncer tain; several possibilities exist but there is little to aid in deciding which is correct. Nonetheless, these documents are especially valuable since they indicate that the conflict which arose in Elephantine was also acted out in Thebes and Memphis. The reason for the destruction of the Jewish Temple by the Khnum priests is a ma jor problem in the interpretation of these documents . Was the destruction due to religious or political motives, or to both? 1 Several documents from the Ananiah archive shed unexpected light on this subject. \
1 Cf. the discussions by Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 75ft; H. Anneler, Der Juden von Elephantine, 1 3 1ft; A. van Hoonacker, Une communaute judeo-arameene a Elephantine, 3 8ft; A. Vincent, La religion des judeo-arameens d'Elephantine, 249ft, 375ft; A. E. Cowley, op cit., xvii ; E. C. Krae ling, op. cit., 102ft; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1954 ) , 1 5 5; S. A. Cook, "The Significance of the Ele phantine Papyri for the History of Hebrew Religion," AJT ( 1 9 1 5 ) , 3 77f; C. G. \Vagenaar, De joodsche Kolonie van Jeb-Syene, 98ft.
C O NFLICT A N D RESOLUTION
2 79
Until now, the relevance ofthe Ananiah documents to the destruction of the Temple has gone unnoticed. The unfolding of events according to the communal archive will be considered first.
Hananiah and the Passover The death of Artaxerxes I was followed by a period of intrigues, assassina tions, and minor rebellions. Arsames left Egypt to campaign in Phrygia for Ochus ( Darius II ) against Xerxes II (Polyaenus VII.28 ) . The later as sertion of the Elephantine Jews that when "diglin of the Egyptians re belled we did not leave our posts and nothing disloyal was found in us" (C 27: If) most likely referred to disturbances in Egypt at this time.2 It is not certain, however, from this assertion by the Jews, that the rebellion of the Egyptians extended as far south as Elephantine. Nor does it reveal the attitude of the Khnum priests who later instigated the destruction of the Temple of YHW. The first document relating to the destruction of the Temple is a letter S dated to the fifth year of Darius II (419 ) sent by Hananiah to Jedaniah and his coll�agues, the Jewish garrison. In an earlier chapter the view was developed that Hananiah was identical with Nehemiah's relative and was at this period Governor of Judah.4 A different identification and attendant reconstruction will now be presented. Jews are said to have achieved a cer tain prominence in government circles. Tobit was described as buyer of provisions for Shalmaneser V ( Tob. 1 : 1 3 ) and AlJ.iqar had several appoint ments from Sennacherib and Esarhaddon (Tob. 1 :22; AlJ.. Iff) . Daniel (Bel teshazzar) , Hananiah ( Shadrach ) , Mishael ( Meshach ) , and Azariah (Abednego ) held several posts in the Babylonian courts of Nebuchadnez zar, Belshazzar, and Darius the Mede (Dan. 1_6) .5 Mordecai rose from 2 For the general situation in the Persian empire, see A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 3 5 5ff, 3 63f; for that at Elephantine E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., l03f. The Driver letters, usually ascribed to the period after 410, when Arsames was again absent from Egypt, may as reasonably refer to this earlier period of revolt. s A. Vincent, op. cit., 2 36, thought that the present text was a copy of the original letter because it was written on both sides. But most of the letters were written on both sides. 4 Cf. p. 1 30 , above. 5 R. H. Pfeiffer, Introduction to the Old Testament ( New York, 1948 ) , 748ff. The Books of Tobit and Daniel l to 6 are usually ascribed to the Hellen istic period; cf. R. H. Pfeiffer. History of New Testament Times with al1 Intro-
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being a minor official ( Est. 2 : 1 1 ) to second in the realm (8:2, lo:df ) .6 Whatever the precise historicity of these various accounts, there is no deny ing that Nehemiah was cupbearer to Artaxerxes I (Neh. 1 : l Iff) and Anani was scribe and chancellor to Arsames (C 26: 23 ) . Since Jewish communities were scattered throughout the Persian Em pire (Est. 3 : 8) , an individual who could advise the royal authority or the various provincial authorities about Jewish matters may have held an offi cial or semi-official position. Such an individual was Ezra, "scribe of the law of the God of heaven" (Ez. 7 : 1 2 ) , sent from Babylonia by Artaxerxes I to order Jewish affairs in the Trans-Euphrates ( 7 : 2 5 ) .7 Hananiah may have been another such individual, sent from Babylonia or Judah by Darius II to order Jewish affairs in Egypt. Hananiah's arrival in Egypt bearing his Passover letter created a stir. In a letter to Jedaniah, Uriah, and the priests Mattan and Neriah, Mauziah reported that he had been falsely arrested in Abydos by the garrison com mander Vidranga and had been released only throl.lgh the efforts of $el;o and Bor, servants of Anani. The two were on their way to Elephantine and Mauziah urged they be wen treated so that the community might con tinue to enjoy the favor of Anani. Such favor was important because "It is known to you that Khnum is against us since Hananiah (was ) in Egypt till now." Moreover, I):or was also a servant of Hananiah ( C 38:7f ) . 8 As seen, the Passover had been celebrated prior to the arrival of Hananiah, so it is not to be supposed that he was the first to introduce an act, the sacrifice of the paschal lamb, which would have been abhorrent to the devotees of the ram-god Khnum. Besides, the paschal sacrifice need not have been taken from the sheep; it could equally well have come from the goats ( d. Ex. 1 2: 5 ) . With such a choice, it is unlikely that the Jews, after duction to the Apocrypha (New York, 1949) , 2 58ff. Most recently, however, Y. M. Grintz, "Hebrew Literature in the Persian Period," (Hebrew) Sefer ha yovel lerabbi I:Ianoch Albeck (Jerusalem, 196 3 ) , 1 2 3ff, has argued for a Persian date for these books; d. also Y. Kaufmann, Toledot, IV/I, 405f, 418ff. 6 Cf. the suggestive article of S. H. Horn, "Mordecai, A Historical Problem," Biblical Research 9 ( 1964) , 14ff. 7 Cf. H. H. Schaeder, Esra der Schreiber; Y. Kaufmann, Toledot IV/1, 27 5ff; \. J. M. Myers, Ezra · Nehemiah (The Anchor Bible ) lvii seq., lxxii seq. 8 For treatment of this papyrus, d. W. R. Arnold, "The Passover Papyrus from Elephantine," JBL 3 1 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 21ff; M . Sprengling, AJT 2 1 ( 1 91 7 ) , 422f; H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 3 1f; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 39; A. Vincent, op. cit., 379. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 4, dates this papyrus after 410, understanding Vidranga's coming to Abydos as garrison commander as a demotion for his share in the destruction of the Elephantine Temple.
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their arrival at Elephantine under an Egyptian Pharaoh, would deliberately antagonize the priests of the island. Nor is it likely that Hananiah would have insisted on the selection of a lamb. Moreover, since Hananiah's letter contains no reference to the Temple, the paschal meal may very well have been a household affair as it was in 'Egypt prior to the Exodus ( cf. Ex . . 1 2 ) .9 Hananiah's mission probably served to antagonize the Khnum priests, and perhaps other Egyptians, simply because it emphasized strict ob servance of a seven day festival which commemorated the Exodus from Egypt and the victory of the Israelites over the Egyptians.10 The negative Egyptian reactions during the Hellenistic period to the Jewish account of the Exodus are familiar (Josephus, Ag. Ap. l.I4, 73ff; 26-31, 227ff) . Analogies from the Hellenistic-Roman period may be taken a step further. These indicate that various Greek cities had sought to hinder the Jews in their observance of the Sabbath and festivals. The case of Laodicea in Asia Minor is illustrative. The Jews must have appealed their case to the High Priest Hyrcanus in Jerusalem. He sent envoys with letters to the pro consul Gaius Rabirius to the effect that the Jews be allowed to observe the Sabbath and other rites. Thereupon, Rabirius sent one of these envoys, Sopatrus, to the magistrates of Laodicea, ordering them to allow the Jews to observe tJ1eir rites. The magistrates had no choice but to acquiesce (Ant. XIV.1O.20,' 241 ff) . So at Elephantine, Jewish observance of the Passover ran afoul of the Egyptians and during the disturbances which followed the death of Artaxerxes I and the absence of Arsames, they took steps to pre vent the Jews from observing their festival. The Jews appealed to their brethren in Jerusalem ( and Babylonia ?) to intercede on their behalf with the Persian authorities. The Jews in Jerusalem/Babylonia sent Hananiah to present their plea to Darius who finally issued a decree that the Elephan tine Jewish soldiers were to be allowed to observe the Passover. Hananiah brought this decree to Arsames and then, on the authority of the Jerusalem leadership, wrote the Jews instructions concerning the festival. Hananiah apparently remained in Egypt, attached to Arsames' court. 9 For discussion of the Paschal sacrifice, d. M.-J. Lagrange, "Les fouilles d'Elephantine," RB 1 7 ( 1 908 ) , 267; J .-B. Chabot, "Les fOl1illes de Clermont Ganneau a Elephantine," Journal des Savants ( 1 944 ) , 1 36ff, 14of; A. Vincent, op. cit., 2 5 5, 375; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 102; H. L. Ginsberg, JAOS 74 ( 1954) , 1 5 5; for the restoration of this papyrus d. "The Passover Letter" in Appendix III. P. Grelot, VT 4 ( 1 954 ) , 349ff supports with variations the restorations of Cowley and others against E. G. Kraeling, op. cit. , 92ff. 10 A. T. Olmstead, History of Palestine and Syria (New York, 193 1 ) , 605; M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 19 1 7 ) , 421, n. 1, cited this among other motives which led to the destruction of the Tem'ple.
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It should be emphasized that a strict separation of religious and political motivations is artificiaL The religious festival of Passover celebrated the political victory over the Egyptians. Any political resentment which the Egyptians, especially the Khnum priests, might have felt toward the Jewish representatives of Persian authority in Egypt would have been heightened by religious differences and the presence of a Temple to YHW, the God of the Jews.
Bribery The Anani whose servants effected the release of Mauziah at Abydos and whose favor the Elephantine Jews were told to curry was doubtless that Anani who was scribe and chancellor to Arsames at Memphis ( C 26:23 ) . A letter ( C 37) from there was addressed "To my lords Jedaniah, Mauziah, Uriah, and the garrison. Your servant. . . ." Here the papyrus is broken. One-third of the whole left side, including the name of the addressor, is missing. The gist of the message seems to be that while both Jews and Egyptians were seeking the ear of Arsames, the Jews feared for the success of their cause since the Egyptians were able to present a larger bribe. The letter may have contained reference to the two servants of Anani, Sebo and Bor ( i ) .11 The need to bribe lesser officials in order to gain access to their superiors is well illustrated in a lengthy demotic document drawn up a century ear lier. It shows how long a controversy might drag on and the manner in which government officials treated the various parties. The quarrel between Peteisis and the priests of Amun at Teuzoi concerned certain rights and benefices and was inherited from an earlier generation. Matters came to a head in the early summer of 513 when one Abmose came to Teuzoi to collect his annual stipend. There he found the granary and treasury empty. Pete isis, temple scribe at that time, was brought to the nome capital, Heracleopolis Magna, and forced to write out the reasbns for the temple's impoverishment. He returned to Teuzoi and his deposition was sent on to . "the governor" (P3 pcl) ? ) 12 at Memphis. Some days later a certain Pkoip 11
For treatment of this papyrus, d. M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 444ff; Ed. Meyer, Papyrus/und, 77; A. Anneler, op cit., 1 3 2ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 40; A. Vincent, op. cit., 378. For a later dating-the time of Amyrtaeusd. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 4f. 12 The reading and signification of the title are micertain; d. F. L1. Griffith,
CONFLICT AND RESOL UTION
28 3
arrived at Teuzoi with Peteisis' deposition in hand. He arrested Peteisis, his son, and four relatives; he also deposed and arrested the incumbent lesonis and appointed another in his stead. The deposed lesonis managed to escape and the new lesonis, enraged over this development, beat Peteisis almost to death. Peteisis spent three months under the care of a physician, recuperating from the beating. One night, he secretly boarded a wood-freighted boat bound for Memphis. He spent seven months in Memphis trying to gain access to "the governor." Pkoip did everything to prevent an audience, but a certain Semtutefnakht finally arranged an interview, no doubt for a fee. "The governor" had to send five times to Teuzoi before the priests there would come to Memphis. Upon their arrival, each was given fifty lashes. Peteisis, then, proceeded to press his claim for restoration of his rights before "the governor" and Semtutefnakht. "These events you are telling me are many," said "the governor." "Betake thee, pray, to a house . . . and write them out." While Peteisis was doing so, the Amun priests went to Semtutefnakht and presented him, his brother, and three sons with five temple stipends. He obligingly persuaded "the governor" to have them released. When Peteisis pres.ented his account to Semtutefnakht, he was informed that "the governor" had already dismissed the other priests. Peteisis was persuaded to return to Teuzoi with a letter of protection from Semtutefnakht and Al)mose. On his way home, Peteisis met someone who told him that his house had been set on fire. He returned to Memphis to renew his claim and press fresh charges. "The governor" appointed another Al)mose to accompany Peteisis to Teuzoi and return with the guilty priests. This Al)mose delayed so long that the other Abmose appointed a certain blind man to go to Teuzoi and bring back the priests. When the blind man arrived at Teuzoi, he was given five kite of silver by the priests; he managed to return to Memphis with only the lesonis. Unable to provide a satisfac tory explanation for the arson, the lesonis was given fifty lashes and thrown into jail. Peteisis pursued his case further but to no avail. He was finally persuaded by Al)mose to accept a promise from the lesonis that every wrong would be rectified. Returning to Teuzoi, he found the situation much the same as before. 1s Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 61, 65, n. 5, 219, n. 6; R. A. Parker, "The Durative Tenses in P. Rylands IX," lNES 20 ( 1 961 ) , 181. 13 P. Rylands . 9, 1-5; F. Ll. Griffith, Catalogue of the Demotic Papyri, III, 64ff; d. S. Sauneron, The Priests of Ancient Egypt, 19ff; E. Seidl, Xgyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 33f.
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Destruction at the Temple at YHW The sad fate that befell the Jewish community was also revealed in a peti tion. The copy preserved at Elephantine was written an a long, narrow strip of papyrus, two columns on the recto and one on the verso, the latter running lengthwise (C 27 ) . A line or so, including the address, is missing , at the beginning and a line may be missing at the end of the first column on the recto. TIle course of events was related at the beginning and the petition entered on the verso. The person whose favor was sought was addressed as "our lord" (C 27: 10, 19, 2lf)-Arsames or some other high Persian official, perhaps Anani.14 He was told that verification of that which they were telling him might be secured from the judicial, investigating, and police officials stationed in the province of Tshetres (C 27 :8f) . The events were described as follows : "In the year 14 of Darius the king [410 B.C.E.] , when our lord Arsames went to the king, this is the crime which the priests of the god Khnub committed in the fortress of Elephantine in concert with Vidranga who was frataraka here, having given him silver and goods : there is part of the royal stores which is in Elephantine the fortress-they de stroyed. And a wall (silr) they built in the middle of the fortress of Ele phantine." The second column began : "And now, that wall is built in the middle of the fortress." The letter went on to tell how the Khnum priests also stopped up a well from which the garrison was accustomed to drink.15 The wall built by the Khnum priests is apparently mentioned in two documents from the Ananiah family archive. On September 14, 437, Ana niah acquired a house whose boundaries were: northwest-the house of Satibar; northeast-"the storehouse of the king adjoins it"; southeast-the district of the god Khnum across the street; southwest-the Temple of the God YHW across the royal street (K 3 :7ff) . In 404 the northeastern por tion was deeded to Ananiah's daughter, Jehoishma. The relevant boundaries were then given as follows (K 9 : 8ff) : northwest-the "chapel of the god (qnl;nty = Egyptian knl; ntr) adjoins it wall to wall"; northeast-"the wan ('gr, ) of the 'shelter' ( hnpn = Old Iranian * hdmpana ) which the 14 A. Vincent, op. cit., 380, n. 15 This papyrus strip, measuring 63 X 7.3 em., was acquired from a dealer at Luxor in 1 898 and first published by J. Euting, "Notice sur un papyrus egypto arameen," MAT 1 1 ( 1 903 ) , 297ff. It has received extensive treatment; suffice it here to mention Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 26f; Ch . Clermont-Ganneau, RAO 6 ( 1904 ) , 221ff; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 78f; H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 34ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 46f; M. Sprengling, ATT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 441 ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 380; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 103.
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28 5
Egyptians built, i.e., the way of the god (tmw>nty = Egyptian t3 my ' t ntr)"; 1 6 southeast-J:Ior b. Peteisi, gardener of the god Khnum; southwest -Ananiah's big side. A document for the same property drawn up in 402 gave the northeast ern boundary with even greater precision : the royal storehouse adjoins wall to wall the "shelter" which the Egyptians built (K 10: 3f ) . The additional notation, unusual in a legal document, "which the Egyptians built," no doubt attested to a recent act if it did not also mean to cast aspersion on that act. It is hard to escape the impression that the wall bordering this "divine way" leading to the "chapel of the god" is the same as that men tioned in the petition. In the petition, the wall was said to have been built over the site of that part of the royal stores which was destroyed to effect the construction. In the document from the Ananiah archive, the wall was described as lying between Ananiah's house and the royal storehouse. For merly, these two buildings were adjacent to each other. It is likely that part of Ananiah's house was also destroyed when the wall was built. Another petition told what happened to this shrine during that fateful year. Arsames departed and went to the king. The priests of the god Khnub, who is in the fortress of Elephantine, conspired with Vidranga, who was frataraka here, to wipe out the Temple of the God YHW from the fortress of Elephantine. So that wretch Vidranga ;sent to his son Nefayan, who was garrison commander in the fortress of Syene, this order : 'the Temple ofthe God YHW in the fortress of Elephantine is to be destroyed.' Nefayan there upon led the Egyptians with the other troops. Coming with their . weapons to the fortress of Elephantine [they plundered and razed the Temple] ( C 30: 4ff//3 1 :4ff) . The erection of the "divine way" seems to have been directly connected with the destruction of the YHW Temple. The two events certainly oc curred at the same time and with the connivance of the chief official at Elephantine-Syene, Vidranga. Nothing was said about the building of the 16 For the meaning of the two Egyptian terms, cf. B . Couroyer, . RB 68 ( 1 961 ) , 53 1ff. In other respects, however, his grasp of the topography is at fault since he failed to realize that true orientation lay at a 45° angle to that given in the documents. Accordingly tmy alone is best rendered "town," " dis trict" and not "road." I benefitted greatly by discussing these questions of demotic with Professor George Hughes of the Oriental Institute, University of Chicago. For the meaning of the Persian term cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 241 (B. Geiger) ; J. de Menasce, BO 1 1 ( 1954) , 162.
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"divine chapel" at this time; it may have been erected earlier. In 434 the house of Satibar still existed northwest of at least part of the property of Ananiah ( K 4: 1 1 ) . It is unfortunate that the deed of 420 is damaged just where that boundary was given ( K 6:7 ) . A deed of December 1 3, 402 indi cates that the house of Pamu and Mardu, sons of Zili, stood where formerly Satibar dwelt ( K 1 2 : 19 ) . The "divine chapel" thus adjoined Ananiah's property to his northwest : some seven cubits in the upper part of his house ( K 9:6f) and his big side ( ca. 5 cubits ) in the lower end ( K 1O: 5f) . Whether it continued on the northwest side to border on the royal store house is unknown. The "divine way" led to the chapel from, or past, the house of Hor b. Peteisi who was already installed in the district of Khnum in 420 (K 6:8), a year before the Passover decree of Darius II. He was then known as "serv ant of the god Khnum." By 404 he bore the title "gardener of the god Khnum" ( K 9 : 10, 10:6) . His neighbors to the southwest were the Egyptian cataract boatmen PeJ:ti and Pemet, slaves or freedmen, sons of the woman Tawi ( K 1 2 : 20 ) . Between 434 and 420, the Egyptians began erecting dwellings southeast of the house ofAnaniah b. Azariah and most likely southeast of the Temple as well. About the same time they erected some sort of shrine on the other side of Ananiah's house. Its nature or function is unknown. Judging from the term used, it was not a large structure, perhaps no longer than twelve cubits, and may have been a Khnumeum, a burial place of rams sacred to the god of the Cataract Region.l1 These new constructions seem to have been the prelude to the conflict between the devotees of the god Khnum and the followers of the God YHW. If the shrine was, indeed, a Khnum eum and the Jews were in the habit of offering up lambs in their Temple, whether as a paschal sacrifice or otherwise, the source of the strife is ob vious. Hananiah, through his authorization of the Passover and perhaps through other action, would have contributed to the antagonism. The Khnum priests decided that the YHW Temple must be destroyed and bent all their efforts to that end. They were finally able to persuade Vidranga, plying him with a considerable bribe, that their cause was a just ' one. He ordered an armed contingent of Egyptians and others led by his 17 The suggestion is that of B. Couroyer, RB 68 ( 1 961 ) , 5 3 5, but the Khnum eum discovered by Ch. Clermont-Ganneau most likely dates to the Roman period; d. H. Ricke, "Die Tempel Nektanebos' II. in Elephantine und ihre Erweiterungen," Beitriige zur iigyptische Bauforschung, VI (Cairo, 1960 ) , 33ff. (See Plate 8b. )
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28 7
son Nefayan to destroy the Temple. They were rewarded for their efforts with spoil of precious vessels. Ananiah's house, lying opposite the Temple, no doubt suffered destruction as well and the Khnum priests erected an approach to the side ( ? ) of their shrine on the far edge of the ruins. The construction also required that a part of the royal storehouse be torn down. There is no apparent reason for the stopping up of the well. The priests may have had the well filled in to effect the construction of the approach to the shrine or it may have been done out of sheer animosity toward the Jewish soldiers. Whether the action of the Khnum priests against the YHW Temple was also tied up with a revolt of the Egyptians against Persian rule is hard to say. The evidence for rebellion at this time is of the most indirect sort. In discussing a naval battle at the Hellespont in 410, Diodorus (XIII.46.6) attributed to the Persian satrap Pharnabazus the not too clear statement that "the king of the Arabians and (the king? ) of the Egyptians had de signs upon Phoenicia." 18 A "king of the Egyptians," if such was the original text, implies that Egypt had revolted, perhaps at the time that Arsames left the country. Three letters sent by Arsames from abroad make reference to a time "when Egypt revolted" ( D 5 :6, 7:1 , 8 : 1 f, 4) . Although most of the satrap's ,estate escaped damage (D 7 ) , the revolt did result in some bloodshed (D 8 ) and confusion ( D 5 ) . During such periods of disturbances, Persian officials, military and civil ian, would often act according to their own lights, even in disregard of standing orders. The manager of one of Arsames' estates wrote to him, "Armapiya with the troop which is under him do not obey me in my lord's affair on which I am instructing them." So Arsames wrote to Armapiya, "In regard to this affair of my estate on which Psammetichus will instruct you and that troop which is under you-obey him and do what he says. Thus shall it be known to thee: If hereafter Psammetichus sends me com plaint of you, you will be strictly called to account and reprimanded" (D 4). The letters all indicate that the revolt was put down while Arsames was still away. Unfortunately, the extent of the revolt is not known, i.e., whether it reached Upper Egypt, and it cannot be dated with certainty. None of the letters is dated. The revolt may have occurred during Arsames' absence after the end of 424 as well as in 410. Although the. political situation in Elephantine in 410 is not clear, Vidranga did not escape punishment by his superiors. His property was 18 For this passage cf. the note in the Loeb Classics translation by C. H. Oldfather, Diodorus of Sicily ( Cambridge, 1950 ) , 248, n. 1 . See further A. Vin cent, op. cit., 389. .
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confiscated and it is possible, though not certain, that he was executed. The others responsible for the destruction and spoliation of the Temple Were executed (C 30 :16f//31 : 15f) .19 A document (C 34) from the Jedaniah archive, whose first lines are missing and which is damaged at the left edge, contains the names of over half a dozen women and of the Jewish leaders Jedaniah b. Gemariah, Hosea b. Jathom, Hosea b. Nattum (Nattun? ) , "Haggai his brother," and Ahio b.Mahseiah (? ) . The document also refers to the return of property which had been taken from certain houses and to a payment of 120 karsh. These people may have been insulted or injured, perhaps even arrested, "in the gate in Thebes (? ) ." It is tempting to assume that the plundered houses were those of the leaders and that the Khnum priests were the cul19 One of the most disputed phrases in these papyri is that translated by A. E. Cowley, "the dogs tore oft the anklets from his legs." In his rendering in J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492, H. L. Ginsberg translated, "The dogs took the fetter out of his foot" and appended in a footnote, "perhaps a mistake for 'his feet out of the fetter.' " So, too, A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 42. O. Tufnell studied "Anklets in Western Asia," Bulletin of the Institute of Archeology 1 (1958) , 37ft, and concluded that "while the literary evidence suggests that certain Persian officials wore anklets as a mark of distinction it is not confirmed by representations of this ornament on surviving monuments of the Persian court" (p. 5 1 ) . She further cited a private communication from G. R. Driver who knew of no use of the word kbl as ornament. But J. W. Epstein, "Glossen zu den 'aramaischen Papyrus und Ostraka,' '' ZAW 32 (19 1 2 ) , 1 28, already pointed to Shabo 6:4 where kbl designated women's anklets. In the Bible the term indicated putting someone('s feet) in chains; d. PS. 1 05 : 1 8, 149 : 8. An interpretation which would have Vidranga enchained and thrown to the dogs may point to the torture inflicted upon the wife of Masistes by Amestris, wife of Xerxes : "She cut off the woman's breasts and threw them to the dogs, and her nose and ears and lips likewise, and cut out her tongue, and sent her home thus poorly used" (Hdt . IX.1 1 2 ) . Persian muti lation was proverbial; d. also 1 Ki. 1 4 : 1 1 , 1 6 :4, 21 :23f; 2 Ki. 9 : 10, 36. If one takes the word klby> as an epithet for Vidranga, "cur," as does E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 08, n. 12, the problem of kbl, still remains. See H. Anneler, op. cit., 1 3 8f. Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 83, believed that Vidranga's corpse was thrown to the dbgs . A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 44ff, thought that Vidranga was killed in a Jewish counterattack. A. Vincent, op. cit., 381£, thought this unlikely though he suggested that once sentenced to death Vidranga and Nefayan may " well have been handed over to the Jews to carry out the sentence. E., G. Kraeling, op. cit., 105, 1 14, connected the Vidranga of K 1 3 :7 with the one in C 38:3 and accordingly assumed that he was merely demoted and assigned to another post at Abydos. The letter in K 1 3 is very damaged and his reconstruc tion of the relevant line most uncertain. For a translation of C 30: 16 indicating that the punishment of Vidranga is being prayed for but not achieved d. M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 191 7 ) , 438. .
�
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prits. In Thebes on a mission, possibly in connection with the impending blow, the leaders of the Jewish community suffered a setback. At the same time, the Temple was destroyed. The plot of the priests, then, would have been carried out at a very favorable conjunction of events : the absence of Arsames abroad and the absence of the Jewish leaders in Thebes.20
Negotiations tor Reconstruction The reconstruction of the YHW Temple was not easily effected. If it was to be rebuilt in its former glory, cedars had to be brought from Lebanon . for the roofing (C 30: 1 1 //31 : 10) and men had to be assigned to the construction. Besides the physical difficulties, the Jews still had to contend with the animosity of the Khnum priests. The priests undoubtedly argued very vigorously that the Temple had had no right to be there in the first place. Apparently, they refused to sanction even the erection of a temporary altar on the site, insisting that the site of the Temple be transferred else where. The Jews, naturally, felt that the former site alone was holy. After the destruction of the Temple, the Jews went into mourning; donned sackcloth and fasted; refrained from drinking wine, anointing their bodies with oil, and having sexual intercourse with their wives ( C 30: 19ff// 31 : 1 9ff) . They directed petitions to people in authority and influence (C 27) . They appealed to Bagohi, governor of Judah; Johanan the High Priest and his colleagues the priests; "Ostanes the brother of Anani and the nobles of the Jews" (C 30: 1 8f//31 : 17f) , but to no avail. Three years later another appeal was made to Bagohi and to Delaiah and Shelemiah, sons of Sanballat, the governor of Samaria. The identification of Anani with the Davidic descendant of that name ( 1 Chron. 3 :24) has been affirmed by some 21 but denied by others.22 A 20 For other treatments of this letter, most of which date it later, cf. Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 90; H. Anneler, op. cit., 146f; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 51f; M. Sprengling, ATT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 449f; A. Vincent, op. cit., 390; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 366; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 104, alone dates it earlier, just before 410. An ostracon (CG 44 ) addressed to "Je daniah" states that the writer was in prison ( [bm]sgr, ) where he was denied bread and water. The editor, A. Dupont-Sommer, "Un ostracon arameen inedit d'EIephantine (Collection Clermont-Ganneau N°. 44 ) ," Hebrew and Semitic Studies Presented to G. R. Driver ( Oxford, 1963 ) , 53ff, thinks it may be re lated to this peri od . 21 See most recently E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 108f; H. L. Ginsberg apud Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492, n. 16. 22 Cf. J. Liver, The House of David (Hebrew, Jerusalem, 1 9 59 ) , 1 6f. A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 44; and A. Vincent, op. cit., 382, would identify this Anani
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sister of Delaiah and Shelemiah was married to a brother of the High Priest Johanan (Neh. 1 2 : 22, 1 3 :28) . Even though the High Priest's brother "was driven out" by Nehemiah ( 1 3 : 28 ) , cordial relations reigned between Delaiah and Nehemiah's successor, Bagohi. The latter, though he bore a Persian name, may have been, like Ostanes, a Jew, since the other governors of Judah during the fifth and fourth centuries all seem to have been Jews-Urio/3 Hananah, Jehoazar, Ahzai, and Jehezekio.24 Two draft copies of the petition to Bagohi were preserved (C 30//31 ) . This petition contained the most elaborate salutation of any letter so far uncovered : "May the God of Heaven seek the welfare of our lord abun dantly at all times and give you favor before king Darius and the nobles a thousand times more than now. May you be happy and healthy at all times." The letter recounted the destruction and looting of the Temple with the prominent official known elsewhere in the Aramaic papyri (C 26:23, 38:4, 10) . 23 Cf. N. Avigad, "A New Class of Yehud Stamps," IET 7 ( 19 57 ) , 146ff. 24 Cf. Y. Aharoni, "Excavations at Ramat Ra}:iel," BA 24 ( 1961 ) , lloff; idem, "Excavations at Ramat Ral;tel, Seasons 1 959 and 1960 (Rome, 1962 ), 5ff, 30ff, 56ff, 61ff; idem, Excavations at Ramat Ral;wl, Seasons 1961 and 1962 ( Rome, 1964 ) , 21f, 44ff; idem, "The Citadel of Ramat Ra}:iel," Archaeology 1 8 ( 1965 ) , 23; P. W. Lapp, "Ptolemaic Stamped Handles from Judah," BASOR 1 72 ( 1963 ) , 33, n. 56, gives the reading of F. M. Cross >Q.zy instead of >Q.yw; 34, n. 59, gives the reading of F. M. Cross yQ.zqyw instead of yQ.zqyh for the Beth-zur coin. Y. Aharoni (orally) concurs in the reading >Q.zy. F. M. Cross rejects the reading pQ.W), "The Governor," appended to the names Je hoazar and Ahzai, and insists upon pQ.T>, "The Potter." Cf. J. Naveh, Develop ment of the Aramaic Script, 77ff. Claiming Bagohi as Jew-cf. the name Bigwai among the caravan leaders who returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua ( Ez. 2 : 2//Neh. 7:7) -virtually sev ers him from identification with Bagoas/Bagoses the strategos of Artaxerxes II who backed Jesus ( Jeshua) against his brother Johanan to the point where the latter committed fratricide in the Temple. As a punishment Bagoas levied a seven-year tribute of fifty drachms for every lamb offered in the daily sacrifice. The name Bagoas/Bagoses was not an uncommon one among the Persians; d. the Persian general of that name during the reign of Artaxerxes III who played a prominent role in court affairs; A. T. Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 437f, 489f, 505, 5 1 8. Moreover, when Josephus, who reported this tale, re- " ferred to the ruler of Samaria, a territorial unit like that of Judah, he did hOt use the term strategos but satrap (d. Ant. XL7.1-2, 297ff) . For discussion of the relation of Sanballat to the Jerusalem authorities, d. H. H. Rowley, "San ballat and the Samaritan Temple," BTRL 3 8 ( 1955-5 6 ) , 1 66f, particularly p. 1 88 for discussion of Jedaniah's petition and the reactions thereto; G. E. Wright, Shechem, 1 7Sff.
CON FLICT AND R E S OLUTION
29 1
and the punishment of those guilty of the crime. To emphasize the Tem ple's legitimacy and the official recognition which it had formerly enjoyed, the deponents averred, "Now our forefathers built this Temple in the for tress of Elephantine back in the days of the kingdom of Egypt and when Cambyses came to Egypt he found it built." Then, citing what was appar ently little more than popular Egyptian propaganda against the Persians, they added, "They [the Persians 1 knocked down all the temples of the gods of the Egyptians" and specifically noted, "But no one did any damage to this Temple" (C 30: 13ff//3 1 : 1 2ff ) . Complaining that earlier letters had gone unanswered and that they had been living in a state of mourning for over three years, they set forth their request : If it please our lord, take thought of this Temple to rebuild it since they do not let us rebuild it. Look to your well-wishers and friends here in Egypt. Let a letter be sent from you to them concerning the Temple of the God YHW tb build it in the for tress of Elephantine as it was built before; and the meal-offering, incense, and holocaust will be offered in your name, and we shall pray for you at all times, we and our wives and our children and the Jews who are here, all of them, if you do thus, so that that Temple is rebuilt (C 30:23ff//3 1 :22ff) . They concluded by noting that they had also written to Delaiah and Shelemiah, sons of Sanballat, governor of Samaria, and that "Arsames knew nothing of all that was done to us" (C 30: 29f//31 : 28f) . The earlier unanswered letters may have been sent by the regular postal service. The new epistles were delivered by personal messenger, perhaps Jedaniah b. Gemariah himself. The letter gives no indication of whether the presentation of the petition was accompanied by a gift.25 Delaiah and Bagohi joined in issuing reply to the petition of the Ele phantine Jews-not in the form of a letter as requested but in an oral com munication to be delivered to Arsames. It was recorded in a memorandum by the messenger and repeated almost verbatim the pertinent phrases of the petition, noting that the Temple was to be rebuilt on its former site.26 There was one important exception-the omission of burnt-offering. The failure of the Jerusalem authorities to answer the earlier petition may have reflected their unwillingness to sanction the existence of a sanctuary to 25 Cf. M. Voge1stein, "Bakshish for Bagoas?" JQR 3 3 ( 1 942-43 ) , 89ff; H. L. Ginsberg apud Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 492, n . 1 8. 26 Cf. A. Vincent, op. cit., 2 53f.
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YHW outside of Jerusalem. Their subsequent willingness may have been due to compromise; meal offering and incense 27 were permitted but holo caust was not. The Elephantine Jews accepted this limitation of their rights. The five leaders of the community, Jedaniah b. Gemariah, Mauziah b. Nathan, Shemaiah b. Haggai, Hosea b. Jathom, and Hosea b. Nattun now turned to "our lord," probably Arsames, and said, "If our lord is [favo] rabIe, and the Temple of ou[r] , God YHW [is rebuilt] in the fortress of Elephan tine as it was for[merly buil]t and n[o] sheep, ox, or goat is offered there 27 An inscribed incense altar may be of interest in this connection. About 200 limestone altars or incense stands were found in three deposits, "uncon nected with burials or domestic quarters," at Lachish. Most of the altars were found in two caves with collapsed roofs. The rest were scattered. One altar, about 1 6. 5 cm. high and between 1 1 and 1 2 cm. wide on each side, contained a lightly scratched Aramaic inscription on one face. The shallow depression on the top surface did not show signs of fire. The shape of the letters and adjacent pottery argue for a fifth century date for the inscription. The altar surface on the left-hand edge of the inscription is worn away and it is uncertain how many letters are missing. Moreover, the lower half of the third line is missing. At least three different restorations and interpretations have been offered. A. Du pont-Sommer read: lbnt> y[w,] S bn m�[yr/sh] lyh mr>[h qrb] and translated, "Incense (which ) Joash b. Mel}.ir ( 7 Mahseh 7 ) offered to Yah his Lord." Cf. O. Tufnell, Lachish III (Tell ed-Duweir) : The Iron Age (New York, 19 53 ) , 226, 3 83f, PIs. 49 :3, 68 : 1 , with note by A. Dupont-Som mer, 3 5 8f; A. Dupont-Sommer "Les autels a encens de Lakish," Annuaire de L'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales et Slaves 1 3 ( 1 953; Melanges Isidore Levy ) , 1 3 5ff. W. F. Albright, "Some Recent Publications," BASOR 1 32 ( 1 9 5 3 ) , 47, transcribed the text quite differently: Ibnt, y [,] s bn mz[r] lyh[w?] rzk'l and translated, "0 Incense! Let Yaosh (7 ) son of Mazzer ( ? ) be absolved from guilt!" According to him the text is pagan Phoenician and not Jewish. J . T. Milik, "Nouvelles inscriptions semitiques et grecques du pays de Moab," Studii Biblici Franciscanum, Liber Annuus, 9 ( 19 58-59 ) , 334, n. 4, transcribed : lbnt 'y s bn m� ly h [ . . Hy] and translated "The incense (altar ) of )Iyas son of Mal}.lai, the. . . ." For him the text was Arabic (Idumean? ) and is to be dated ca. 450. A careful examina tion of the plate leads one to agree more with the restorations of Dupont-Som mer and Milik than with that of Albright. Cf. J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 73f. The text as well as the identity of the Lachish temple (cf . O. Tufnell, op. cit., 14If) merit further treatment.
.
CONFLICT AND RESOLUTION
2 93
as holocaust, but only incense, meal-offering and [drink offering] and if our lord giv[es] orders [to that effect, then] 28 we shall pay into our lord's house the s[um of . . . and] a thous[and] ardabs of barley" (C 3 3 ) .29 28 A. Vincent, op. cit., 388, has reconstructed these lines differently, the ef fect being that the Temple had already been rebuilt and that permission was being sought to offer burnt offerings as well as meal-offerings and incense. This seems less likely. For a more recent reconstruction, d. the discussion of P. Grelot, "La reconstruction du temple juif d'EIephantine," Orientalia 3 6 ( 1967 ) , 1 73ff. H e assumes that permission has already been granted and the letter is an acknowledgment thereof. 29 The subject of the destruction of the Temple and the resultant petitions seeking its reconstruction has received the most extensive treatment of any concerning the Elephantine Jewish community. Besides its intrinsic interest and the many contacts which it establishes with the Books of Ezra and Nehe miah, it poses several critical problems: ( 1 ) Why did the Elephantine Jews petition the Jerusalem authorities? ( 2 ) Why did the Jerusalem officials not answer the first appeal? ( 3 ) Why did the Elephantine Jews appeal to Samaria in their second attempt? (4) What is the significance of the omission of burnt offering from the memorandum of Delaiah and Bagohi? In response to the first question, it is at least tacitly assumed, if not explicitly stated, that Jerusalem was already then, as she continued to be down through the Roman period, the metropolis of, "world" Jewry. Opinions differ as to whether the authorities there had an official say an cultic matters in the Diaspora or whether it was merely their influence which was being sought. Consensus has developed with regard to the second question though there are differences in detail and emphasis the Jerusalem officials looked askance at the existence of a Jewish Temple, whose cult was not the most orthodox at that, on foreign soil. The third question has given rise to a variety of answers, most of which are involved in an estimation of the state of relations existing between Judah and Samaria at the time. The appeal to Samaria has been cited as evidence both for the fact that the Samari tan schism had already taken place (e.g., R. Marcus, Josephus [Loeb Classical Library; London, 19371 VI, 507 ) and that it had not yet taken place (H. H. Rowley, BJRL 38 [1955-56], 166ff) . The recent discovery of the Samarian Aramaic papyri from the fourth century makes it less likely that the schism had already taken place. Cf. F. M. Cross, BA 26 ( 1963 ) , 1 1 off; G. E. Wright, Shechem, 1 7 5ff; F. M. Cross, HTR 59 ( 1 966 ) , 208ff. The appeal has also strengthened the proposition that the Elephantine Jews came from Northern Israel exclusively or primarily, rather than from Judah. This view was most fully propounded by A. van Hoonacker, Une communate iudeo-arameene. Some three different views have developed in response to the fourth question : the omission was a cqncession to Egyptian susceptibilities (no more sacrifice of the ram ) , to Persian susceptibilities (no more profaning of fire) , a compromise between the latitudinarian Samaritans and the restrictive Judahites. For this last view d. especial1y E. Mittwoch, "Der Wiederaufbau des jiidischen Tempels in Elephantine," Festschrift H. Cohen (Berlin, 191 2 ) , 229ff; M. L. Margolis, "The Elephantine Documents," JQR 2 ( 1 9 1 1-1 2 ) , 426. Three of the papyri which serve as the source for this subject (C 30-3 2 )
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CONFLICT AND R E S O LUT ION
Restoration Was the Temple rebuilt on its former site and a reduced worship taken up there to YHW the God? It will be recalled that on November 26, 404 an other document was drawn up by Ananiah for the apartment which he had presented to his daughter on July 11, 420. The new deed of gift contained certain substantive differences in line with Ananiah's advancing years and the changed northeastern boundary. It was conjectured earlier that Ana niah saw his house, or at least part of it, destroyed along with the Temple and the southwest wall of the royal storehouse which it adjoined. The Khnum priests may also have objected to the reconstruction of this house. Jehoishma's document was drawn up about seven months subsequent to the accession of Artaxerxes II. Perhaps it was Artaxerxes who first issued definite orders regarding the Temple of the Jews and, incidentally, the right of Ananiah to rebuild his house on its former site. After the house was re built, Ananiah felt it necessary to draw up a new document for Jehoishma's share, adding the changes brought about by the passage of time. The deed of sale for the remainder of the property is most significant for the information it supplies on this subject. It was drawn up on Decem ber 12, 402 by "Anani b. Azariah Z6lJ.en of YHW and the woman Tapmut were first published by Ed. Sachau in a separate edition, Drei aramiiische Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine (Berlin, 1908) and then in a small vocalized edition by W. Staerk, Aramaeische Urkunden zur Geschichte des Judentums im VI and V Jahrhundert vor Chr. (Bonn, 1908) along with C 27 and the Ara maic passages from Ezra. The first three documents plus a fourth, hitherto un published, were given by Sachau as the first four papyri in his publication Aramiiische Papyrus und Ostraka and again by A. Ungnad, Aramiiische Papyrus aus Elephantine (Leipzig, 191 1 ) . They were translated into English with com mentary by M. Sprengling, AJT 21 ( 1 9 1 7 ) , 434ff, 447ff, and constitute nos. 30-33 in Cowley's edition of 1923. H. Gressmann translated them afresh in his Altorientalische Texte wm alten Testament (Berlin, 1926; 2nd ed. ) , 450ff as did H. L. Ginsberg in J. B. Pritchard, Ancient Near Eastern Texts, 49 1£ and H. H. Rowley in D. W. Thomas, Documents from Old Testament Times ( Lon don, 1 9 5 8 ) , 260ff. A Hebrew translation and commentary was given by Z. Ben- " Haim in the Hebrew Encyclopaedia Biblica (Jerusalem, 1958) III, 433f. For treatment of the subject cf. H. Gunkel, "Der Jahutempel in Elephantine," Deutsche Rundschau 1 34 ( 1908) , 30ff; Ed. Meyer, Papyrusfund, 79ff; H. An neler, op. cit., 1 34ff; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 47ff; A. Vincent, op. cit., 3 1 2ff; · E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 100ff; and the various Biblical histories and encyclo pediae.
C O N FLICT AND R E S O LUTION
2 95
his wife, l"l;enah of YHW the God who dwells in Elephantine the fortress" (K 1 2 : lf) . It was explicitly indicated that southwest of their property, across the royal street, lay the "Temple of YHW" (K 1 2 : 18f ) . Thus, both the Presence and Temple of YHW are stated to be again in the fortress of Elephantine. It may be argued that these passages are not conclusive evi dence for the full reconstruction of the Temple as it had previously existed. Still, they indicate that eight and a half years after its destruction, the site was still reserved for YHW the God. It had not been taken over by Khnum nor devoted to any other purpose. It is possible, therefore, that some struc ture was re-erected on the spot and a reduced sacrificial service reinsti tuted.so It is likely that Artaxerxes decided in favor of the Jews to assure their loyalty in the face of the rebellion of the rest of Egypt. Amyrtaeus was recognized as king of Egypt after the death of Darius II though the three cited documents of Ananiah show that his rule did not yet extend to Ele phantine. The garrison there maintained its loyalty to the Persians at least down through the beginning of 401. The last document ( C 7) dated to Artaxerxes II was a promise to render an oath made by Ma1chiah to an unknown accuser on 18 Phaophi in the fourth year of that king (January 1 8, 401 ) . Partially damaged, it may be restored as follows, "You have com plained against me in Nepha saying, 'You have forced your way into my house, assaulted my wife, forcefully taken goods from my house and ap propriated them to yourself.' " 31 The accusation was similar to that made against Nakhtbor, manager of Arsames' estate, by Maspat, manager of the estate of another Persian dignitary, Warfish ( D 12 ) . The incident may have occurred during the Egyptian revolt (423?, 410? ) or shortly thereafter. "Nakhtbor has taken and appropriated to himself the wine which is in Papremis and the crop from the land, all of it. He has assaulted my lady's domestic staff and taken property from them." Though the Elephantine case was between two members of the garrison, it may reflect something of the unrest attendant upon the transfer of allegiance from Artaxerxes II to Amyrtaeus. The next, and also the last, dated private contract is an LO.U. drawn up on Phamenoth 2 1 ( ? ) , Amyrtaeus 5 (June 19, 400 ) . Menahem b. Shallum was divorced from his wife Salluah and still owed 30 Cf. E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 10; J. Reider, JQR 44 ( 1 953-54 ) , 33 9; E. HammershaimD, "To nye samlinger ararnaiske dokumenter fra 5. arh. f. Kr.," Dansk teologisk Tidsskrift 1 8 (19 5 5 ) , 1 3of. For the earlier views cf. Ed. M eyer, Papyrusfund, 90; . H. Anneler, op. cit., 146; A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 51; A. Vincent, op. cit., 3 87ff. 31 Cf. Appendix III, 2 for reconstruction of this text.
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her two shekels ( one stater) of her dowry which h e had not yet returned. He promised to do so within a month. Penalty was provided for failure to return the sum (C 3 5 ) . Life apparently went on as usual under the new ruler as under the old. On October 1, 399, Shewa b. Zechariah wrote to Islal)., perhaps from Memphis, and reported the seizure of the throne by Nepherites (K 1 3 ) . Unfortunately, the letter is too fragmentary to detect the feelings of the writer toward the change in ruler. Reference is made to a Vidranga but his identity is uncertain.32
"
Aftermath No documents dated later than 399 have been found. Whether the Jewish garrison at Elephantine came to an end at this time is unknown. Since the Jews had worked out a modus vivendi with the Khnum priests subsequent to the many negotiations after the destruction of the Temple in 410 and had managed to weather the storm of the death of Darius II and the estab lishment at Elephantine of the rule of Amyrtaeus a few years later, there is no inherent reason why they could not have rendered their services to the Egyptian crown as they had done before the Persian conquest. One Egyptian dynasty rapidly gave way to its supplanter-Twenty-eighth Dy nasty (Amyrtaeus alone, 404-399 ) , Twenty-ninth Dynasty ( 399-380 ) , Thirtieth Dynasty ( 3 80-343 ) .33 Before Artaxerxes III had reconquered Egypt in 343, the last Pharaoh, Nectanebos II, had commenced construction on the southern edge of the island of a temple to Khnum, 81 by 54 cubits (42.53 X 28.35 m. ) and one to Sati, 45 by 35 cubits (23.63 X 18.38 m. ) . They were further enlarged under the Ptolemies and the Romans. Under one of these regimes, a well constructed outer brick wall, some five meters thick, was erected right up against house h (see Figure 3 ) , in which were discovered Aramaic papyri and storage jars bearing Aramaic and Phoenician inscriptions.34 Was the house in which they were stored cleared away to make room for the street which ran along and outside the Temple wall? It is not certain. But the modern discovery of papyri and jars suggests that it was not. The house in, the layer or so above ran more parallel to the Temple wall. It contained 32 Cf. E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 3f, 283. 33 For dates d. F. K. Kienitz, op. cit., 1 66ff; A. Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs, 452f; E. Drioton and J. Vandier, op. cit., 60 5f, 620ff. 34 Unfortunately the papyri disintegrated upon exposure.
�j
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297
a Greek graffito dated to late Roman times, "Homage of the foreigners." Were they, too, mercenaries? The homage which the foreigner rendered to the native was already apparent with the conquest of Alexander. The work on the Khnum temple was consummated by Alexander II. The free-stand ing portal which he erected may still be seen there today.35 ( See Plate 7a. ) The last dated private contract of the Jewish community indicated a divorce and the first document of the Greek colony was a marriage contract. It is the earliest Greek papyrus contract uncovered in Egypt. "In the 7th year of the reign of Alexander son of Alexander, the 14th year of the sa trapship of Ptolemy, in the month Dius. Marriage contract of Heraclides and Demetria." He was from Temnos and she and her parents, who pre sented her in marriage, from Cos. Both were apparently well-to-do since her dowry was valued at 1,000 drachm ( 500 Elephantine shekels ) . The migratory life of the mercenary is reflected in the clause that husband and wife shall live together wherever it seems best to husband and father-in law, "consulting in common." Whatever the uncertainty of domicile, both partners sought security in monogamy and marital faithfulness. Stipulations reminiscent of clauses in the contracts of Mibtahiah and Jehoishma were included : "If Demetria is discovered doing any evil to the shame of her husband Herqclides, she shall be deprived of all she brought. . . . It shall not be lawful for Heraclides to bring home another wife in insult of Demetria nor to have children by another woman nor to do any evil against 35 The "Tempelhofmauer" was uncovered on January 1 5, 1907 by the Ger man excavator O. Rubensohn who, along with W. Honroth and F. Zucker wrote a "Bericht tiber die Ausgrabungen auf Elephantine in den Jahren 19061908," ZAS 64 ( 1 909-1 0) , 14ff. For their description of house k cf. pp. 23ff and Tafel V. The temple wall is described on pp. 3 5ff. Excavations of the Khnum and Satet temples were subsequently undertaken by H. Ricke on Jan uary 1 3-26, 1938, February 1 5-23, 1954 and February 1 1-26, 19 58. The re sults were published by him in "Die Tempel Nektanabos' II in Elephantine und ihre Erweiterungen," Beitriige zur iigyptische Bauforschung, VI (Cairo, 1960) . E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 1 1 5, thought the Jews did not survive into the Thirtieth Dynasty. He observed, "the street which skirts the wall of the Khnum temple seems to impinge on the houses of the Aramean district in a manner suggesting that these were no longer occupied when it was laid." But already Zucker and Rubensohn, op. cit., 42f, did not date the wall-which would have been the last structure erected-until the time of Ptolemy I while Ricke, op. cit., 33, thought it might also have been erected during the Roman period when an extension was added to the front of the temple. For details of, and references relating to, the Alexander II portal cf. B . Porter and R. L. B. Moss, Topo graphical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings (Oxford, 1937) V, 227. For location of the temples, see Plates 1, 2 .
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CONFLICT AND R E SOLUTION
Demetria on any pretext." Violation resulted in return of dowry and a 1,000 drachm penalty. S6 The newcomers may have been more accommo dating to the religious susceptibilities of the worshipers of the ram-god, but their desire for family stability differed but little from that of their Jewish predecessors. S6 P. Eleph. 1 was discovered, published and discussed by O. Rubensohn, Elephantine-Papyri (BerFn, 1907 ) and translated by A. S. Hunt and C. Edgar, Select Papyri (The Loeb Classical Library; London, 1932) I, 3£.
E P I LO G U E
The suggested date of ca. 650 for the establishment of the Elephantine Jewish community gives it a life span of at least ten generations. During that period its language became Aramaic but the names of the people re mained Hebrew and their deity, Israelite. The religious influence of the Arameans was nominal and that of the Egyptians negligible. Intermarriage occurred with both Egyptian slaves and Egyptian officials in the Persian government. In both cases the Egyptian was assimilated into the Jewish community. . Egyptian and Aramaic deeds of conveyance and loan bear great similarity, indicating like practices in economic matters. Marriage contracts, on the other hand, differ considerably, indicating that the Jews retained their own social practices. The greatest similarity was in the right of the woman to divorce her husband; it is possible this right existed in ancient Israel. There were other Jewish communities, perhaps also military colonies, established in the northeastern border posts of Migdol and Tahpanhes Daphnae and in the capital of Memphis. These maintained contact with one another as well as with the Elephantine community. Some Jews held high positions in the satrap's court; Anani was Chancellor and Scribe at the end of the fifth century. Like other highly placed Jews, Nehemiah and Mordecai in the court of Susa, he showed consideration for the welfare of his Jewish brethren in their struggles. An apparently unique feature of the Elephantine Jewish community was the existence of a Temple to YHW. It was oriented toward Jerusalem and the size of the Temple complex resembled that of Solomon's Temple. In fact, it foreshadowed the situation in the Jewish military colony at Leontopolis established in the middle of the second century B.C.E. by Onias IV, scion of the Jerusalem high priest. This colony also had a Tem ple on the model of the one in Jerusalem. The erection of the Leontopolis
3 00
E P ILOGUE
shrine most likely resulted from the disappointment of Onias IV at being excluded from what he regarded as his rightful post in the Jerusalem Tem ple. Similarly, the Temple at Elephantine may have been built under the impetus of priests who were forced to flee Jerusalem because of Manasseh's cultic innovations. The Qa�r eVAbd at 'Araq el-Emir in Transjordan has recently been ex plained "as a unique indigenous example of the old Syrian temple type in " the Hellenistic period.' This incompleted structure is doubtless the bc1ris erected by Hyrcanus, also related to the high priestly family. Disagreement with his brothers and father Joseph forced him to retire to the ancestral estate in Transjordan. There he spent his time fighting the Arabs. At the same site Toubias, the father of Joseph, earlier headed a cleruchy in the service of the Ptolemies. The question of whether the Elephantine Jewish military colony fell into the category of what was later known as a cleruchy must be left open. Cleruchs received plots of land (kleroi) varying in size according to rank and branch of service. In exchange they performed various military duties. J Herodotus recorded that Egyptian soldiers received small grants of land and it is assumed that foreign mercenaries also received such grants. But agricultural land in and around Elephantine was so meager that the pos sibilities of sizable grants there were next to nil. The ostraca do suggest some farming but this was probably no more than vegetable gardening. There was also some pasturage and the Jews did keep sheep and goats. A fragmentary papyrus has been restoted by Cowley to indicate that the degel held agricultural land, but the restorations are far from certain. If the plots and grazing land were government grants, the Elephantine Jews might technically be considered cleruchs. The Pharaonic and Ptolemaic grants were expected to sustain the soldier and his family, but the grants at Elephantine could provide only a supplemental income. The soldiers, therefore, received a regular monthly ration. If a cleruchy was a military group which was expected · to be economically self-sufficient, the Elephan tine garrison was most likely not a cleruchy. On the other hand, an essen tial reason for establishing soldiers on the soil was to provide a sure source for military recruitment. At least one son of the cleruch was expected to follow the military profession. In this respect, the Elephantine community " did constitute a cleruchy. There is one important economic question which we are unable to an swer. If the opportunities for accumulating an econorriic surplus from agriculture were strictly limited at Elephantine, what was the source of all the money which the possessions of Mibtahiah and .Jehoishma imply? One
E P I L O GUE
301
possible answer is trade; Elephantine was a transit post. Unfortunately, the documents are silent on this point. Although situated at the southern extremity of Egypt, the Elephantine Jewish community was apparently known to Deutero-Isaiah. It maintained contact with the center of Jewish life in Jerusalem and with the leaders in Samaria. The Jerusalem community, in the person of Nehemiah's brother Hananiah, may have been eager to see that the Elephantine Jews observed the Passover. When their Temple was destroyed, the Elephantine Jews turned to the Jerusalem and Samarian authorities for help in securing its reconstruction. After much hesitation, the Jerusalem authorities agreed to the reconstruction of a sanctuary in which only meal-offerings and incense, but not holocausts, would be allowed. The Leontopolis Temple was granted similar limited recognition by the Jerusalem authorities. Persian rule maintained itself at Elephantine for a few years after Amyr taeus had established himself in the Delta. This sole ruler of the Twenty eighth Dynasty was recognized at Elephantine by June 19, 400. He was overthrown the following year by Nepherites I who instituted the Twenty ninth Dynasty. It is not known if the Elephantine Jewish community suc ceeded in surviving this second change of rule. If they did not, they may have done what earlier discontented soldiers at Elephantine did or threat ened to do-leave for Nubia.
APPENDIXE S
A P P EN D I X
T H E N O TAT I O N S "2 AND
"
1
I
to the
10
S to the
10
r
" "
The notation "2 r to the ten/ ( 10)" or "2 r to the karsh" has been con sidered to refer to a five per cent alloy in the silver. The r apparently is the abbreviation of rbe " "quarter," and was not only used to designate a quar ter of a shekel but was also applied to linear measures ( [� cubit] K 7 : 7, 9 ) , and measurements of capacity ( [� ardab] C 24 :7, 16, 28, 30; cf. C 81 ) .1 Although some references to silver contain no additions (K 1 :3, 5, 7f, 2 : 6ff, 10, 14, 16, 7:passim though note 7 : 32; C 1 : 7, 1 3 :6, 11, 42 :4) and some mention only the expression "by the stones of the king" (K 5 :8, 10: 14; C 1O :�j., 1 5 : 34ff) there is usually added, particularly in fines, either the expression ksp $r(y) p, "refined silver" (C 5 : 7, 28 : l Of; K 5 : 14f, 9 : 2°, 10: 10f, 1 1 :6, 12:30) or "2 r to the ten," "2 r to the 10," "2 r to one karsh," "zuz to the ten," "zuz to the 10," "zuz to one karsh." This formula also appears in instances other than fines : price of a house ( K 3 :6) or evaluation of dowry ( C 1 5 : 7; K 7 : 17 ) . The term "refined silver" is not so found. A. E. Cowley 2 thought that the two expressions were distinct; E. C. Kraeling 3 that they were synonymous. The latter assumed that ksp $r( y ) p was identical with the kaspu pe$u, "white silver," o f the Persepolis Akka dian tablet published by C. C. Cameron,4 and concluded on the basis of the accounts in that tablet that silver with up to five per cent impurity fell within the category of "refined silver." It seems to me, however, that we should equate ksp $r (y) p with kaspu murruqu in the Babylonian texts. These texts indicate that "white silver" was a third-grade silver with various degrees of alloy and was the kind commonly employed in commercial transactions in Babylonia. The three classifications in the Persepolis text fall into this third-grade category and give the following classification : 1
Cf. G. R. Driver, "The Aramaic Papyri froin Egypt," JRAS ( 1932 ) , 84ff. 2 A. E. Cowley, op. cit., xxxi. 3 E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 39£. 4 G. C. Cameron, Persepolis Treasury Tablets, 2ooff.
3 06
APPENDIXES
"white silver," "2nd (-class ) silver," and "3rd (-class ) silver." The latter two classifications are thus merely subdivisions of this 3rd-grade silver, the differences being in the amount of alloy.5 The fact that a description of silver in the papyri is accompanied either by the expression "refined silver" or the expression "2 r/zuz to the ten/ ( 10) /karsh" and never by both, suggests that the expressions are related. Both expressions must refer to a standard of purity. Still, there are instances cited above where no descriptive term was added or where the scribe merely referred to weight "by the stones of the king." Besides, if a standard of purity was meant, why should some fines be paid in pure silver and others in silver with a five per cent alloy? There is no apparent relation between the amount of the fine or the nature of the document and the choice of phrase, though K 9, 10, 12, and perhaps K 5, all containing the phrase "refined silver," were written by the same scribe. Moreover, the standard description of silver in the demotic documents is wtlt ( M 4 :2, 5 : 5f, 1 2 : 1 1; MP 3 2 : 7, 37:4 etc. ) ; "literally meaning 'refined' it denotes undebased metal. . ." 6 An expression similar in form to "2 r to the 10" was added to silver notations in the Ptolemaic demotic documents: "copper, 24 obols for 2 kite." This means that 24 copper obols are the equivalent of four silver drachm, i.e., no agio is to be added even though payment is made in copper; or "26 obols for 2 kite" which means that a 2 0bol agio was to be paid to bring the copper payment in line with the silver value.7 Finally, how are we to account for the difference between the Persian karsh weight of 83.33 grams and the ten shekels of 87.6 grams? If "2 r to the 10" does not refer to the difference, it is certainly a neat coincidence. I conclude that all payments at Elephantine (if less than ten shekels ) were meant to be weighed according to the Egyptian weight of 8.76 grams (unless the weight specified was "by the stones of Ptal)." ) and paid in refined silver (although even this probably contained some alloy) .8 When calculated in sums of ten or multiples thereof, i.e., "karsh amounts," payments were made ac.
5 For discussion of the various terms in the Babylonian texts cf. H. Pognon, "Notes assyriologiques," JA 1 1 th series, 17 ( 1 921 ) , 3 0ff; B. Landsberger, "Be merkungen zu San Nicolo und Ungnad, Neubabylonische Rechts- und Verwal tungsurkunden, 'Bd. I 1 .2,' " ZA 3 9 ( 19 3 0 ) , 3 8 3ff; W. H. Dubberstein, "Com parative Prices in Later Babylonia," AJSL 56 ( 19 3 9 ) , 22f. 6 C. F. Nims, "Demotic Papyrus Loeb 6 2 : A Reconstruction," Acta Orien talia 2 5 ( 1 960) , 27 3 . 7 Cf. the recent discussion in E. Liiddeckens, Xgyptische EhevertrCige, 3 1 lff. 8 Cf. the sevenfold refined silver of Ps. 1 2 : 7 which indicates that there were degrees of refined silver. For "Metallurgy in the Old Testament," cf. A. Guil laume, PEQ, 1962, 1 29ff.
APP ENDIXES
307
cording to the "weight of Persia," i.e., a slightly lighter weight. In drawing up a document which required a monetary notation, the scribe added one or more descriptions of the silver, but he never gave three additions, e.g., "5 shekels by the stones of the king, pure silver, 2 r to the 10." The notation "1 sh [ekel] to the 10" (C 1 1 : 2 ) was considered by Cowley to mean a 10 per cent alloy in the silver. I assume it means that one shekel of the kite standard was to be added to the karsh to bring the weights of one karsh and one deben ( 10 kite) in line. If we calculate on the basis of the maximum value of the kite (d. above, p. 68) we would get a value of 95.3 grams for the deben and only 92.8 for the "1-karsh-plus-1-kite shekel." That the weight of the kite during this period was not as precise as was the "stater" (Petrie's term ) , i.e., the Elephantine shekel, may be seen from the fact that specimens dating from the 26th Dynasty through Roman times indicate a split into a low of 9.46 grams and a high of 9.91 grams while those specimens datable to the shorter period (26th Dynasty to 30th Dynasty) show a maximum weight of 9.53 grams.9 The earlier value of the kite, cited in the handbooks and encyclopedia articles, was 9.1 grams, which would be more in line with the figures here given. But the Treasury guaranteeing the silver standard changed with the aegis of Persian rule from that of Arsaphes to that of Pta"b; this change may have been accom panied by a rise in standard. Either the Pta"b standard was lower than that indicated by Hemmy's statistical maxima or "1 sh[ekel ] to the 10" is sim ply a formula in round numbers indicating rough equivalents. 9 A. S. Hemmy, TEA 23 ( 1937) , 51.
A P P ENDIX
II
THE M E AN I N G OF "AB OVE " AN D " B E LOW"
Conveyances locate houses according to their four boundaries. These are designated "above," "below," "east," and "west." Beginning with the edi tors of the Mibtahiah archive, everyone assumed that "above" meant "south" and "below" meant "north," no doubt in view of the direction in which the Nile flows.1 The Ananiah archive, however, revealed the presence of the tmy of the god Khnum below the Jewish section ( K 3 : 8 ) . W. Erichsen, H. J. Polotsky, and W. F. Albright connected tmy with demotic tmy, "town." 2 Kraeling thereupon concluded, "Since the Khnum temple lay south of the district where the Aramaic papyri were found, it would appear rather certain that 'below' in the property descrip tions must mean south and not north as has been hitherto supposed." 8 Accordingly, he drew up a "Revised Plan of the Jewish District." 4 Accept ing his identification, "below" = south, and showing that Mahseiah's house lay northwest and not southwest of the Jewish Temple, I revised the plan further.5 According to the new reconstruction, the Temple was oriented toward Jerusalem. ( See Figure 5. ) Subsequently, there appeared an article by B. Couroyer which argued once more for the traditional explanation "above" = south.6 Let us treat his arguments one by one: 1 . B oundary descriptions in the demotic papyri always begin with the southern boundary.7 In the Aramaic documents, however, there is no fixed 1 A.
36.
H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri Discovered at Assuan, 1 2,
2 E. C. Kraeling, op. cit., 160; W. Erichsen, Demotisches Glossar (Cope,nhagen, 1 9 54 ) , 632£· 8 E. G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 79. 4 Ibid., p. 81, Fig. 5. 5 JAOS 81 ( 1 961 ) , 38ff. 6 "Le Temple de Yaho et l'orientation dans les papyrus arameens d'Elephan tine," RB 68 ( 1961 ) , 525ff. 7 Ibid., p. 528, nn. 14, 1 5.
'\
APPE NDIXES
3 09
starting point. The descriptions begin with at least three of the four points of the compass : above ( C 8 : 5, 1 3 : 13, 25 :4f; K 3 : 7, 4 : 9 ) , below ( K 6 : 5 ) , and east ( K 9:8, 10:3, 12 :9, 17; C 6:8) . 2. The word tmy does not mean "town" but is to be equated with Egyp tian t3 my · t, "the way." 8 In like fashion, Couroyer explained the enig ma tic tmwmty (K 9 : 9) as t3 my · t ntr, "the way of the god." 9 Both lie east of a group of houses and so Couroyer equated them. In one document, however, the tmy (tm,) is described as lying "below" Ananiah ( K 3 : 8) . Something which lay both east and below a particular property must have lain below-east of that property. The tmwmty, however, must have lain above-east of Ananiah's property. The two terms are not identical and Comoyer would have recognized the problem had he attempted to draw up a plan of the Jewish district on the basis of his explanation. We may accept his explanation of tmwmty but must continue to explain tmy as "town." (See Figures 6-10. ) 3. The presence of an Egyptian shrine "above" the house of Ananiah. Couroyer explained the word qnl:mty (K 9:9, 10 : 5 ) not as a personal name but as Egyptian ��nlJ- ntr, "shrine of the god." Since the Egyptian temple and Khnumeum were situated at the southern extremity of the island, "above" must mean south.10 But, as seen, the qnlJ-nty was not present when Ananiah first bought his house in 437 and is not mentioned until 404 (K 9 :9 ) . The shrine was a recent construction, the very location of which ap parently led to serious conflict with the Jewish community and the destruc tion of their Temple. Rather than having been erected in the "town of Khnum," i.e., to the south, the shrine was constructed in the Jewish dis trict, i.e., to the north. 4. The presence of a window in the "lower" side of a house (C 25 : 6) . Since Egyptians would want to catch the cool north breeze, windows would most naturally be built in the northern wall. "Lower" must mean "northern." 11 As seen, excavated houses at Elephantine displayed win dows in southern walls. But the window in the Cowley document was in deed in the northern wall . The passage was not correctly understood by Couroyer. In both C 25 and in K 12, the windows were located not in the houses being transferred but in the neighboring houses. In C 2 5 : 5f we should translate, "below it the house of Hazzul b . Zechariah adjoins it on its lower (side) and above are windows open there," i.e., in the upper (northern ) wall of the house of Hazzul and not in that of Jezaniah b. Uriah. The boundary descriptions are never interrupted by structural de tails of the house being transferred. These always precede or follow. That .
.
8
Ibid.,
530•
9
Ibid.,
531 .
10 Ibid., 5 32ff.
11
Ibid.,
537.
310
APPENDIXES
it is important to mention windows located in the walls of a neighbor may be seen from three demotic papyri treated by S. R. K. Glanville.12 In P. Leyden 378 ( 160 B.C.E. ) Imhotep, after withdrawing any claim to his sister's property directly north of his, says, "I shall not be able to open a window in (?) the north wall of my house . . . [measurements] the wall ( on) the north (giving? ) onto thy house [or possibly 'the wall (on ) the north being (a) (part of) thy house?'] whose measurements and boundaries are written above." The other two documents guarantee that the "light well" in the respective houses shall not be blocked by subsequent construc tion of the neighbor. Houses being built so close together, a party having a window would want to insure its continued exposure to light and air, while the neighbor of a party not having one would want to guarantee his own privacy against a new intrusion. It is thus important to indicate the presence of windows in one's own or in a neighbor's property. Perhaps Hazzul himself was present when the document was drawn up and re quested that mention be made of his windows. In K 1 2 : 2 1 "and its one window opens to the large side" means "the one window in the northern wall of the house of Pe1).i and Pemet which lies below [south] yours looks out over the large side" which Anani and Tamut are conveying to their son-in-law Anani b. Haggai. The "large side" itself contains "beam, win dows [i.e., more than one] and 2 doors" ( K 1 2 : 1 3 ) . In my article I offered two suggestions apropos of the equation above = north : ( 1 ) in Sanskrit the term for "north" derives from a word meaning "upper"; 13 ( 2 ) island surfaces generally slope down to their shores so that "below" ( "downtown" ) would usually be "south" and "above" ( "up town" ) would be "north." 14 A third consideration now appears to me to be more decisive. In the Sfire inscription ( lA:6) we find the expression "all upper and lower Aram" ( kl cly ,rm wt1Jth) 15 "Upper" doubtless applies to "northern" Aram and "lower" to "southern" Aram?6 Aramaic thus knew the usage of "above" = north and "below" = south. .
12 S. R. K. Glanville, op. cit., 19ff, 46ff. 13 C. D. Buck, A Dictionary of Selected Synonyms in the Principal Indo European Languages ( Chicago, 1949 ) , 873 . 14 H. L . Ginsberg, TAOS 74 ( 1 954) , 1 54. 15 H. Donner and W. Rollig, op. cit., No. 222A:6; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Les,. inscriptions arameennes de Sfire," MAL XVjl ( 1960 ) , 2 1 3f, 225. 16 B . Mazar, "The Aramean Empire and its Relation with Israel," BA 25 ( 1 962) , 1 1 7. The recent studies of B . A. Ayad, The Topography of Elephantine According to the Aramaic Papyri (Publications of the Institute of Coptic Studies; Cairo, 1967) , and B. Couroyer, "Le temple de Yaho et l'orientation dans les papyrus arameens d'Elephantine," RB 75 ( 1968) , 80-8·5, have not led me to alter my interpretation.
AP PENDIX
I II
RESTORE D TEXTS
1 . Passover Letter (C
21;
see Plate 9)
VERSO
'[nK 5K] [,5KtV'] K'n';K InK 05tV [n']��n o:n n K K'" n [' K;'ln nnu:J' n'�[" J i:1 O]tViK ;1I n'5tV K::J;� Ir.l K:J;r.l tVm, Ii' 5 Kt KnJtV nll:J' itVlI nll]:::Ii K Ur.l I:J OnJ� nll:J �'['W �;'n Ir.l "n I ' j:l'ni i��; �n':1 I O'�I; 21 0 " ,1I 15 0"
Ir.l' ,,[:111 �no�, I O'�; 1 0"
,':1l1n ;] � n" :1l1 'in't�' "n 1':1, [onJ�
I� Ir.l"
.1
.2
.3
.4 .5
,,:111 �'i't:l� ' t ��n
.6
,5:1�n 5]� i'r.ln 't Oll'�r.l ;:1, ,n tVnl ;[� i:ltV ��, 21 0" :1' 15 0" :1
.7
•••
RECTO
:1ill�:1 l lo'�; 21 0" 'll �tVr.ltV :1ill�[:1 IO'�; 14 0\' I� '5:1� li't:l�
n5� �]'�"
[Address]
1':1 \r.lnn\ tl:l'�m:1 \;lI�[n 0:J; 'n'� 't i'�n 5:1' KtV�tV
.8
.9
�:I[;r.l tV\ill ' i' Ollt:l Ir.l\ �'r.ltV i15� ellt:l I� .10
Notes 1-2.
[,I ,1;ty . . . ,1;twkm, "To my brothers . . . your brother" is an address between companions or equals. Contrast the address of a subordi nate to a superior, "To Artaxerxes the king: your servants, the men of the Trans-Euphrates" (Ez. 4: l l ) , "To our lord Bagohi, governor of Judah : your servants Jedaniah and his colleagues" (C 3° : 1/13 1 : 1 ) ; or of a superior to a subordinate, "From Arsames to Wabprimabi" ( C 26: 1 ) . slm ,1;ty ,lhy, [y§,lw], "the welfare of my brothers may the gods (God? ) seek"; for discussion of this phrase d. above, pp. 1 59f.
312
A P P E NDIXES
3. wk,t, "and now," the usual introduction to the body of the letter (cf. Ez. 4: 1 1 [wkent], 17, 6:6 [ken], 7 : 12 [wkent] ; C 1 7 : 2, 26 : 1, 30 :4 [/,en] , 31 :3, 38: 3, 54: 1 1; D 1 : 1, etc. ) . In thc Hermopolis letters the term occurs virtually as a punctuation mark, recurring several times in each of the letters. snt 5 drywhws mlk>, "year 5 of Darius the king" = Nisan-Nisan, 419/18. The regnal year began in Nisan and the Passover was celebrated in Nisan. How long did it take a letter to travel from Susa to Memphis and from there to Elephantine? Did Darius' letter arrive at the end of the fourth year and Hananiah dispatch his let ter around Nisan 1? Or were both letters dispatched toward the end of the fifth year to apply to the Passover of Nisan, 418/17? mn mlk> slyl:t rs[m, "from the king was sent to Arsa [mes." The phrase reproduces the salutation of a superior to a subordinate,\ where the name of the superior always comes first (cf. C 26: 1 and� the Driver letters; my Hebrew article, "The Restoration of Zion in the Light of the Elephantine Papyri," Beth Mikra, No. 16 [Adar, 5723 = 1963], 73ff) ; sll:t, "send," is the regular term for sending a letter (C 16:8, 17:3, 26:6 [sIY(l], 30: 7/131 :6, 30; 24, 30 :29//3 1 : 28, 38 : 10, 40: 3, 41 : 5 ; BK 1 : 5, 2 : 1 7, 3 : 1 3, 4 : 1 2, 5 : 9, 6: 1 0, 7 :4; Ez. 4: 1 1, 14, 17£, 5 :6, 6 : 1 3, 7 = 14 [slyl:t ] ; cf. P. Grelot, VT 4 [1954], 3 54ff) or information in a letter (BK 1 : 1 1 £, 2 : 6ff, 3 : 5ff,
�
Tl).
3-4. [br byb], lit. "son of the house," therefore, "prince." The title is ap plied to Arsames in the Driver letters; cf. G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C., 1 2ff. The restoration of this phrase and of the following clause is that of K. Galling, Studien zur Geschichte Israels im persischen Zeitalter (Tubingen, 1964) , 1 53f. 4. [rl:tyqyn hww mn], "withdraw from"; d. Ez. 6 : 6. H. L. Ginsberg, in his classroom lectures for the Fall, 1965, restored the line [byrl:t nysn cyd ll:tyl> yhwd]y>, "a festival for the Jewish garrison in the month of Nisan." P. Grelot refrained from any resforation. kct, "now,'? marks a transition from the message of Darius to Arsames to the message of Hananiah to Jedaniah and the garrison. 4- 5 . ,ntm kn mnw ,rb[ct <Sr ywmn . . . cb] dw, "so do you countfour[teert days . . . ke]ep" may be restored on the model of such passages as Lev. 23 : 1 5f, "You shall count from the morrow of the Sab bath . . . fifty days and then you shall bring an offering. . . ." or Deut. 16:9f, "You shall count seven weeks from the time the
"
Plate <). Passover letter ( C 2 1 ) . Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.
Plate 10. Text of an oath ( C 44 ) . Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. /
2.;'; ��[ $' � � ..;.-.�
...
. -�,:t. .
�O
-';l �--� '" . ... .- , . "
",�<;f!.:'
- ·j�W '). i� '- . ,
;�;�
." i{fl� ·t'....-1� tlfl ... -
�lf
""
Plate 1 1 . Collection list ( C 22; cols. 1-3 ) . Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.
�
"}': "''':�'' i )" ': 1:: 4tl\:',� /"'""iI,
,�
��'1'
� �;. M.,,,&.� }:\ i "
:
; .... d/...�
' �1-l,...
I
� . I
.,
�b".I;'
-J'o;�I
Plate
12.
,I '/1 "
�:4;
Collection list ( C
22;
cols. 4-7 ) . Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin. '"
\
Plate
13.
Collection list
(C
)
22 verso . Courtesy of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.
Plate 1 4a. Endorsement on
K
1 0 : "Documen t of
a
house which ( Anani b.
Azariah ) wrote." Double sealing; upper : Hyksos scarab Thutmose
III
or
seal; lower :
scarab. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum.
\
Plates 14h-1 Sh.- Steps in the opening of a papyrus. Courtesy of the Brooklyn Museum and Mr. Anthony Giambalvo.
Plate
15a.
Plate 1 6. Text of an appeal to the God ( C 7; Sachau Plate 26) .
\
APP END IXES
5.
6.
7.
8.
9.
31 3
sickle is first put to the standing corn . . . and you shall keep the Feast of Weeks." "So do you count four[teen days from the first day of Nisan and the Passover ke]ep." wmn ywm 15 cd ywm 21 l[nysn, "and from the 15th day until the 21st day of [Nisan"; d. Num. 28: 16f: Passover followed by Mazzoth; "and on the fifteenth day of that month a festival. Unleavened bread shall be eaten for seven days." mtm] dkyn hww, "you] be purc," coming, as it does, after the injunc tion to observe the Festival of Unleavened Bread and before the injunction not to work on the first and last day of the festival would seem to require a state of purity on these two days. The only Biblical references to purity, however, refer to the night of the 14th when the paschal animal was eaten (Num. 9 :6ff; 2 Chron. 30 : 16ff; Ez. 6:20) . w>zdhrw, "and take heed," a customary expression; cf. Lev. 1 5 : 3 1 , "You shall put the Israelites on guard against their unclean ness . . . ." cbydh , [1 tcbdw, "work do no[t perform," to be completed on the basis of Ex. 1 2 : 1 6, "On the first day you shall hold a sacred con vocation, and on the seventh day a sacred convocation; no work at all shall be performed on them . . ." (d. Lev. 23:7f; Num. 28: 1 8, 2 5 ) . ,]I tStw . ' . . ,[1 bklw, "do no] t drink . . . do no[t eat." The Bible records no prohibitions of drink but the Mishnah does, among them be ing Egyptian zythos ( Pes. 3 : 1 ) ; cf. P. Grelot, VT 4 ( 1 954 ) , 361 , who refrains from restoring a particular liquid. For the injunction against eating leaven d. Ex. 1 2 : 1 5, 1 9 f. mn ywm 14 1nysn b]mcrb 8m3> cd ywm 21 1nys[n bmcrb sm8>, "from the 14th day of Nisan at] sunset until the 2 1st day of Nisa[n at sun set." The spacing seems to require the addition of such a phrase as ptyrn ,k1w, "eat unleavened bread." For the command to eat un leavened bread d. Ex. 1 2 : 18, "In the first month, from the four teenth day of the month at evening, you shall eat unleavened bread until the twenty-first day of the month at evening." h] nc1w btwnykm wJ:ttmw, "brJing into your chambers and seal (it) up." The chamber was a part of the house ( cf. K 4 : 3, 6) and any leaven left over from before the Festival was to be stored away and not approached (so H . L. Ginsberg in his handout) ; in this fashion did Hananiah interpret the injunction, "No leaven shall be found in your houses for seven days" (Ex. 1 2 : 1 9 ) . Others, and Ginsberg
3 14
APPENDIXES
earlier, have usually restored the passage to read, "Do not br]ing it into your dwelling but seal ( it ) up." 10. mn tem )lh smy) wmn tem drywhws ml]k), "by order of the God of heaven and by order of Darius the ki]ng." The restoration is that of H. L. Ginsberg in his handout; cf. Ez. 6: 14, "They finished their building by order of the God of Israel and by order of Cyrus and Darius and Artaxerxes king of Persia." P. Grelot refrains from restoration. ' , H[To] my brothers . . . ." Other letters also contain 1 1 . [)l] )'/:l.y an address (cf. C 37: 17, 38: 12, 39: 5, 40: 5, 41 :9, 42 : 1 5; K 1 3 : 9 ) which was written on the outside of the document after it was tied and sealed (BK 1-7 ) . In the Hermopolis letters, discovered tied and sealed, the preposition )1 is written to the right of the seal and the addressee to the left; d. E. Bresciani and M. Kamil, HLe lettere aramaiche di Hermopoli," PI. IX. •
•
•
•
2.
An Appeal to the God (C 7; see Plate 16) :1':1 [�1:l50 �o�nili� 4 nJ� ,���, 18 :1 :1':1 lO nMO 'O"� il':I�' i:l il ':l50 iO� �ili':I [']�"
• • •
[
. • •
i:l]
• • •
[
• • •
, 'i]':ll:lJ 'J[,5 �ili']:1
['n':I:I] n[511 tJ,] ��J:I ['511 n'l:lD nJ[�l io[�5 ' i':lll:lJ 'n':I 10 n D�Jill lon:l lO:lJl 'nil1J�5 n�n:n lon:l l i15� 511 �'iDOl [ n ] 5'�� ili:lll [1] ��J' n n D5l ,�n':lOin 511 15 �iD � il" :l50 il.l� �.l" :1 " 11 ��o n511 [�51 1n':I:I lon:l [ir.ll�5 4 lr.l[D.l] P:l �il5�
nnD? �5 l[onl:l 1n':I 10 l O:l.ll n�no �5 [1" t ] �nnJ�5l
.1
.2
.3 .4
.5
.6
.7
.8
.9
... il'� �'r.li'[.ll P:I l' n'ii' [�5] !ill .10
Notes
1-2. b 18 1p,py snt 4 ,rtl;lsss mlk" "On 1 8 Phaophi, year 4 of Artaxerxes the king" = January 18, 401 in the reign of Artaxerxes II. Although Cowley wrote that "the style of the writing . . . appears to be late,'" he dated the text to the reign of Artaxerxes I because he resto�ed the second party [Phra]taphernes [b. Artaphe] rnes. This person appeared as a witness in 471 (C 5 : 1 7 ) . But the letters which Cowley read as nun are most unlike the nun elsewhere in this papyrus. Moreover, the trace at the end of the second name is too complete to be considered an "accidental mark," as it was by Cowley. My observations are confirmed by Professor R. A. Bow man, Oriental Institute, University of Chicago, and Professor N. Avigad, Hebrew University, with whom I discussed this papyrus. 3. nbwkd[ry] , "Nabukudurri" appears as dege1 commander between 409 and 400 (C 29:2, 3 5 : 2; K 1 1 :2, 1 2 : 3 ) . 4. [>jnt qb [lt ely] bnp, [1m], " [Y]ou com[plained against me] in np, [to wit] ." Cowley restored qr [yt . . . hn], "you declared . . . that" and noted that the restoration "is quite conjectura1." The second letter, whose upper bar slants diagonally downward, looks more like a beth than a resh; d. cbdt in line 6. The traces of lamed and mem of the last word of the phrase are fairly certain. For the phrase cf. C 6 : 5 (mh qblt c1yk ) , "I complained against you"; 10 : 12f (wl, ,k1 )qbl c1yk . . . 1m ) , "and I shall not be able to complain against you . . . to wit"; 20:4f ( [ml;ln]h rsynkm bdyn np) hmr ) , "[we] sued you injby the law of np) . . . saying." The interpreta-
316
APPENDIXES
tion of the document which resulted from Cowley's restoration was strange : "Phrataphernes had boasted that he had trespassed on Ma1chiah's property, etc. Ma1chiah now requires him to retract his statements on oath . . . . " In fact, Ma1chi�h was the accused; · d. J. N. Epstein, ZAW 32 ( 1 9 1 2 ) , 143f; Ed. Meyer, SPAW ( 191 1 ) , 1 048f; E . G. Krae1ing, op. cit., 57, n . 20; J. J. Rabinowitz, Biblica 39 ( 1958) , 80 . , 4-6. cl]t [bbyty] . . . lnps[k] cbdt, "You enter] ed [my house] . . . ap propriated ( them ) for yourse1[f]" is the accusation of Ma1chiah's opponent. For the expression lqlJ- cbd lnpsh, "he took (and ) ap propriated for himself," d. C 30: 1 2f; D 1 2 : 6; d. J. N. Epstein, ZAW 32 ( 1912 ) , 3. 6. s)yl[t], "I was interrogated"; d. C 16:3, 20:8, 45 : 3; also D 4:3, 7:9, 1 2 : 8; J. N. Epstein, ZAW 32 ( 19 1 2 ) , 143; P. Volz, ZAW 32 ( 1912 ) , 126f. 6-8. wmqT)h cl )lhn mt) cly bdym mh mlkyh )qn lk cl �rmbybl )lh), "and the call to God (our god? ) came upon me by judicial decision. I, Ma1chiah, will call for/against you to I:Ierembethel the god." Cowley translated, "and the appeal to our god . . . that I should challenge you. . . ." Ma1chiah is not challenging his opponent; mqry> and )qn should have the same meaning in both places. He is protesting his innocence before the god and invoking the god's assistance against his opponent. 7. )qr, lk cl, "I will call for/against you." The divine appeal was either made for the opponent, i.e., imposed upon Ma1chiah by the court at the insistence of his opponent, or against him, i.e., uttered by Ma1chiah to his opponent's detriment. For the latter interpretation d. Deut. 24: 1 4£, "You shall not abuse a needy and destitute laborer . . . else he will cry to the Lord against you . . . ." (wl, yqr, clyk ,1 yhwh ) . 8. [nq]mn, "avengers"; d. line 10 [n]qmy), "the avengers." The term has been variously understood as Strafrichtern (Ed. Sachau, op. cit., 104 ) , judges (Cowley ) , guarantors (M.-J. Lagrange, RB 21 [1912], 1 36, n. 2 ) , compurgators, oath-helpers 0. J. Rabinowitz, Biblica 38 [1957], 272ff) . It was the late Professor Y. Kaufmann of the Hebrew University who suggested to me the interpretation of divine avengers, comparing the Greek erinys. 10. whn [1,] qryt lk, "and if I do not call for/against you. . . ." Cf. A. Ungnad, Aramiiische Papyrus; 44; J. N. Epstein, ZAW 32
3 17
APPE NDIXES
( 1912 ) , 143; Ed. Meyer, SPAW ( 191 1 ) , 1049. Demotic oath texts regularly conclude, "If X takes the oath . . . if X refuses."
3 . An Oath (C 44; see Plate 10) i::1 cl5tt" i::1 CnJ� ['T il �� ll� InJ i::1 c'tt'�5 ��, [il'lItt"jil 'l'llil m'nJlI::1l �mO�::1 �[il5� ( �)ciln::1 1'::1 'T �Jn� i��5 [il5 ��'ll '5 iltt'i nJ� 'T ��[!:l i::1 ' O� l!:l "'1lt m '5'T m5!:l [c5 il'5]l1
'l::1� 'O�!:l ilnlJOn[il5 ilJl� m5!:l �5n i� n '5 :Jil' [�l5
� 5 n � O:J '�'l �O:J ' 5 [:JiI'l �5l
1
.
.2
.3
.4 .5 .6
.7 .8
.9
[i1�5!:ll .10
A few centimeters are worn away after the first letter or so of each line. It is presum�d that line 8 is virtually intact, only one letter missing. The number of letters restored in the other lines is, therefore, based upon line 8. The text is dated palaeographically and onomastically to the end of the fifth century; cf. J. Naveh, Development of the Aramaic Script, 48; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 30. 1. mw [m>h, "an oath," restored on the basis of ym" (line 2) "he swore," "he will swear." 2. The name may either be Hodaviah or Hoshaiah. If zy is restored before ym>, then an abbreviated name should be read, Hodo or Hosea. 3. The second letter of the first word is only partially preserved. Cowley read yod and restored the word YHW. M.-J. Lagrange, RB 21 ( 1 912 ), 1 3 5, read f:teth and restored I:Jerem. A f:teth seems more likely than a yod. The aleph after the bracket is damaged but fairly certain. 5 . p[rnsy br p]mt, "Pamisi b. Pemet." For the name Pemet cf. K 12:20; it is a hypocoristicon of Espemet. This restoration is preferable to that of Cowley, who restored "Pamisi and Espemet." An Espemet does not play a role in the text. 6. lm], "namely" or the like. Cowley restored h" "behold" and understood the following statement as a reply to the suit. The statement,
318
APPENDIXES
however, is the claim. For the use of 1m following a verb of com plaint and introducing the statement of complaint d. C 10 : 1 1, 13. It should be restored at the end of C 7:4 instead of Cowley'S hn. 6-7. $dyq , [nh , "I a[m] entitled." The term $dyq frequently refers to the party who is in the right in a judicial dispute; d. Ex. 23:7; Jer. 1 2 : 1 ; Provo 17: 1 5, 1 8 : 5, 17. 7. lh] 1Jsnwth pmsy, "to transfer it to Pamisi." The hapheZ h1Jsn does not have causative meaning elsewhere in the papyri but it does have that meaning in the Targum, regularly translating hn1Jl in pas sages with a double accusative (Deut. 3 : 28, 21 : 16; Josh. 1 :6; Zech. 8 : 1 2 ) or with an object suffix of the thing transferred fol lowed by a personal object, hit ya1Js·ninnah Z·yisrJ,el (Deut. 1 :38; d. 3 1 :7) . The absence of the prefixed particle lamed before Pamisi in our text should not be an insuperable difficulty to the present interpretation (d. Deut. 32 : 8 and in the Hebrew, Pro J. 8:21 ) . ,bwk, "your father" is not Pamisi, thus assuming that Nathan also had an Egyptian name and that the same man was given two different names in the same text. "Your father" begins a new sentence, the second word of which should read 8. l[,], "did not" and not l[m], "namely." The right of absolute ownership is the right of alienation. Menahem claimed that the female don key �as absolutely his and that he had every right to transfer it to Pamisi. Nathan had never paid him for any part of the animal and, therefore, his son Meshullam had no claim on the animal. I am indebted to Professors R. Yaron, Hebrew University; H. L. Ginsberg, Jewish Theological Seminary; and Jonas Greenfield, University of California, Berkeley, for their helpful suggestions in reconstructing this papyrus. Responsibility for the final text, however, remains mine.
APPENDIX
IV
THE COLLECT I O N L I ST
(C
22;
see Plates 1 1-1 3 )
APPENDIXES
32 0
[Column 1] >. C1)
� 0 U
.S
c:i
�
Z
C1)
C1)
.s
.s ....:l
....:l
'" C1)
•
S 'O «I U
Z ,..c:::
..... CJ 0 «1
.� 0
Z.S
.o bO
.S ·O ..... "'0
88
t:: '"' e::I. CJ ....
..... <
C:0 �0 Ut::
o. Z ....::I. ....
..6 . ....
0 >.
..... -
bO]
� I .� ..o -lo'I ..... "'0 ::I
8 § ,; t:: '"' CI)
t; < . s t3 eP •
0 0 «1
Z =:; ;:;S
1 . On 3 Phamenoth, year S. This is (a list of) names of the Jewish garrison who gave silver to YHW the God, each on[e 2 shekels of] silver [across the tops of Column 1 and Column 2] : 2.
(1)
3·
(2)
4·
(3)
S· 6.
(4)
7·
( S)
8.
9· 10.
(6) (7) (8)
11.
(9 )
12.
( 10 )
1 3·
(11)
14· [ I S] ( 1 2 ) I S. 16. 1 7. 1 8. 19.
[16] [17] [18] [19] [20]
(13) ( 14) (15) ( 16)
/Meshu [llem]eth d. Gemar[ia]h [1 ] b. Mahseiah, 2 sh. of silver /Zaccur [b. Zephania]h b . Zaccur, [2] 2 sh. of silver /Serai [ah daugh] ter of Hosea b. [3] Barman, 2 sh. of silver JAIl j/U . . . ] [1] /Hose[a b . Beth]elnuri, he, 2 sh. of silver, to [him] [2] /Hosh [aiah b. Nathan] b. Hoshaiah b. Zephania[h, 2 sh. of silver, to him] /[X b. Y], 2 sh. of silver, to him [3] [4] [X b . Y], 2 sh. o f silver, to him [X] b . Jeho[ . . . ], 2 sh. o f [sil- [5] ver], to him [6] [X] b. Neh [ab b. Mah]seh, 2 [sh. of silver,] to him [Na]than b. Anani b. [Z, 2 sh .. [7] of silver, to him] [X dau]ghter of Zebadia[h, 2 sh. [8] of silver. . . .] [9] [X dau]ghter of Pelul[iah, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [X] d. [Y, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [10] [X] b. [Y, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [11] [X] d. [Y, 2 sh. of silver. . . .] [12] All the century of Siniddin[: 12] The century of NabuaqabjShal- [IJ lum b. Menahe[m . . . J
[1] [2] [3] [4] [ S] [6] [7] [8] [9] [ 10] [ll] [ 12]
[13] [ 14] [ I S] [16J
321
A.P P E NDIXES [Column 2] � � 0
0 .
0
Z
u
I::
:3
= ....
0 >,
en II)
•
6 '0 rn o
Z ,.c::
�
..... u O m
...:I
Z .5
.5
Q)
.
0
�
20. [21] ( 1 ) 2 1 . [22] ( 2 ) 22. [23] ( 3 ) 23 · [24] (4)XX 24- [25] ( 5 ) 25. [26] (6) 26. [27] (7) 27. [28] ( 8 ) 28. [29] (9) 29· [30] ( 10 ) �O.
[31]
31. 32. 33 · 34· 3 5·
[32] [33 ] [34] [35] [37]
(11) ( 12 ) (13) ( 14)
.o bO . ... I:: ... . ... .... '"0
.
8 ] .8
= "' e;.
.....
I::
�0 elc3 0 o
::I .... z ....
/Meshullam b. Sammua1:t, 2 sh. [2] of s., to him /Pilti b. Micah, 2 sh. of s., to him [3] /Ma1chiah b. Jathom b. Hadad- [4] nuri, 2 sh. of [s.], to him [5] /She1emiah b. Jashub, 2 [sh. of] s., [to] him [6] /Gaddul b. Meshullam b. Mibtahia[h], 2 [sh. of s.], to him [7] /Menahem b. Hazzul, he, b. Shema [iah, 2 sh. of s., to him] [8] /Simach b. Meshullam, he, 2 sh. of s., to him [9] /Gaddul b. Sammua1:t, he, 2 sh. of s., to him /Meshullam b. Haggai b. Hazzul, [10] 2 sh. of s., to him /Hazzul b. Haggai b. Hazzul, 2 [1 1] sh. of s., to him All the [century of Nabuaqab:] 11 [1] [X b . Y], 2 sh. [of s.] [2] [X b. Y], 2 sh. of s. [3] [X b. Y, 2 sh. of s.] [4] [X b. y], 2 [sh. of s.] [All the century of . . . : 4]
.0 ' 1:: . 5bO$ .0
.... :::1
.... '"0
::I
§ l:i Cll
O !::l c;; ..... < . I:: ... o
", bO ... ... o O rn
.
z "S :::E
[ 17] [ 18] [ 19] [20] [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6]
[7] [8] [9] [10]
322
APPENDIXE S [Column 3 ] � 'i 0
0
Z
(1)
U .S
�
(1)
0 ;... ..... .....
'" (1)
8 '0
ZU
S t5 U'l
u t: 'CU ...... <: . 1:: o
.
Z .S
36. 37 · 38. 39 · 40. 41 . 42. 43 · 44· 45 · 46. 47· 48. 49 · 50. 51. 52. 53 · 54· 55 · 56. 57.
[ 39] [4°] [41] [42] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [48] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54] [55] [56] [57] [58] [59] [60]
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) ( 10) XX (11 ) ( 12 ) (13) ( 14) (15) ( 16) ( 17 ) ( 18 ) ( 19 ) ( 20 ) (21 ) (22)
�
", t>I)
.... .. O O
.�
�
I::
..... 'i:l ::I
.... .. .-5 O ct!
�
I::
,.6 ·1=: .SbO] ,.6
•
Z 1:1
0
/Shillem b . Hodo, 2 [sh. of s.] /I:Iori b. Vanah, 2 [sh� of s.,] /Shammua b. Shillem, 2 [sh. of s.] /Mattan b. Jedan[iah], 2 [sh. of s.] /Ur[iah b. Y], 2 [sh of s.] /Anan[i b. Y, 2 sh. of s.] /Zac[cur b. Y], 2 [sh. of s.] /Anani [b. Y, 2 sh. of s.] /Hose[a] b. Nattun, [2 sh. of s.] . /[X] b. [Y], 2 [sh. of s.] [X b. Y], 2 sh. [of 5.] [X b. Y], 2 [sh; of S.] [X] b. [Y] b. Jashobiah, [2 sh. of s.] [X b. Y], 2 sh. of [s.] [X b. Y], 2 [sh. of s.] [X h. Y, 2 sh. of s.] [X b. Y], 2 [sh. of s.] [X b.] Hosea, 2 sh. of s. [X b.] Jehotal, [2 sh. of] s. [X b. A] nani, 2 sh. of s. [X b.] Jashobiah, [2 sh. of s.] [X b. Y, 2 sh. of s.l
[11 ] [ 12] [ 13] [ 14] [ 15] [ 16] [ 17] [ 1 8] [ 19] [20] [21 ] [22 ] [2 3 ] [24] [25] [26] [27] [28] [29] [3°] [31 ] [32]
AP:PENDIXES
323
[Column 4]
[61] [62] [63] [64] [65] [66] [67] [6S] [69] [70] [71] 6<). [72] 70. [73]
58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 6S.
71. 72. 73. 74. 75.
[74] [75] [76] [77] [7S]
76. [79] 77. [So] 7S. [Sl] 79. [S2]
jHosea b. Sigri, 2 sh. of s. (1) jMenahem b . Mattan, 2 sh. of s. (2) jNattun b. Haggai, 2 sh. of s. (3) jHaggai b. Micah, 2 sh. of s. (4) jMahseh b. Uri, 2 sh. of s. (5) jShallum b. Zechariah, 2 sh. of s. (6) jMenahem b. Zechariah, 2 sh. of s. (7) (S) XXXXjMeshullach b. Uri, 2 sh. of s. jPamut b. Sigri, 2 sh. of s. (9 ) jAnani b. Mauzi, 2 sh. of s. ( 10) j[Ho]sea b. Menahem, 2 sh. of s. ( 11 ) jHaggai b. Hodiah, 2 sh. of s. ( 1 2) j[Men]ahem b . Uri b. Meshul( 13 ) lach, 2 sh. of s. [X b. Y, 2 sh. of s.] ( 14) [X b. Y], 2 sh. of s. (15) [X b.] Mattan, 2 sh. of s. ( 16) b.] Mattan, 2 sh. of s. [X ( 17) Pe[nul]iah b. Menahem b. ( IS) Posai, 2 sh. of s. jHag[gai] b. Menahem [b.] ( 19) Posai, 2 sh. of s. jPe1uliah b. [Ho] sea, 2 sh. of S. ( 20) jMenahemeth d. A [nani] b. (21) Estal:I, 2 sh. of s. jMeshullemeth d. [Y], 2 sh. of (22) s., sister of Mal:Iath and Sh . . .
[33] [34] [3 5] [36] [37] [3S] [39] [40] [41] [42] [43] [44] [45] [46] [47] [4S] [49] [50] [51] [52] [53] [54]
APPENDIXES
3 24
\ �,
[Column 5] ;:... v
� 0
0
U .S 0
Z Z v
t::
;.::j
80. 81. 82. 83. 8485 · 86. 87· 88. 89 · 90. 91 . 92. 93 · 94· 95 · 96. 97.
v
.S
....:I
[83] [84] [85 ] [86] [87J [88] [89] [90J [91] [92] [93 ] [94] [95 ] [96J [97] [98] [99J [100]
..... ::::: :g .8 ,1;
0 ;:...
fa 8 '0 cu u •
Z ,a
...... u
O cu
.�
Z.8 0
/MephatteaQ. d. Tastaz, 2 sh. of s. /Jehoshama d. Nathan, 2 sh. of s. /Shabith d. I:Iori b. Shillem, 2 sh. o f s. /Reia d. Neri, 2 sh. of s. /Jehoshama d . Meshullam, 2 sh. of s. /MephatteaQ. d. Shillem, 2 sh. of s. /JaQ.mol d. Pilti b. Jaush, 2 sh. of s. (7) /Abihi d . Osea, 2 sh. of s. (8) /Nehebeth d. Mahseh, 2 sh. of s. (9) /JehoQ.en d. Igdal, 2 sh. of s. ( 10) /Meshullemeth d. Zapeliah, 2 sh. of s. ( ll ) [X b . Y, 2 sh. of s.J ( 12 ) Mena[he]meth d. [YJ, 2 [sh. of s.] ( 1 3) Nehebeth d. [Y] , 2 sh. of [s.] ( 14) JaQ.mol d . [Shille] m, 2 sh. of s. 1 5 ) ( ( 1 6 ) LXX /Jehoshama d. Hosea b. Zaccur, 2 sh. of s . /Jeho[sha]ma d. Haggai, 2 sh. of s. ( 17) /Ab [ih]i d. Nattun, 2 sh. of s. ( 18)
(1) (2 ) (3) (4) (5) (6) LX
'
bIl CU
..... '0
::l
§ � CI:l
u e t;; ...... � . t:: o . � eP o o cu
Z 1j :::E [55] [56] [57] [58J [59J [60J [61] [62J [63] [64J [65] [66] [67J [68J [�] [7°] [71 ]
[72]
-
APPENDIXES
32 5
[Column 6]
{ U .S
en Q)
•
So "' U
Z ,..r::
...... <.) 0 ",
. i:il
z.e 9S. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104105.
[101] [102] [103] [1°4] [105] [106] [107] [lOS]
106. 107. lOS. 109. 1 l0. 1 1 1. 1 1 2. 1 1 3. 1 141 1 5. 1 16.
[1°9] [1 l0] [l l l ] [1l2] [ 1 l 3] [1 l4] [1 l 5] [1l6] [1 l7] [l1S] [1 19]
/Jehol).en d. Gedaliah, 2 sh. of s. /Salluah d. Neri, 2 sh. of s. /Jehotal d . Islal)., 2 sh. of s. /Abiosher d. Hosea, 2 sh. of s. /Jehoeli d . Immanuiah, 2 sh. o f s. /Mephatteal). d. Zapeliah, 2 sh. of s. /Nehebeth d. Zaccur, 2 sh. of s. ( 7) (S) LXXX /Menahemeth d. Jedaniah b. Anathi, 2 sh. of s. /Meshullam b. Mauzi, 2 sh. of s. (9) /Meshullemeth d. Penuliah, 2 sh. of s. ( 10) /Nattun b. Pelaliah b. Nattun, 2 sh. of s. ( 1'1 ) /Hazzul b. Hodaviah, 2 sh. of s. ( 12 ) /[X b.] Nathan, [2 sh. of] s. (.13 ) [X b. Ze]phaniah, 2 sh. of [s.] ( 14) /[X] b. Nathan b. [Y], 2 sh. of s. (15) /[X] b. Shillem b. [Y], 2 sh. of s. ( 16) /[Jeh]oshama b. Kon, 2 sh. of s. ( 17) ( IS)XC /Reuiah b. Uri, 2 sh. of s. /Meshullam b. Shemaiah, 2 sh. of s. ( 19)
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6)
[73] [74] [75] [76] [77] [7S] [79] [So] [SI] [S2] [S3] [S4] [S5] [S6] [S7] [SS] [S9] [9°] [91 ]
3 26
APPENDIXES [Column 7] :>..
� 0
0 Z
t::
�
0 . t::.... 0
Z
t::
�
0 >.... ..-
'"
::I
§ l5 oo
.... . O 0 C1S
0 .0 0 C1S ..... -<:! . t:: ....
Z .E!
z � ::;E
o
(1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)
1 30. [1 33] ( 1 ) 1 3 1 . [134] ( 2 ) 1 32. [135] ( 3 )
", t>J)
0 ::; :;
o�
1 18. [121] [122] [123] [124] [125 ] [126] [127] [128] [129] [130] [131 ] [132]
.... '"Cl
Z ,..c:
1 17 · [120]
1 19· 120. 121. 122. 123. 1 24. 125; 126. 127. 128. 1 29.
' ..0 b.O:§ ·c:: , S ..o
•
8 '0 C1S O
The silver which is (qm) this day in . the hand of Jedaniah b. Gemariah in the month of Phamenoth : 3 1 karsh, 8 shekels of silver. 1 2 karsh, 6 shekels of this are for YH\V; 7 karsh are for Eshembethel; 12 karsh of silver are for Anathbethel. IMicaiah b. Jehoishma, 2 sh. of s. IOsea b . Nathan b . Hodaviah, 2 sh. of s. 1Ahio b . Nathan b. Anani, 2 sh. of s. 1Azariah b. Hazzul, 2 sh. of s. IJashobiah b. Berechia [h], 2 [sh. of s.] [X b. Y] , 2 [sh. of s.] I[X] d . [Y], 2 sh. of s. Reverse IBagaphemes b. Vasbi, 2 sh. of s., to ,ndm jVasbi b . Zadniar, 2 sh. of s., to him IHaggai b. Miptahiah, 2 sh. of s., to Tab, 3
[1 ] [2] [3 ] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] (91 [ 101
Notes Line 3. Cowley restored the second name [b. Hodavia] h. This name seems to be too long for the allotted space and I have restored on the basis of C 8:3 2//9 :20. Line 7. Cowley restored the last name as Hanania[h] , but the reading of Sachau appears preferable. Line 1 1 . Cowley restored the patronymic as Nehe[beth d . . . . ] but there are no third generation names where the second generation is repre sented by a woman. Moreover, there are only seven letter spaces and
APPENDIXES
Lines
Lines
Line
Line Line
327
not nine. The masculine name nhb = l11hb and is attested in Ostra con Cairo 35468c : 3; d. M. Lidzbarski, Ephemeris III, 123. 13-17 [18]. At this point my enumeration begins to differ from Cowley's. Almost none of the names is preserved although the designation "daughter" is evident in each line but one. This is Cowley's line 14. The true count is to be found in the marginal sub-tally of "20" in line 23 [24] . If there were only 20 names be tween lines 2 and 23 [24], then there was no name in Cowley's line 14. 3 1-35 [32-38] . The bottom of Column 2 is very damaged and none of the names is legible. It is even uncertain how many names were listed. Sachau listed five lines and Cowley seven. The first two lines ( 1-2 ) show the "2 shekel" notation. Nothing is preserved in the next line ( 3 ) ; no doubt the name was very short. The following line (4) has preserved only the mark for "one." Nothing is preserved in the next line ( 5 ) and the tops of letters or numbers are preserved at the end of the following line. This gives a total of six lines. Sachau omitted line 5 and Cowley added line 7. If there were names in lines 5 and 7, they must have been very brief and written more closely together than any of the other names in Column 2. I take my lead from the marginal sub-tally of "20" (line 45 [48] ) . If there were only twenty names between line 24 [25] and line 45 [48], then only four names were written in the fragmentary lines under dis cussion. 69 [72] . Cowley read the second name as Huriah (hwry» which he took as a careless writing for Uriah. The name Hosea is often writ ten with an initial aleph, Osea, and a final aleph often substitutes for a he in this list (C 22 : 66f, 93) and elsewhere (C 68,1 ) . The name Hodiah was read by Sachau and Ungnad and occurs in Neh. 8:7· 75 [78] . This name may also be Pe[lul]iah. I I I [114}. I read [Ze]phaniah with Sachau rather than [Ze]badiah with qowley.
A P PENDIX
V
P E R S O N A L N AM E S C O M P O U N D E D W I T H B E T H E L , E S H E M ;o AN D I:I E R E M
Bethel NAME
1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
Bethelasani Betheliada Betheldalani b. [?]izacah Betheldalani b. [ ] d Jabot Bethel[ .] (mBa-i-ti-DINGER-rx1 [y] ) 6. Betheldalani .
MEANING
PLACE
DATE
REFERENCE
Bethel Made Me Bethel Knew Bethel Drew Me Up Bethel Drew Me Up
Sfire ( ? ) Sfire (7) Sfire ( ? ) Sfire ( ? ) Babylon
571/70 571/70 571/70 571/70 563
(AO, 2 1.063B: 1 ) (AO, 21.063B : 2 ) ( AO, 2 1 .063A:2f) (AO, 2 1 .063A:4f) ( Strassrnaier 404:4)
Bethel Drew Me Up
Babylon
Nebuchadnezzar
CIS 2/1 54
.
7. Betheliada (mdBa->-ti-D INGER.MESi-di-, )
8. Betheldalah
Larsa ( ? ) Bethel Knew
( mdBa_>_it_DINGER-da-la-a4 )
10. Bethelsharezer
(Evetts 28: 36)
Bethel Drew Up
Erech
555/54
(Dougherty 1 1 : 28 )
Bethel Drew Up
Erech
5 5 5/54
(Contenau 75:7)
Bethel Protect the King!
Erech
54i/40
( Dougherty 108 : 3 )
Bethel Became Angry (?)
Babylon
Bethel Rescue!
Erech
Cyrus
( Tremayne 83 :7)
Bethel Rescuel
Babylon
518/17 508/07
(Zech. 7:2) (Strassmaier 372 : 17 )
Bethel, May You Arise ( ? ) Bethel Is My Fire
Elephantine Nippur
483 425
(C 2 : 6, 10) (BE IX 75 : 5 )
Bethel Protected Bethel Is My Fire Bethel Is Mighty (?)
Elephantine Elephantine Nippur
419 or 400 41 7/16
( C 12:9) (C 22 : 6 ) (BE X 122 :4)
( mdE.DINGER-rdal -la-a4 )
9. Betheldalah
559
( mdE.DINGER-LUGALSES )
1 1 . Bethelbarah ( mdBa-ti-il-IJA-RA )
12. Bethelshezib
( Strassmaier 1 1 3 3 : 1 )
( mdBa�'-ti-(DINGER)-se-zib )
13. Bethelsharezer 14. Bethelshezib s. LUSi-ana-nur (mdBa-ti-il-se-zib )
1 5 . Betheltqm 16. Bethelnuri
Bethel Protect the King!
(mdE.DINGER.ZALAG-, )
1 7. Bethelaqab b. Achar (?) 18. Hose[a b. Beth]elnuri 19. Betheladir (?) ( mE.DINGER.MES-a� KAL-ri)
y
NAME
20. Betheldalah s. Bel-iddina (md£.DINGER.MES-da-la-, ) 21. Nabushillem b. Bethelrei 22. Varyazata b. Bethelzabad 23. J:Ieremnathan b. Bethelnathan b. Sel)o 24. Bethelnathan b. Jehonathan 25. Betheltdn 26. Bethelnad[in] 27. Bethelnathan b. Shuri 28. Bethelshezib b. Apries 29. Bethelzabad b. Eshemram
MEANING
PLACE
DATE
Bethel Drew Up
Nippur
417/16
Bethel Is My Friend ( ? ) Bethel Gave Bethel Gave
Elephantine Elephantine Elephantine
416 416
Bethel Gave Bethel, May You Judge ( ? ) Bethel The Giver ( ? ) Bethel Gave Bethel Rescued Bethel Gave
Elephantine Elephantine Elephantine Elephantine Elephantine South Saqqarah South Saqqarah Syene Ofi ( Luxor)
30. [Ig] ri b. Bethelzabad
Bethel Gave
31. Bethelnathan 32. J:Iarudj b. Bethelshezib
Bethel Gave Bethel Rescued
REFERENCE
( UM II/ I 222 : 1 1f, L. E.) (K 8 : 1 1 ) (K 8: 1 1 ) ( C 18 :4) ( C 18: 5 ) ( C 42 : 8 ) (C 5 5 : 7 ) (CIS 2 / 1 1 54:2) (CIS 2/1 1 54:7) ( AG 1 l 0 ) (AG l 1 1b ) ( BK 4 : 3, 9 ) (BK 5 : 5f)
Notes The Akkadian names were collected by O. Eissfeldt, " Der Gott Bethel," AR 28 ( 1930 ) , 20f; J. P. Hyatt, JBL 56 ( 1 937) , 388ff; idem, JAOS 59 ( 1939) , 83f. I am grateful to Professor A. Kilmer, University of California, Berke ley, for providing the transcription from the cuneiform, and to Profs. D. B. Weisberg, Hebrew Union College, and M. H . Silverman, University of Texas, for answering certain questions. ,
1-4· J. Starcky, "Une tablette arameenne de l'an 34 de Nabuchodonosor (AO, 21 .063 ) ," Syria 3 7 ( 1960) , 10of, 104ft 5· J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabuchodonosor, Konig von Babylon (604-561 v. Chr. ) (Babylonische Texte, II; Leipzig, 1 889 ) . 7 . B . T . A . Evetts, Inscriptions of the Reigns of Evil-Merodach, Neriglisser and lAborosoarchod (Leip zig, 1 892 ) . 8, 10. R. P . Dougherty, Records from Erech Time of Nabonidus ( 555-538 B.C. ) (Yale Oriental Series, Baby lonian Texts, VI; New Haven, 1920 ) . 9. G. Contenau, Contrats neo-babyloniens de Teglath-phalasar a Nabonide (Textes cunei formes, Musee du Louvre, XII; Paris, 1922 ) . 1 1 . J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Nabodnidus, Konig von Babylon (555-538 v. Chr. ) ( Babylonische Texte, I; Leipzig, 1887 ) . 12. A. Tremayne, Records from Erech Time of Cyrus and Cambyses (538-53 1 B.C. ) (Yale Oriental Series, Bab Ionian Texts, VII; New Haven, �925 ) . If the name is Akkadian, then the verb is imperative; cf. K. Tall qvist, "Neubabylonisches Namenbuch," Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae 32/2 ( Leipzig, 1902 ) , 301; J. J. Stamm, "Die akkadische Namengebung," Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-aegyptischen Gesellschaft 44 ( 1939 ) , 170. If the name were West-Semitic, then it would mean "Bethel Rescued." 14. J. N. Strassmaier, Inschriften von Darius, Konig von Babylon ( Leipzig, 1892-<)7) . 1 5, 25. For various interpretations of these names, cf. A. van Hoonacker, op. cit., 1 1, n. 2; A. Vincent, op. cit., 562 f; O. Eissfeldt, AR 28 ( 1930 ) , 21; E. G. Kraeling, op. cit., 89, n. 23; M. H. Silverman, op. cit., 85f, 1 19, 123, 149. 19. Is this name as written a scribal error for -a-dir-ri? 27-28. Cf. N. Aime-Giron, BIFAO 38 ( 1939 ) , 36f.
)
'c,
Eshem 1. Eshemzabad b. Swyn 2. Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib 3. Eshemkudurri b. >pc 4. Eshemram b. Nabunad[ ] 5. Bethelzabad b. Eshemram 6. Pal;li b. Eshemram 7. Smn b. Eshemmadbal:t
Eshem Gave Eshem is Exalted, Eshem Rescued Eshem [Protect] my Eldest Son! Eshem is Exalted Eshem is Exalted Eshem is Exalted (The) Name of the Altar is . . .
Elephantine Elephantine
416 41 6-402
(K 8 : 1 1 ) ( K 8 : 1 1, 1 1 : 1 2 )
Elephantine
(C 53:6)
Elephantine South Saqqarah Near Memphis Near Memphis
(C 53:9) (AG 1 10 ) 5th-4th century 5th-4th century
(Bresciani) (Bresciani)
Notes 6-7. E. Bresciani, ASAE 5 5 ( 1958 ) , 276££ ( wooden tablet recto :4f, 8f) . For the possibility that these texts are mod em forgeries, d. above Chap. V, n. 6<}.
Herem 1. I:Ieremnathan b. Pel;!.o i. Serai[ah] d. Hosea b. I:Iar man b. Osea 3. I:Ieremnathan b. Bethelnathan h. Sel;!.o 4. I:Ieremnathan b. Peteisi 5. I:Ieremnathan b. Besa 6. I:Ieremshezib b. )sh 7. I:Ieremshezib 8. Melechl;!.erem 9. Melechpalas b. Bodmelkart . . . b. . . . Melechl;!.erem
I:Ierem Gave [Hypocoristicon]
Elephantine Elephantine
I:Ierem Gave
Elephantine
(C 18:4 )
I:Ierem Gave I:Ierem Gave I:Ierem Flescued I:Ierem Flescued I:Ierem is King I:Ierem is King
South Saqqarah South Saqqarah South Saqqarah Dahshur Syro-Ca ppadocia Carthage
(AG 97 ) (AG 100) (AG 104) (AG p. 97) (Aime-Giron ) (Aime-Giron )
(K 8 : 1 2 ) 416 419 or 400 (C 22:4, 12 : 2 )
Notes 7-8. N. Aime-Giron, BIFAO 38 ( 1939 ) , 37. Of these forty-six names (Bethelzebad b. Eshemram and I:Ieremnathan b. Bethelnathan b. Sel;!.o are counted only once each ) , twenty-seven appear with or as patronymics. Of these twenty-seven, only three (Hosea b. Bethelnuri, Bethelnathan b. Jehonathan, and Seraiah d. Hosea b. I:Iarman b. Osea ) are combined with Hebrew names. Seven of the others are combined with Egyptian names (I:Ieremriathan b. Bethelnathan b. Sel;!.o, Bethelshezib b. Apries, I:Iarudj b. Bethelshezib, Pal;!.i b. Eshemram, I:Ieremnathan b. Pel;!.o, I:Ieremnathan b. Besa, I:Ieremnathan b. Peteisi ) . The rest are combined with Aramaic names or with related names (I:Ieremnathan b. Bethelnathan b. Sel;!.o, Bethelzabad b. Eshemram, Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib) . It is abundantly clear from these statistics that the Jews had little to do with the Araillean deities Bethel, Eshem, and I:Ierem.
AP PENDIX
VI
A C O M PARI S O N OF T H E S C H EMA OF ARAM A I C A N D D E M O T I C L E GAL D O C U M E NTS
An examination o f the schemata of the two sets of documents i n questions of property and loan reveals an almost complete identity so that an "Ara mean" entering into a contract, written in demotic, with an Egyptian would find the substantive provisions thereof most familiar.l Set side by side, the 1 For an early comparison of the Aramaic and (Ptolemaic) demotic docu ments d. L. Blau, "Zur demotischen und griechischen Papyrusurkunde," Fest schrift zu Hermann Cohens siebzigsten Geburtstage ( Berlin, 1 9 1 2 ) , 207ff; J. Leibovitch, "Quelques egyptianismes contenus dans les textes arameens d'Egypte," BIE 1 8 ( 1 9 3 5-36 ) , 27ff. For the schema of the Aramaic documents in general d. R. Yaron, 'SS 2 ( 1 9 57 ) , 33ff, and of the deeds of conveyance in particular, idem, Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 248ff, 3 79ff ( comparative remarks ) . For the schema of the demotic documents in general d. F. Ll. Griffith, op. cit., III, 32ff and of the deeds of conveyance in particular, M . Malinine and J. Pirenne, AHDO 5 ( 1 9 50-5 1 ) , 36ff, 71ff. In working out the comparative schemata, I have, where necessary, departed from those worked out by scholars who dealt with only one set of documents. It is recognized by both demotic (Malinine, Choix de textes ;uridiques, I, xxii-xxiii) and Semitic ( already M. Lidzbarski. DLZ [1906], P07, who spoke of the "festen Formeln, in denen die Sprache der Dokumente sich bewegt" ) scholars that the language of both sets of docll ments is highly stereotyped. Indeed, it would be impossible to arrive at a schema were the language not fixed. Still, though the scribes had at hand stock phrases and a set order, they did exhibit variations in selection and combination, varia tions often imposed by the differences of the object and conditions at hand. A model for the ancient scribe, the schema comes to the modern scholar by in ductive processes of collation. The similarity of phraseology and schemata herein evidenced raises the ques tion of influencing and borrowing, on which there are diametrically opposed views. Some, such as E. Revillout, Les origines egyptiennes du droit civil ro main ( Paris, 1912 ) , pff, and E. Seidl, Agyptische Rechtsgeschichte, 72 f, view the "Aramean" as the borrower from the Egyptian. Others, such as E. Y. Kutscher, TAOS 74 ( 1 954 ) , 243ff, and Y. Muffs, op. cit., 1 62, 165, view the Egyptian as the borrower from the "Aramean." A detailed analysis of many of
APPENDIXE S
335
schemata of seven demotic 2 and eighteen Aramaic 3 deeds of conveyance follow:
Demotic
Aramaic I. DATE
On the day . . . of (Babylonian month ) , i.e., the day . . . of (Egyptian month ) , year x of Y the king
In the year x (Egyptian ) month y under king z
II. PARTIES
said (alienor) A b. B (description ) to ( alienee) C b. D (description ) as follows :
said (alienor) A s. B & C, his mother ( description ) , to ( alienee) D s. E & F, his mother (description ) .
III. LEGAL ESSENCE
1.
"I have sold and given to you house a and you have given to us
1.
4
"You have satisfied my heart with the money for the housej
the points of contact and an attempt to arrive at a priority for each individual point was made by R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 99ff. In this work we are not so rriuch concerned with the question which language or people in fluenced the other. We merely seek to demonstrate that by the Persian period both Egyptian and "Aramean" were carrying on certain business affairs along almost identical lines. 2 They are all deeds of sale: ( 1 ) MP 1 8 ( = M 1 1 ; 510 B.C.E.) , a building plot; ( 2 ) MP 19 ( 502 ), a field; ( 3 ) MP 2 5 ( = M 17; 49 1 ) , inheritance rights; (4) MP 32 ( 493 ) , half a heifer; ( 5 ) MP 33 (Darius I ) , a foal; (6) MP 37 ( 517) and (7) MP 38 ( = M 8; 5 1 6 ) , a slave. S There are only two deeds of sale in the strict sense of the term but sixteen other deeds of conveyance have an almost identical schema and so are included here: ( 1 ) and ( 2 ) K 3, 12. Gift: ( 3-7 ) C 8; K 4, 6, 9, 1 0. Reversion of property: ( 8 ) C 9. Withdrawl: (9-1 3 ) C 6, 14, 20, 25, perhaps also K 1 (see n. 1 0, Chapter VI) . Division of inheritance: ( 1 4) C 28. Building rights : ( 1 5 ) C 5. Exchange : ( 16 ) C 1 . Remuneration : ( 1 7-1 8 ) C 1 3, 43. For classification of these documents d. R. Yaron, Biblica 41 ( 1960 ) , 248ff. C 1 3 is, strictly speak ing, neither a deed of sale nor one of barter. Nor is it known how the scribe referred to C 43 since the endorsement is missing except for the last word. The endorsement of C 1 3 is also unusual : "document concerning (simply b in Aramaic) Jedaniah and Mibtahiah his daughter" is the translation of Cowley. L. Blau, Magyar Zsid6-Szemle 2 5 ( 1909 ) , 2 59, thought of the scribal omission of six letters : spr [mr�q kt]b m�syh. . . . Such an error or abbreviation seems unlikely. , Some of these clauses follow IV and are grouped here for convenience of comparison.
3 36
2. 3.
4. 5.
APPENDIXES
b shekels. You have satisfied my heart. I have withdrawn. Yours it is. You have power over it from this day and forever,
slavejanimaP
2.
It is yours
3.
from this day, henceforth and forever."
6. and your sons after you." 7. Power of alienation IV. DESCRIPTION OF PROPERTY
1 . Measurements 2. Boundaries-relative to property at hand (above-below-E-W; E W-above-below; E-W-below above; below-above-W-E; E above-below-W)
A. Land or realty 1 . Measurements 2. Boundaries-relative to prop erty at hand (S-N-W-E )
B. Animals : marks, names C. Slaves : name, origin V. GUARANTEES FOR THE FUTURE
A.
1.
2.
B.
3.
1.
2.
)
3.
No future challenge If there is, penalty to be paid to alienee Property again the alienee's ( No future Challenge) If there is, alienor to remove challenge ("rise . . . clean . . . give" ) Payment if fails to remove challenge
1.
2.
No future challenge I f there is, alienor to remove chal lenge
3.
If fails to do so, penalized
4.
and property incontestably re mains with alienee.
VI. SCRIBE
There wrote E b. F this document
6
There wrote G ( description) s. ( description) .
II
For an analysis of the phrase, cf. Y. Muffs, op. cit., 1 50f, n. 5. 6 For an analysis of the c1auses in theAramaic documents cf. R . Yaron, BO 1 5 ( 1 958 ) , 19ff; idem, Biblica 41 ( 1 960 ) , 261ff, 273. 5
/
A P P ENDIXES
3 37
VII. DICTATION CLAUSE
at the dictation of G b. H. VIII. WITNESSES
Witnesses (are written ) within : J b. K, L b. M, etc. (4 or 8 witnesses )
( Signatures on the verso ) : J s. K, L s. M, etc. (4 or 8 wit nesses ) 7
IX. ENDORSEMENT
(On back of document) : A document of (name of transac tion ) which A b. B wrote for C b. D. The Aramaic documents evidence at least three different kinds of obli gations. The one most clearly in evidence-three whole documents-is that of loan, both money (C 1 0, 1 1 ) and grain (K 1 1 ) . The second one, of which only the first half of the two documents is preserved ( C 29, 3 5 ), is an acknowledgement of debt.8 The third kind, represented by the right hand side of one document (C 2 ) and only a few centimeters of a parallel one (C 3 ) deals with delivery of grain.9 All three types carry penalties for failure of fulfillment as agreed. The demotic documents of the Persian period present at least two clear examples of a loan, one of grain (M 3 [499] ) and one of money ( M 4 [487( ! ) ] ) . There is one debt acknowledge ment extant and it bears a formula similar to that in the Aramaic docu ments : "you have (a claim ) upon me." 10 The demotic deeds of obligation evidence a third type ( M 5 [487( 1 ) ] ) in which failure to return within a stipulated period a heifer delivered for castration entails the payment of another heifer or, failing which, a monetary sum at interest. This conver sion of the obligation-heifer to money-is reminiscent of the penalty clause in K 1 1 : 5ff,11 while the application of penalty provisions peculiar to a loan document to a transaction originally of another sort is reminiscent of C 2 and 3. A comparison of the schemata of the loan contracts reveals much similarity albeit not as great, clause for clause, as that found in the deeds of conveyance. The Aramaic documents are more verbose and show much variation among themselves, especially in the penalty clause. The 7 MP 38 has six witnesses; MP 3 7, witnesses are missing. 8 Although dealing with a debt, C 49 is too damaged for classification. 9 For discussion of these two documents, cf. Y. Muffs, op. cit., 56£. 10 Cf. P. Strassburg 4 : 2, discussed by M. Malinine, Kemi 1 1 ( 1 9 50 ) , 3ff . . n Cf. R. Yaron, Law of the Aramaic Papyri, 96, for discussion of this aspect of K 1 1 .
338
APPENDIXES
reference in these documents to repayment of loan from salary or rations received from the Persian government is, of course, due to the military situation of the Elephantine borrowers while the demotic omission of ex plicit reference to the death of the creditor (though reference is made to acceptance of the obligation by his children ) is due to Egyptian reluctance to mention death.12 The schemata follow:
Demotic
Aramaic I. DATE
18
14 Said ( debtor) A s. B & C, his mother (description ) , to ( creditor) D s. E & F, his mother (description ) ,
II. PARTIES
Said (debtor) A b. B (description ) to (creditor) C b. D (description ) , saying:
III. TERMS OF LOAN
A. Money: "You have given to me x shekels which shall bear interest at the rate of y l:Iallurs/month till 1 shall repay you ( the loan) . . . . Any month in which I shall not give you interest, it shall become princi pal and bear interest like the princi pal." B. Grain : " I have come to you . . . and you have given to me x meas ures of grain. Later on, I shall repay and give to you y measures of grain."
A. Money: "You have given to me x kite. I shall return to you y kite in year c, month d."
B. Grain : "You have given to me measures of grain. I shall return y measures of grain to your house in year c, month d." x
IV. SOURCE OF REPAYMENT
"And I shall pay it monthly from my wage (C 1 1 : 5f ) /ration (K 1 1 :4) 12 A similar absence is to be noted in the marriage contracts presented below. Of the three Aramaic loan documents, two omit the Babylonian month; for discussion of the date formula in these documents d. R. Yaron, ,55 2 ( 1957 ) , 3 3 ff. 14 For the question of the description of the parties, present in C 10 and K 1 1 but absent in C 1 1, d. R. Yaron, op. cit., 3 7 . 18
APPEN.DI XES
3 39
which they give me from the royal storehouse." V. RECEIPT
"And you shall write for me a receipt for all the money and interest which I shall pay you" ( C 1 1 :6f) . VI. PENALTY
"And if I do not pay you all the money and its interest (or grain ) by z (stated time) , a . "the money and interest still due from me shall be doubled and bear interest monthly till I pay you (C U :7ff) ." b. "you and your children are empowered to take any security of mine (list of seizable objects ) till you are paid , in full . for your money and its interest. And I shall not be able to cite you before the authorities for seizure of security as long as this document is in your hands (C 10:8ff) ." c. "I shall pay you a fine of r karsh within s days ( K 1 1 : 7) ."
"If I do not pay you y kite (or grain) in year c, month d it shall bear z; per cent interest/ month beginning year c, month e . . . till it equal the amount of the principal."
VII. EVIDENCE OF NON-PAYMENT
"I shall not be able to say 'I have repaid you the money and its interest as long as this document is in your hands ( C 10: 1 1f) .' "
"I shall not be able to say, 'I have given you the money and its inter est (or grain ) as long as this document is in your hands.' " 15
VIIr. OBLIGATION OF CHILDREN
"If I die without paying you, my children (and guarantors ) shall pay. If they do not pay, you are
"The principal and interest shall fall upon my children under any secu rity you desire of me (list of items)
15 No. VII follows No. VIII in the demotic schema but is placed prior to it for convenience of comparison.
340
APPENDIXES
empowered to seize any security of theirs (list of objects ) till you are paid in full for your money (and its interest) (C 10: 14ff; K l l :8ff) . And they shall not be able to cite you before the authorities as long as this document is in .your hands (C 10:18f ) ." (
till you have recovered in full your money and its interest."
IX. SCRIBE X. DICTATION CLAUSE
16
XI. WITNESSES
Witnesses ( are written) within : J b. K, L b. H, etc. (4 witnesses ) 17
( Signatures on the verso ) : J s. K, L s. M, etc. (4 or 8 wit nesses)
18 Now, while the schemata of the Aramaic and demotic deeds of convey ance and loan bear considerable similarity, those of the marriage contracts show great dissimilarity. Unfortunately, there is only one demotic marriage contract extant from the early Persian period; this is of the matrilocal type and not of much help in comparing schemata. But there is one contract from Elephantine of 535 B.C.E., another of 198, and one of 364/3 from Edfu. Moreover, these three contracts are similar in their schema to eight others from the Ptolemaic period 19 and this group may be used for pur poses of comparison with the Aramaic contracts : XII. ENDORSEMENT
Aramaic
Demotic I. DATE II. PARTIES
Said (groom ) A b. B ( description ) to ( father/owner of bride) C b. D ( description) , saying,
Said (groom ) A s. B & C, his mother (description ) , to (bride) D d. E & F, her mother,
16 For C 1 1, cf. R. Yaron, op. cit., 42. TIle dictation clause is absent from the demotic documents. 17 This is the order of C 10 and K 11 ; C Ii has the reverse order. 18 The endorsement is found only in the Aramaic documents. 19 Cf. Formula Group II of E. Liiddeckens, .i\gyptische Ehevertriige, 340. We here reverse his clauses 5A and 6 since the order 6-5A is that of botb Elephantine documents, being different from that in the other demotic texts.
APP ENDIXES
34 1
III. DECLARATION
"I have come to you that you might give me E in wifehood. She is my wife and I her husband from this day and forever.
"I have made you ( for) a wife.
IV. BRIDAL GIFT
"I have given you the mohar of your "I have given you x kite/deben = daughter/sister E silver x shekels. y stater = x kite/deben as your I t has gone in to you and your heart bridal gift." is satisfied therewith ( C 1 5 :4f; K 7:4f ) " The remaining clauses do not run parallel and so are listed separately: .
' V. LIST OF BRIDE S POSSESSIONS
V. PROVISION FOR CHILDREN
Total. "It has gone in to me and my heart is satisfied therewith (C 15: 1 5 ) ·"
"The children whom you have borne (will bear) me are the mas ters of every- and anything which I have and will acquire and which I will inherit.
VI. PROVISIONS IN CASE OF DIVORCE
VI.
INITIATED BY EITHER SPOUSE
"If I dismiss you as wife and hate you and make another woman than you my wife a. I shall give you r kite/de ben = s stater = r kite/deben in ad dition to the x kite/deben which I gave you as your bridal gift, making " the total r + x. 20 b. "And I shall give you V3 of any- and everything which I possess and/or which I/we shall acquire."
If A should stand up in the con gregation and say, "I hate E my wife" a. Divorce money ( K 2 : 8, 7:22 ) b. Loss of mohar ( C 1 5 :27) c. Return of bride's possessions. If E should stand up in the congregation and say, "I hate A my husband" a. Divorce money b. Loss of mohar ( K 7 :25 ) c. Receipt of possessions VII. PROVISIONS IN CASE OF DEATH OF
DIVORCE
INITIATED BY HUSBAND
' VII. LIST OF BRIDE S POSSESSIONS
Total. a. "I have received them If A die, E shall have power over from your hand. . . . My heart is 20 For discussion of this clause, cf. E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 269. Part of the bridal gift was given at the time of marriage and the rest reserved in case of divorce.
A SPOUSE WHERE THERE IS NO ISSUE
APPENDIXES
3 42
the goods of A (or "the goods be tween A and E"-K 2 : lOf ) . If E die, A shall inherit (C 1 5 :21; K 7 : 3 5 ) /have power over (K 2 : 1 2 ) the goods of E (or "the goods be tween A and E"-K 2 : 1 2f)
satisfied with them." 21 b. "When you are inside, so are they inside with you. When you are outside, so are they outside with you." VIII. · PROVISIONS IN CASE OF DIVORCE INITIATED BY WIFE
"If it is you who goes in that you dismiss me as husband, you shall give me p kite/deben out of the x kite/deben, written above, which I gave you as your bridal gift." VIII. SPECIAL PROVISIONS
22
IX. SPECIAL PROVISIONS
23
There are many points of contact in form and language (e.g., the phrase "my heart is satisfied therewith" appears in both sets in the bridal posses sion clause ) , but the points of dissimilarity in both form and substance outweigh those of similarity: ( 1 ) In the demotic documents the groom approaches the bride; in the Aramaic, her father or owner is approached. (2) The Aramaic documents contain a declaration of marriage which goes back to the Monarchy (Hos. 2 :4) and is absent from the demotic documents. ( 3 ) In the Aramaic documents the list of the bride's possessions follows immediately upon the bridal gift clause; in the demotic documents it is inserted between the clause dealing with divorce initiated by the husband and the one dealing with divorce initiated by the wife. (4) The Aramaic documents join the two clauses on divorce, that initiated by the husband and that by the wife; the demotic documents separate them. ( 5 ) Some of the later demotic documents, like the earlier cursive hieratic ones (cf. L 3 :8, 4 : 7 ) turn over to the woman Y3 of jointly acquired property ( L 22:2) or of his property (L 36:6) in case he divorces her; the Aramaic documents provide for no such transfer of the husband's property in case of divorce. (6) The procedural description of divorce differs in both sets of documents : In the Aramaic the husband or wife arises in the congregation and an nounces "I divorce my wife (husband) ." The demotic documents indicate no such requirement of publicity but almost always apply different terms to the man than to the wife-�3c, "expel," "cast out," and sm, "go," re21
For discussion of this clause, cf. Y. Muffs, op. cit., 1 63£. By this is meant provisions not common to all the documents.
22/2 3
A P PENDIXES
343
spectively. These correspond to the reality-the man dismisses the woman from his house; she· simply goes.24 ( 7 ) The demotic documents provide for the property rights of the children (after the husband's death? ) ; the Ara maic documents do not. ( 8 ) The Aramaic documents provide for the prop erty rights of a childless, surviving spouse; the demotic documents do not. ( 9 ) The demotic documents are subjectively formulated throughout; in the Aramaic documents the death and divorce clauses are always objectively formulated, as is the non-revocation of dowry clause where it appears (C 18: 1-3; K 7:40ff ) .25 24 Cf. E. Liiddeckens, op. cit., 272. The verb "go" referring to the wife oc curs in Deut. 24:2; Jer. 3 : 1 . In the demotic documents it is the main element but in the Elephantine contracts it is merely the third in a series ( "stand up in the congregation ' , ' . hate . . . go" ) . The verb npq, "go out" (C 9 : 9; K 7:26 ) , also appears at Elephantine though not as the main term for divorce. In the Bible there occur such terms as grs, "expel" (Lev. 21 :7, 14, 22: 1 3; Num. 30: 10; Ezek. 44: 2 2 ) and sllJ" "send (away) " (Deut. 22: 19, 29, 24:1; Is. 50: 1; J er. 3: 1, 8; Mal. 2: 16) but these are absent from the papyri. 2� Cf. R. Yaron, JSS 2 ( 1 957 ) , 37f.
\
I
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G E N E RAL I N D E X
Abu Simbel, 9 Abusir, 23 Abydos, 41, 42n54, 43, 2 57, 280, 282, 288nI9 Accountants. See Officials Adindan, 36n31 Afghanistan, 64 Ai, 183 Akkadian, 2 1 £, 1 3 6n85, 188, 191 Alalakh, 209 Alexandria, 1 88n36 Altar, 1 55; to the host of heaven, 1 1 9; to the Lord in Egypt, 1 1 9; Greek, 1 5 5nI5; and oaths, 1 56, 1 56nI 6; and appeal to deity, 1 5 8; ' incense, 168; names of, 168; deified; 168f; Nabatean inscription on, 181; at Palmyra, 182; incense at Lachish, 2921127 Ammon, Ammonite, 1 6, 1 1 7, 176, 248f Amoll (Amun ) , Amon-Re, 1 1, 23, 1 5 5nI6, 282f Anath, 149, 1 66f, 1 70, 178f; Atta, 1 65, 170; [At]ti, 94, 165; Atargatis, 171; Attaratta, 1 73 Anathbethel, 163f, 17of, 17 3f, 326 Anathoth, 178 Anathyahu, 1 54, 1 56, 1 58, 171, 1 77, 179 Anatolia, 63 Anthothijah, 178f Aphroditopolis, 4 5 Apollo, 23, 1 8 3 Arabs, Arabia, Arabic, 2 1 , 1 1 3n24, 292n27 Arad, 29, 33n27, 105, 1 20 Aram, Arameans, 7, 16-18, 1 70-72, 207n7, 31 0; soldiers, 1 6, 265, 272; at Syene, 1 5, 17f, 29, 33f, 1 64f, 173f, 202n7, 233, 239, 2 51, 264; in Egypt, 17, 1 68, 1 72; deities and shrines, 19, 33, 1 64-67, 1 74, 3 3 3 Aramaic contracts, 2 3 , 3 5, 70, 72, 188, 198, 21 9, 2 54, 262f; building rights,
239, 3 3 5n3; conveyance, 102, 1 10, 1 65, 1 88, 194, 203nI O, 216, 229, 284f, 298, 3 3 5, 3 3 5n3, 340; division of inherit ance, 188, 3 3 5n3; divorce, 261; eman cipation, 192nI 7, 1 98n35, 219, 271; exchange, 23, 3 3 5n3; gifts, 188, 242nI5, 294, 3 3 5n3; loans, 27, 67f, 71, 77f, 80n81 , 83, 1 88, 20 5, 233, 2 64, 298, 3 37f, 340; marriage, 71, 73, 7 5, 91, 188nI , 1 90, 192nI 7, 194, 198n35, 203, 205-10, 2 1 2f, 222-26, 23 of, 247, 252-57, 261, 298, 340, 343; obligation, 79, 101, 29 5, 3 37; remu neration, 244f, 33 5n3; reversion of property, 242-44, 3 3 5n3; sale, 188, 2 1 3f, 216n50, 223, 2 3 1 , 286, 294, 3 3 5n3; withdrawal, 194, 203nlO, 240, 247, 2 5 5, 2 57, 271, 3 3 5n3; date for mula, 27, 196£, 23 3n92 ; titles in, 48; and demotic, 1 69, 194; size of, 1 29n55, 19 5f, purpose of, 188; penalties in, 19of, 207, 2 1 6f, 220, 223f, 226, 239f, 253, 256-58, 296, 306, 3 37; stored in clay jars, 191, 2 1 3; and Egyptian con tracts, 191; sources for family histories, 191; place and manner of redaction, 191£, 194, 196Il28, 197f; Egyptian as witness, 194; corrections in, 207n30; sealed, 1 9 5 Aramaic documents : administrative affairs, 32, 34n27, 4 5, 47, 72, 1 64, 262f; lists of names, 32; with demotic writing, 57, 1 63f, 194; and monetary system, 64; disintegrated upon exposure, 98; from Samaria, 293n29; in house k, 296 Aramaic inscriptions: on storage jars, 148,nI31, 296; Behistun, 21f, 71, 263; Wadi Tumilat, 22; dockets on cunei form tablets, 141nI 06; of Sheil, 16 5; from Southern Anatolia and Northern Syria, 1 67; funerary stela, 1 70; Sfire tablet, 170; on Lachish altar, 292n27
37 8
GENERAL INDEX
Aramaic language, 16, 33, 33n27, 57, 2 3 � 2 50, 298, 300, 310 Aramaic law, 22, 192n13, 208, 258 Aramaic letters, 3 5, 42, 47, 89, 1 50, 262n58, 262f, 272f, 277, 282, 291; of Arsames, 46, 5 lf, 5411102, 57, 287, 3 1 2; titles in, 48; official, 5 5, 70; of Rehum and Shimshai, 57; of a coastal kinglet to Pharoah, 57111 1 O; salutation in, 109, 129, 1 58f, 173, 268f, 273, 3 1 l f, 3 1 4; of Hananiah, 1 28, 1 3 2, 28of; size and script of, 1 29, 265, 272f; in Jedaniah archive, 278. See also Aramaic ostraca, Hermopolis letters Aramaic ostraca, 1 6, 57, 72n56, 90, 105, 1 5 511 1 1 , 267n7, 276f, 300; lists on, 32; references to food and garments, 84, 86, 90; divine epithets in, 109; saluta tions, 109, 275f; and Sabbath, 1 26, 1 3 1 ; and Passover, 1 3 1f, 276; and oaths, 1 5 2; and marzeaTJ, 1 79, 184; and slavery, 204; sent from Syene to Elephantine, 274f; and letters, 274-77; difficulty of interpretation, 275; how written, 275 CAraq el-Emir, 1 1 6f, 300 Archives, 265, 274; Ananiah b. Azariah, 191, 1 9 5, 202, 206, 2 1 3 , 219n55, 223, 234, 262, 278f, 284f, 308; Mib tahiah, 26, 191, 19 5f, 237, 239, 245, 247, 256, 2 58f, 262f, 265; Tsenenl:Jor, 259, 265; Egyptian, 1 9 1 , 262; Jedaniah b . Gemariah, 263, 278f Ari (city ) , 1 80 Arpad, 17f, 1 67 Arsaphes, 307 Artemesium, 28 Ashdod, 1 0 Asherah, 1 1 9, 177, 179 Ashima, 1 7 1 f, 175f Ashkelon, 5 , 10, 184 Ashur (deity ) , 1 57, 200£ Ashur (place) , 166n53, 209 Asia Minor, 23, 281 Asia tics, 1 5 Assyria, AS5yrian ( s ) , 7, 9, 16, 18, 1 19, 1 2 1, 1 2 5, 171, 178, 200, 202n7; law and contracts, 78, 1 57, 170, 200; Old Assyrian contracts, 21 on37; Neo-Assyrian contracts, 192n 1 3, 199n38, 210n37; loans, 77£ Astarte ( Athtart) , 1 66£, 171, 1 77£, 178n 1 l 2 , 1 79 Aswan, 24, 3 5-37 Atar (Athtar) , 1 66£ Athens, Athenian, Attic, 64£, 66n24, 69, 73
Avdat, 1 8 2 Avva, 1 6, 1 7 1 , 172n97 Baal, 1 9, 1 1 9, 1 5 8, 1 67, 169, 171, 177, 1 79 Baal-I:Jamman 19, 1 68 Baal-I:Iaran, 1 9 Baal-Peor, 1 68n70, 1 8 3 Baal-$amad, 1 9 Baal-Zaphon, 1 59n33 Babylon (ia ) , lOf, 19, 21, 57, 71, 73f, 1 1 5£, 166, 171, 236, 280, 3 28f Babylonian law and contracts, 55111 02, 1 69, 191, 198, 229n82, 261, 305; courts, 279; exculpatory oath, 1 5 1111 ; loans, 77f; manumission, 220f; mar riage, 207; slavery, 76; Old-Babylonian law and contracts, 78, 199, 209n37, 2 1 7, 244, 2 54; Neo-Babylonian law and contracts, 67, 78, 8811132, 197, 199, 204, 212, 254 Babylonian religion, 168, 171 Babylonians, 9; at Elephantine, 19, 29, 199; in Samaria, 172 Baitylos, 1 72. See also Bethel Banit ( u ) , 33, 171, 173, 268, 270 Bar Kochba documents, 1 3 4 Barca, 24 Beer-sheba, 1 7 5 Bel (Marduk ) , 15 7, 1 59, 1 60, 1 66-68, 1 8 2£ Bceltek, 1 83 Beni Hasan, 311I Beth-anath, 178 Beth-anoth, 178 Beth-marzeal;!. (Betomarsea ) , 1 8 3 Beth Mashko, 1 5 511 1 1 Beth-i:ehob, 1 6 Beth-shan, 1 6 5n46, 178 Beth-zur, 67n35, 91 Bethel, Beth-aven (place) 1 72, 1 75£ Bethel (deity) , 1 3n51 , 33, 149, 1 65-70, 173, 175, 3 3 3 Bethlehem, 249 Bit Agusi, 1 7, 173 Blemmian, 74 Boats, boatmen, 28, 3 7, 39, 41, 57f, 66, 9 5, 1 3 1 , 239, 286 Bomos, 173 Bribery, 53, 282f Builder, 40, 245, 248 Burj Baqirl:Ja, 173 Calasirians, 28, 29n4 Canaan, Canaanite, 5, 1 1 5, 1 1 8£, 178, 248-50 Canal, dug by Darius, 21
GENERAL INDEX Caravans, 41-43, 263, 272 Carchemish, 1 0 Carians, 8f Carthage, 3 3 3 Caspians, a t Elephantine, 29, 34, 94, 1 94, 199, 21 3f, 245 Centurions. See Officials Chancellor. See Officials Chemosh, 1 7 5f Children, 208, 212, 2 1 7nS2, 22of, 22 5f, 229, 233-36, 240, 242, 244, 250, 2 54f, 2 58, 261, 269, 273, 275f; child birth, 1 34, 1 45; adoption, 2 20n61, 221; right of inheritance, 216-17 Cilicians, 26mo4, 28, 56m 16 Circumcision, 251 Claims. See Litigation Clothing. See Garments Coinage and coins, 44n62, 62, 63n4, 63f, 65, 65ll2 1, 65n22, 66n24, 67n3S, 68, 68n39, 69n43, 70, 70n4S, 72f, 73n6162, 74n64, 306 Contracts. See Aramaic contracts; Assyr ian contracts; Babylonian contracts; De motic contracts Coptos, 2 5 Cos, 297 Courts. See Litigation Crimea, 64 ' Crophi and Mophi, 39 Cuthah, 1 6, 171 Cypriote, 28 Cyrene, 24 Dagon, 1 72, 179 Damascus, 1 7 Dan, 1 7 5 Daphnae. See Tahpanhes Death, 226, 229f, 2 3 3, 245, 2 56, 3 3 8, 341, 343 Deities : and Moses, 6; at Samaria, 1 6; and Elephantine Jews, 19, 1 60; at Ya,di, 19; and personal names, 1 3 3f; Greek, 172m01; in letter salutations, 1 29, 174, 3 1 1 ; Babylonian-Aramean, 1 74; Aramean, 3 3, 164-7 3, 175 Delta, 26, 28 Demotic contracts, 40, 56, 1 54, 1 8 5m43, 198f, 2 19, 258f, 306, 3 34; conveyance, 216, 298, 3 1 0, 3 3 5, 340; debt ac knowledgement, 3 3 7; divorce, 247; gift, 229nBS; loans, 77-79, 80nBl, 83mol, 298, 33 7, 340; marriage, 69f, 74n64, 82n9o, 88m 32, 92, 1 9 2 m 6, 208f, 22 1n6s, 222n66, 223, 247n23, 2 54, 268n7, 33 8, 340, 343; oaths, 1 55nl l , 3 1 7nB; sale, 3 3 5ll2; o f boatman, 39;
379
of quarry worker, 40; containing title
frataraka, 45n63 ; and weight standard,
68f; of a Theban family, 192m6; scribes, 1 9 5; not sealed, 195; and date formula, 197, 23 3n92 Demotic documents : administrative af fairs, 1 5, 45n63; petition of Peteisis, 282f Demotic law, 22, 208, 258 Demotic letters, 23, 2 5, 41 Demotic ostraca, 87m 29, 1 5 5nl l, 275 Deuteronomy, Deuteronomic, 1 2, 1 62, 1 76; injunction against worship of heavenly hosts, 1 2n49; reformation, 13, 1 24; and Passover, 1 3 1 Divorce, 3 5, 79, 1 53f, 207n30, 208-10, 2 1 1 n40, 2 23-25, 239, 242n1S, 244n1S, 245, 247f, 2 52f, 2 58, 261f, 298, 341f; penalty, 75, 209, 2 5 3; woman's right of, 209, 26lf. See also Marriage Dodekaschoinos, economic privileges of, 25 Dowry. See Marriage Dura-Europas, 1 72f Dushara, 1 82 Eanna, 168 Ecbatana, 2 1 Edessa, 1 7 3 Edfu, 23 Edomites, Idumeans, 249, 292n27 Egypt, Egyptians : Old Kingdom, 41114B; Middle Kingdom, 204, New Kingdom, 30, 49nB2; Third Dynasty, 24; Sixth Dynasty, 45; Eighteenth Dynasty, 66, 199; Nineteenth Dynasty, 170; Twen tieth Dynasty, 170; Saitic period, 8f, 1 2, 1 5, 33n27, 47, 51, 66, 1 59n33, 1 9 1 , 198, 222n6s, 236n3, 252; Thir tieth Dynasty, 65n2 1 , 296, 307; Ptol emaic period, 24, 5 1 , 68-70, 85, 94, 1 55, 212, 296, 300, 306; Roman pe riod, 39, 66, 69, 94, 1 1 8, 1 27, 293ll29, 307; Upper Egypt, 43, 45, 5 5, 287; Middle Egypt, 45; Lower Egypt, 27, 42, 54f; and Israel, Jews, 3-8, 1 2f, 19f, 194, 249, 281, 286m7, 287; scorn for foreigner, 4; attitude toward death, 5, 184f; foreign rule over, 6, 10, 1827, 28, 49, 53, 2 1 7, 287; religion, 6, 20, 23, 29, 29n7, 1 22, 1 54, 248; soldiers of, 29f; and Greek and Roman travelers, 37n34; myth about Nile source, 39; and material culture, 65, 71, 74, 89f, 197; slaves, 76, 203-05; foods of, 80, 84, 87, 92, 1 3 3 ; climate,
3 80
G E N E RAL INDEX
89nI35, 92, 101, 18 5n140; and As syria, 1 19, papponymy, 236. See also Demotic EI, 19, 1 67, 169, 176, 179f Elam, Elamite, 21f, 46, 70, 73, 17 2n97 Elephantine : garrison at, 1 2, 29, 33, 341127, 3 5f, 53, 5 5, 1 29, 197; settle ment of Jews in, 14£, 18n66, 19n68, 3 3, 175, 2931129; Jewish community of, 53, 174, 201, 203, 219, 257£, 262, 289, 292, 293n29, 298, 301; as transit post, 17, 3 6, 301; Khnum priests of, 23, 9 5, 278-99; inscription of Ramses III at, 24; and Persian rule, 25-27, 43, 45, 49, 54, 279, 287; seized by Ethi opians, 3 1n I 6; well at, 36n33, 284; name of, 37n35; and Nilometer, 39; and quarrying, 39-41; rations and wages of Jewish soldier at, 26, 34n28, 42, 53, 58, 60, 69, 72-74, 78f, 82n91, 85, 233, 270, 272, 300, 3 3 8; fruits and vegetables at, 84-86; excavations at, 9 5, 97, 262f; end of Jewish garrison at, 296. See also Syene Ephraimites, possibly at Elephantine, 1 3 11161 Erech, 329 Esagila, 1 68 Eshem, 169, 172, 172nI01, 173, 17 5f, 333 Eshembethel, 163f, 1 68f, 173f, 3 2 6 Esther, book of, 46 Ethiopia (Nubia, Kush ) , Ethiopians, 71 5, 20, 24f, 3 1n16, 3 5, 41-43, 74, 86, 93, 1 1 9n38, 301 Euphrates, 170 Exodus from Egypt, 4-6, 1 22, 1 2 5, 281 Ezra, book of, 46, 293n29 Falashas, 1 62f Feast of Unleavened Bread, 1 23-2 5, 1 28f, 1 3 2f, 3 1 3 Feast of Weeks, 1 62f, 3 1 3 Garments, 3 3, 75f, 88-91, 267£, 273 Garrison commander. See Officials Gaza, 10, 1 84 Gebelen, 77 Gezer, 5f Gibeon, 145nI23 Gifts, 188, 190, 2 1 7, 21 9f, 22 5f, 229f, 239f, 2 59 God of Israel. See YHW, YHWH Gold, 70, 73n61, 108, 1 1 3 Governor. See Officials
Greece, Greeks, 28; soldiers in Egypt, 1 5, 2 1 2, 297; travelers in Egypt, 37n34; stater of Yavan, 64; mercenaries, 7274; and slavery, 80n81, 22on60; grains of, 81; contr�cts, 194, 297; ostraca, 275; and JeWIsh Sabbath observance, 281; at Elephantine, 297 Gulf of Suez, 21 Hadad, 19 Hamath, 16-18, 173 I:Ian, 94, 1 59, 165, 1 74, 275 I:Iamman, 1 9, 1 70, 194 lJanat ('Anah ) , 170 Hanukkah, 1 30, 1 74 Harran, 167, 1 70 Hatti, 5 Hazor, 6 Hebrew (language ) , 3 31127 Hellespont, 287 Heracleopolis Magna, 282 I:I ercm, 149, 1 5 5f, 1 58, 169, 3 1 7, 3 3 3 l;Ierembethel, 1 56-58, 1 64, 168f, 17 3f, 316 Hermopolis letters, 1 8 , 34, 34n28, 1 27, 1 3 5n70, 148, 165f, 25of, 264, 267, ' 272-74, 277, 3 1 2, 314 Hermotybians, 28, 29n4 I:Ioruodj, island of, 164 Horus, 74 House, houses, 34f, 51, 75, 80, 97f, 102, 1 10, 203n10, 2 1 3, 2 1 6n50, 21 7, 231, 233n92, 234, 239f, 242, 244f, 256, 258f, 263, 273, 284, 286, 288, 294, 3 1 3n9; in Babylonia, 76; plan and boundary of, 9 5, 97f, 101f, 226, 230f, 308-10; excavated, 102; for EI, Baal, 1 67 Hurru, Ijr, 5, 1 1 Hyksos, Sf, 65, 1 70 Incense, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3n24-25, 1 14, 291-93, 301 India, 43 Indus, 50 Inheritance, 2 1 7, 22 5f, 229, 242, 256f, 259, 342 Intermarriage. See Marriage Ionians, 8f Ishtar, 1 66n55, 168, 180, 200 Isis, 1 56nI 6 Israel, Israelite: attitude toward Egyptian, 4, 249; justice and humanitarian con c�rn, 4, 64, 270f; in Merneptah inscrip tion, 5; and Canaan, 5, 18 3, 248; diet, 86f; shepherds, 87; religion, 1 2 2f, 1 3 2, 1 57f, 1 68, 172, 175, 220; and neigh-
GE NERAL INDEX bors, l S 3, 24Sf; attitude toward death, l S4f; documents, 213, 260; women, 260, 29S. See also Palestine, Samaria Jebel Nabu, 1 67 Jebel Seman, 1 7, 1 67, 173 Jebel Sheikh Barakat, 173 Jeme, temple of, 1 56m 6 Jericho, 123 Jerusalem, 6, 16, 91, lOS, 1 14, 1 1 9, 175; besieged, 7, 1 3f, 1 19n39; captured, 10, 1 2S; fortifications of, 43, 55, 1 2 1 ; Sab bath and Passover, 52, 1 23-25, 1 27, 1 3 3; relations with Elephantine, 1 2 1, 2S1, 291f, ' 293n29, 301, 308 Jordan (river ) , 1 1 5, 183 Jubilees, 162 Judah, 43, 86, 92, 260; invaded, 7, 10, 108, 1 76; and Egypt, 9; origin of Elephantine Jews, 1 8n66; restoration of, 19; debtors in, 79f; climate, 92; and Passover, 1 23; names in, 141mo6, 147; and pagan worship, 1 77f; lan guage of, 250; intermarriage in, 249, 251; governor of, 279, 289f. See also Palestine Judaism, adoption of, 2 5 1 Judges. See Officials Kabul, 64 Karaites, 162 Kefr Nabu, 1 67, 172f Khargeh, oasis of, 23 Khnum : priests of, 23, 9 5, 165n4B, 275, 278-99; economic privileges of, 24f; temple of, 36n33, 40, 29 6f, 308f; and Nile rise, 39; and Jewish Temple, 1 20, 278-99; town of, 284, 286, 308 Khnumeum, 286, 309 Khorazmian(s ) , 29, 3 5, 94, 1 52f, 239 Kitchener's Island, 36 Kiiltepe, 209n36 Kush. See Ethiopia Lachish, 1 3 , 3 3n27, 105, 292n27 Lake Moeris, 24 Land: lease, 27; registration of, 51; rent from Persian estates, 58 Laodicea, 281 Larsa, 329 Law. See Aramaic law; Assyrian law; Babylonian law; Demotic law; Near Eastern law; Talmudic law Lebanon, 289 Leon (deity ) , 1 72f
381
Leontopolis, 1 1 1 , 1 1 6, 1 1 8, 1 20n42, 299, 301 Letters. See Aramaic letters; Demotic let ters Levites, 52, 1 24, 1 2 5 , 202; and Onias Temple, 1 1 8 Libya, Libyan ( s ) , 5 , 24, 2 6 Litigation, 3 5; claims, 47, 49, 53f, 188-90, 202f, 239f, 245, 2 5 5-57; court(s) , 47f, 49nB2, 1 53, 1 57, 1 8 8, 1 90, 210n3B, 2 5 5, 3 1 6 Loans, 67-69, 7 5, 77-79, 88, 1 0 1 , 203, 205, 2 1 2, 2 1 6, 2 3 3 , 270f, 273, 298, 3 38. See also Aramaic contracts, loans; Demotic contracts, loans Lord. See YHW, YHWH Luxor, 284m 5 Lydia (n) , 6 5m B Maccabees, 1 1 8 Madbachos, Madbal;!, Mizbeal;!, 17 3 Magians, 199 Mahanaim, 84, 87 Maioumas, 1 83 Malkat-Shemayin. See Queen of Heaven Manumission. See Slavery Marathon, 2 5 Marduk. See Bel Marea, 1 2 Marriage, 74, 88, 203, 205, 208f, 2 1 11 3 , 21 7n52, 2 1 9n 5 5, 220n61, 229, 237, 240, 244m6, 2 5 1 f, 2 57-59, 261, 297f; dowry, 70, 74f, 79, 190, 207f, 2 1 3 , 223, 242n 1 5, 247, 25 2, 259, 268n7, 298, 341, 34 2f; intermarriage, 149, 1 74, 1 78, 203, 248-50, 2 52, 298; bridal gift, 74f, 206-08, 2 1 3 , 221-24, 2 5 3 , 341f; remarriage, 2 2 5 . See also Children Marseilles, 181 Ma�tabat-Firun, 82n91 "Mazdaean," 5 5 Measures. See Weights and measures Mede, Median, 9, 29, 62f, 65, 199, 2 1 9 Medeba, 1 8 3 Megiddo, 7, 10, 91 Memphis, 7-9, 14, 1 8f, 24, 26, 29, 3 1 m 5 , 42, 45, 47, 49, 53f, 57, 64, 69n43, 85, 90, 93, 165f, 1 68, 176, 264, 268f, 273, 278, 282f, 296, 298, 31 2, 3 3 2 Mercenaries, 8 , 1 2, 14-16, 3 3, 1 1 8, 300, Merchants, 18, 41, 264 Me�ad ijashavyahu, 10 Meshwesh, 28 Midianites, 7m B Migdol, 14, 42, 44, 90, 1 76, 298
3 82
GEN ERAL I NDEX
Miletus, 28 Mishnaic, 1 33, 198, 244ll 1 6, 3 1 3 Moab, Moabite, 175f, 1 83, 248f Mohar. See Marriage, bridal gift Molech/Milcom, 176 Month (temple of ) , 1 56111 6 Mount Amanus, 1 68n70 Mount Gerizim, 1 1 6f, 1 20 Mount Hermon, 1 69 Mount Sinai. See Sinai Mytilenaeans, 49 Nabateans, 1 55ll1 S, 181, 1 8611147 Nabu, 33, 1 57, 1 59f, 1 6 5-67, 1 73, 183, 200, 202n7 Names, 34, 1 24, 1 3 3-50, 1 70, 1 77, 219nSS, 3 1 7, 328-3 3; Akkadian, 1 68, 3 30; Aramaic ( Aramean ), 85, 1 34, 1 34n70, 1 3 6n82, 1 37n88, 141111 06, 147, 147ll1 27, 1 60, 1 65f, 169, 174, 1 8 5, 251, 269, 3 3 3 ; Egyptian, 45n63, 192111 6, 194, 203f, 233, 251, 3 33; He brew, 13 6, 147-49, 1 54, 160, 1 64, 1 8 5, 204, 235, 237, 25of, 298, 3 3 3 ; Israel ite, 106, 1 3 5f, 142ll1 09, 144, 148, 149ll1 33, 173, 1 76; non-Jewish, 149, 161, 1 76nl lo, 237, 250; Persian, 49; Phoenician, 8 5, 1 69; Punic, 141111 04; Semitic, 1 50, 204; compounded with Bethel, 165, 328-3 1; compounded with Nabu, 166; compounded with YHW, 105, 1 3 6-45, 203 ; structure and type, 1 3 3-48; hypocoristica, 1 34f, 14 5, 147f, 1 65, 1 66nS3; of Babylonian Jews, 1 3 5, 1 70, 237n9; and childbirth, 140n98, 145; religious significance of, 145, 147; papponymy, 148f, 192111 6, 193nI 9, 23 5-37; feminine, 1 60, 250n3 1, 2 5 1 ; on collection list, 16062, 320-27; absence of EI in, 167; of scribe and witnesses, 1921117, 197f; double, 204, 2 5 2 Navigation. See Boats, boatmen Near East, law and contracts, 203, 206, 209f, 221n6s, 222 Nehemiah, book of, 46, 293n29 Neirab, 1 67 Neith, 19, 2 3 Nepha, 1 56, 295, 3 1 5 Nergal, 1 59f, 1 66f, 171 Nibl;IaZ, 171, 172n97 Nile, 8, 21, 36f, 37n3S, 39, 49f, 101 Nilometer, 39 Nippur, 5411102, 1 2 5n48, 209, 210n37, 3 29f Nubia. See Ethiopia
Nus (h )ku, 1 66f Nuzi, 210n37 Oaths, 1 50, 1 52, 194; by the altar, 1 56; by the God of Samaria, 176; by pagan deity, 1 53, 1 58; by Sati, 1 73, 247; by the Temple, 1 56; by YHW, 1 5 2f, 1 58, 17 3, 240; Babylonian, 1 56111 6; Egyp tian, 1 52, 1 5 5111 1 , 247U2 3; judicial, 1 51 , 1 53, 1 5 5f, 174, 256, 295; on ostraca, 1 52, 1 5 5111 1; oath-helpers, 1 52n5, 3 1 6; rationale behind, 1 53n8; where taken, 1 56 Officials : accountants, 46, 58-60; cen turions, 29f, 3 2; chancellor, 55-57; de curion, 32; degel officers, 3of; framana kara, 46, 5611108, 58; frataraka, 42nS4, 44f, 47ff, 53, 58, 60, 225, 284f; gar rison commander, 23, 41, 43-45, 47f, 2 5 5, 257, 280, 285; gausa-ka ("ears" ) , 50, 51n87; governors, 42, 44, 5of, 55; heralds, 46, 52f; investigators, 53f; judges, 23, 46-5 1 , 1 24, 1 5 2, 1 77£, 202, 205n22, 239, 3 1 6n8; "lord," 48; nom arch, 45; satrap, 23, 50, 53, 5 5, 59, 230, 287, 290n24, 298; scribes, 42, 46, 51, 57, 6of; segan, 48f; sheriffs, 50, 284; treasurer, 59 Ofi ( Luxor ) , 18, 34, 264, 267-69, 330 Oil, castor, 92£, 267£ Onomasticon. See Names Ophrah, 1 68 Orontes, 172 Osiris, 1 561116, 1 8 5 Ostraca. See Aramaic ostraca; Demotic ostraca Oxyrhynchus, 1 7 Palaeography, 1 62, 1931119, 263nS9, 272111 6, 273, 3 1 7; and Michaelidis in scriptions, 168n69 Palestine, Palestinian (s) , 8, 1 5, 41, 1 20, 2 3 5111, 261; stone weight from, 67n3S; olive oil from, 93. See also Israel; Ju dah; Samaria Palmyra, 1 82£ Papremis, 295 Papyri. See Aramaic contracts; Aramaic documents; Demotic contracts; Demotic documents Parthia, 1 28 Passover, 53, 82, 87, 122-3 3, 1 50, 1 62, 173, 276£, 280-8 3, 286, 301, 3 1 1-1 3 ; paschal sacrifice, 1 22-2 5, 1 32£, 28of, 286, 3 1 3 . See also Feast of Unleavened Bread Pasturing, 86f, 300
GENERAL INDEX Pathros, 8, 14, 42, 1 76 Pelusium, 1 9 Persepolis, 46, 59f, 67, 7of, 73, 305 Persian ( s ) , 29, 64, 1 30, 199, 214, 28 8TIl 9; rule in Egypt, 1 9-27, 45-61, 279, 291, 295f; as judges, 49, 1 52; calendar, 197; weights and measures, 62-72, 197; papponymy, 236 Petra, 181 Pharisees, 1 62f Philae, 3 1TIl 6 Philistines, 33TI27, 1 1 5 Phoenicia, Phoenician (s) , 28, 88TIl 33, 141TIl04, 287; in Egypt, 9, 8 5; in scriptions, 8 5, 1 8 1 , 292n27, 296; letter, 1 59n33; papponymy, 236 Phrygia, 279 Piraeus, 1 8 1 Plataea, battle at, 28 Prayer, 144-46, 1 58, 291 Priestly Code, 1 1 1 , 1 3 1 Priests, 114, 1 70, 177; of Amun, 282f; of Baal, 1 70; of Bel, 18 2f; of I:Jan and Atti, 1 65; of Khnum, 23, 9 5, 165n48, 275, 278-99; of Nabu, 1 65; of YHW, 3 5, 48n77, 1 1 3, 1 2 1 , 133, 201, 280, 300; and a marzeal:!, 1 8 183; Egyptian, 1 8 5TIl 43, 2 59; Magian, 219; North ' Israelite, 172; and Leon topolis Temple, 1 18; and Passover, 123-2 5, 1 3 3 Prophets, prophecies, 1 4, 1 1 5, 1 1 8f, 1 58, 177 Proselytes, 1 76n1 1 o, 251 Psalmic literature, 1 3 5, 146£, 1 57 Ptal,l, 9, 27, 63f, 68f, 77, 269TIl 1 , 306f Punic, 141n104, 171, 1 8 1 Purim, 1 3 0 Qarqar, 7 Qa�r el-'Abd, 1 1 6f, 300 Qedarite Arabs, 22 Quarries: at Syene, 1 5, 39f; at Elephan tine, 40; at Sehel, 40; at Turah, 41n48 Queen of Heaven, 33 , 165, 176-78 Qumran, 29, 106, 162f Rakibel, 19, 1 69, 173 Ramah, 8 7 Rations. See Elephantine, rations and wages Red Sea, 91 Reed Sea, 5 Religion. See Babylonian religion; Deities; Egypt, religion; Israel, religion; Sacri fices
3 83
Rephidim, 1 68 Resheph, 1 9 Rhodians, 9 Roman ( s ) , 3 1 f, 37n34, 100f, 1 28, 1 72, 296 Sabbath, 1 22-3 3, 1 50f, 173, 281, 3 1 2 Sacrifices : at Elephantine, 24, 88, 1 1 31 5, 201, 292-95, 301; in Israel, 1 1 1, 1 1 3-1 5, 1 55; and sacred soil, 1 1 5; on Sabbath and festivals, 1 22f; of the proselyte, 1 58; pagan, 181; taxed in Jerusalem temple, 290n24. See also Incense Sadducees, 1 62 Sais, 1 5, 1 9, 23, 40 Sale, 214-1 7, 219, 231, 242n 1 5 Samal, 1 68, 1 68n67, 169 Samaria : and foreign attack, 7, 1 6; for eign settlers in, 1 6, 1 8, 171; ostraca and papyri from, 17n63, 1 I 6n31, 145TIl23; officials in, 46, 5ITI87, 57, 289; quarrel with Judah, 1 I 6; shrines of, 1 I 6, 1 20, 176; and Passover cele bration, 1 2 3; pagan deities in, 173, 1 76; rebuked by prophets, 1 76; and Elephantine, 293, 301 Samaritans, 1 8n66, 1 62, 174, 293n29 Saqqarah, 1 59n3 3. See also South Saq qarah Sati (goddess ) , 1 53, 1 58, 165n48, 173f, 247 Satrap. See Officials Scribes, 5 1 , 5 5-57, 1 6 1 , 1 74, 192-97, 207, 2 14, 219, 222, 23of, 233, 237, 240, 247, 2 57, 306, 334m , 33 5n3; as gov ernment officials, 42, 46, 51, 57, 6of; Egyptian, 1 54, 192m6, 237n7; Ara mean, 1 60, 192-94, 242, 248; of a marzeal:!, 1 82-84; of Aramaic con tracts, 192, 1 9 5, 2 5 2; Babylonian, 192; error of, 202, 245; of Hermopolis letters, 265; of ostraca, 274; of Tem ple of Teuzoi, 282 Scythians, 9 Seals, 264; Aramaic, 262n5 1; Egyptian, 214, 265; Hebrew, 214n48, 26of; Per sian, 2 14 Sehel, 24, 39 Seimios. See Eshem Sekhemre, 88 Selamanes, 173 Seleucids, 1 20, 182 Sepharvaim, 16 Seth, 171 Slire, 1 68n67, 328
3 84
GEN E RAL INDEX
Shamash, 1 9 , 1 57, 1 59, 1 66£ Shatran, 180 Shavuoth ( Pentecost) . See Feast of Weeks Shechem, 1 1 7, 1 68 Sheikh Fadl, 1 7 Shellal, 36n31 Ships. See Boats Shunem, woman of, 224 Sidon, 171, 1 8 1 Silver, 62f, 73, 78, 108, 1 1 3, 305f Sin (deity ) , 19, 166f, 200, 202n7 Sinai, 5, 107, 1 1 1, 1 1 5 Siyannu, 180 Slaves, slavery, 7 5f, 80, 1 2 5, 174, 190, 203-05, 208, 21 1f, 219-21, 224, 230n89, 234, 2 56-59, 271, 33 6; manu mission, 191, 206, 207n29, 213, 2 5 2 Somaliland, 1 1 3 n2 4 South Saqqarah, 1 8 5, 200f, 330, 332f Spain, 64 Standard, military, 29£ Storehouse, at Elephantine, 60, 28 5f, 3 39 Succoth-benoth, 171 Sukkiens, 1 3 1 Susa, 57, 1 30, 147, 298, 3 1 2 Syene: and prophecy of Ezekiel, 14; quarries at, 1 5, 39f; garrison at, 1 6, 3 1 , 34, 36, 47, 72, 23 7n7, 272, 277; temples at, 1 7, 33, 267; Arameans at, 17f, 3 3 f, 1 49111 33, 1 64, 1 66, 269, 3 30; and Hermopolis letters, 18, 34, 264; sandstone stela at, 26; and com merce, 36; well at, 36n33; Egyptian border, 42; administrative center, 43f; rations and wages of garrison at, 81, 83, 277; pasturing and cultivation, 8688, 90; Aramaic documents written in, 194f, 248; the beautiful, 247n2 1 ; cas tor plant grove at, 267. See also Ele phantine Symbetylos, 1 72f Synagogues, 1 1 6, 120n42 Syria, Syrians, Syro-Palestine, 4n3, 5, 9f, 1 5, 19, 41, 19 2111 5, 262n5 1 . See also Aram Syro-Cappadocia, 3 3 3 Tabernacle, 202 Tachompso, 25 Tahpanhes, 8f, 1 2, 14, 42, 1 59n33, 176, 298 Taima, 1 8 3 Talmudic law and contracts, 1 2 1 , 1 3 2, 180, 183, 222, 244
Tartak, 1 71, 172n97 Taxation, 24, 39, 41, 5 1 f, 52n90, 5 5n 1 04, 59111 1 9, 80 Tehenu, 5 Tel-Halaf, 166n53 Tell el-Maskhuta, 22 Tell en-Na�beh, 91 Temnos, 297 Temple ( s ) , 1 2 2, 1 68f; at Arad, 1 20; at Bethel, 175; at Lachish, 292n27; Jew ish, at Leontopolis, I l l , 1 1 6, 1 1 8, 1 20n42, 1 2 1 , 298f, 301; at Piraeus, 1 8 1 ; at Syene, 1 74, 267; of Astarte at Beth-shan, 1 78; of Baal-Zaphon, 1 8 1 ; o f Banit, 165; o f K1mum, 36n33, 40, 296f, 309; of Nabu, 16 5; of Queen of Heaven, 33, 1 65, 1 77; Assyrian, 200; Babylonian, 1 68, 174; Egyptian, 20, 1 74, 291 ; Jewish, in Egypt, 1 20n42 Temple, Jerusalem, 107-22, 201 , 249, 298; and altars of Manasseh, 1 76; neg lected by Ahaz, 1 23; purified by Jo siah, 1 3 , 1 24; referred to in Psalms, 147; and oaths, 1 5 6; and Elephantine Temple, 1 1 0, 1 2 1f; destruction of, 1 2 1 , 184n1 38; reconstruction of, 23, 46, 54f, 108, 1 1 5, 1 2 5, 251; fratricide in, 290n24 Temple of YHW, 1 3 , 20, 24, 33, 75, 90, 220, 282, 299f; terms for, 109, 1 1 1 , 1 5 5; founding of, 1 1 0, 1 1 6f, 1 1921; plan of, 102, 1 1 0, 201, 277; l,oca tion and orientation, 94f, 1 1 0, 1 2 1, 214, 2 1 7, 245, 284, 286, 308; and prophecy of Isaiah, 1 1 8-20; and Solo mon's prayer, 1 2 1 ; and divine presence, 1 2 1 , 1 50; cult and officials, 70, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3, 1 3 3 , 191, 202, 2 50, 286, 291 ; compared to Onias' Temple, I l l ; in letter salutations, 42, 272; and Hana niah letter, 281; and Jerusalem, 94f, 1 1 0, 1 1 8, 1 2 1f, 293n29, 308; and Samaria, 289-93; destruction of, 49, 146, 186, 278f, 280n8, 2811110, 28 5f, 288-90, 296, 301, 309; reconstruction of, 193, 289, 29 1, 293n28, 294f, 301 Ten Commandments, 1 5 1 Tesserae, Palmyrene, 182f Teuzoi, 23, 282f Thebes, Thebaid, 1 2, 28, 43, 4 5, 278, 288f Thoth, 264 Tinnit, 171 Tob, 16 Torah, 49, 52, 79, 132 Trans-Euphrates, 49, 280
GENERAL INDEX Transjordan, 1 1 5-17, 300 Treasury, 59f, 68, 214, 282 Tribute. See Taxation Tshetres, 43-45, 49, 53, 284 Tshetresniut, 43 Tuna el-Gebel, 264 Turah, ' 411148 Tyre, Tyrian, 86, 1 2 5, 249 Tyros, 1 1 7 Ugaritic, 16 5n46, 1 67, 169f, 1 71, 1 80, 1 8611I47 Uruk, 168 Wadi Daliyeh : Attic tetra drachm from, 6411I6; papyri from, 14711127 Wadi Hammamat, 40 Wadi Murabbaat, 1 5 511I l Wadi Tumilat, 21 Wages. See Elephantine, rations and wages; Syene, rations and wages Weights and measures, 27, 62-74, 163, 197 Wisdom literature, 1 34n70, 261 Witness (es ) , 3 5, 1 27, 1 5 1, 1 54, 1 9 2, 1 9211I 7, 194, 197-99, 203, 2 1 3f, 2 1 9, 222, 230, 239f, 242, 245, 247f, 273, 337, 3 37n7, 340 Women : Egyptian, 2 1 2, 258f; Israelite, 9 1 , 260-62; Moabite, 183; members of century, 3211I9; ration for, 82, 271f; names of, 160, 2 5of, 288; donors, 1 6of; and worship of Queen of Heav en, 176f; as witnesses, 1 99; right of
385
divorce, 261 f. See also Divorce; Mar riage Yaa, 5 Ya,di, 1 9 Yanoam, 5 Yara�, 160 YHW, 3 5, 48n77, 1 34, 1 50, 1 56, 160, 1 64, 1 7I f, 174, 1 79, 275, 286, 291, 292, 294; as God of heaven, 109, 1 1 1 , 173; dwells in Elephantine, 109, 295; written lao, 106f; written YHH, 1 06, 1 26, 1 59, 1 74, 275; and oaths, 1 26, 1 53, 1 58, 173, 240; contributions for, 34n27, 160, 163f, 1 73-75; servants of, 3 � 48n77, 74, 1 09, 1 1 3, 1 2 1 , 1 3 3, 20of, 214, 231, 280, 294, 300; names compounded with, 105, 1 36-4 5 . See also Temple of YHW YHWH, 105, 1 22, 1 2 5, 1 57, 1 80, 271, 3 1 4, 3 1 6; as God of heaven, 108f, 1 1 5, 1 2 1 , 280, 290, 3 1 4; epithets of, 106-09, 1 7 5, 179; characteristics of, 1 °7; theophany and cult of, 1 1 3, 1 1 5f, 1 2 1, 1 62, 169; acts of, 4, 1 14, 1 19, 1 2 2f, 1 3 2, 146, 271; and prayer, 1 4 547; and oaths, 1 51-53; and Queen of Heaven, 177; and manumission of slave, 220 Zenon papyri, 1 1 7n34 Zeus : Bel, 182; Betylos, 17 2; Madbachos, 168 Zobah, 1 6
I N D E X O F P E R S O N A L NAM E S
Aaron, I l l, 1 1 4 Abda, 1 48 Abigail, 260, 262nS4 Abihi, 1 36, 2 5 1 , 273 Ab[ih]i d. Nattun, 324 Abihi d. Osea, 141m21, 324 Abihu, 34n28, I l l , 1 3 6 Abijah, 1 3 6n86 Abiosher, 1 3 6, 1 3 8, 235m , 2 50n31 Abiosher d. Hosea, 144m 2 1 , 3 2 5 Abraham, 3, 107, 1 14, 1 8 5 Achaemenes, 26, 28, 52 Achior, 108m2 Agilo, 182 Aglibol, 182 Agur (Hagur ) , 1 34 AJ:!at d. Na�rai, 26mSl Ahatsin, 270-72 Ahiab, 1 3 6 Ahiab b. Gemariah, 26 Ahijah (prophet o£ Shiloh ) , 7 Ahio, 1 3 6 Ahio b . Mahseiah, 288 Ahio b. Nathan b. Anani, 326 Ahio b. Pelatiah b. Ahio, 193, 23 5112 AJ:!iqar, 146, 2 5 2n37, 263, 270£, 279 Ahmose, 282£ Ah utab, 1 3 6, 1 3 6n32, 1 59, 251, 274, 276£ Ahzai, 148n 128, 290 A1cimus, 1 1 8 Alexander, 64, l l 7, 1 28, 297 Alexander II , 297n 3 5 'Aliah, 261 Amashsai, 1 48m28 Amasis (general) , 9n28 Amasis (pharaoh ) , 8, 1 5, 1 7, 39, 219 Amenemhet I, 5 Amenophis, 6 Amestris, 288m 9 Amos, 1 7 5, 180, 184 [Am]os b. Hag[gai], 273 Amram, 148m29
Amyrtaeus, 26, 1 62, 236n3, 282n l l , 29 5f, 301 ) Anan b. Elish, 1 70 Anani (ah ) , 140, 148, 322 Anani (brother of Ostanes ) , 289 Anani (scribe and chancellor) , 56£, 280, 282, 284, 298 Anani( ah ) b. Azariah, 3 5, 95, 97£, 109£, 190n7, 191, 194£, 200-02, 205-08, 210-14, 216£, 223, 22 5£, 229-3 1 , 234, 239, 259, 271, 284-87, 294£, 309£ Anani (ah ) b. Haggai b. Meshullam, 34£, 71, 83, 191, 19� 217nS2, 221, 231, 234, 3 1 0 Anani b. Mauzi, 323 Ananiah b. Meshullam b . Shelomam, 255 Anani b. Nathan b. Anani, 236n2 Anathi, 1 65 Anathi £. Jedaniah, 149m 32 Antiochus VII, 1 2 8 Apries (brother o£ Makkibanit) , 84, 101, 265 Apries ( pharaoh ) , 10, 13-15, 1 7, 45, 56, 1 77, 267£ Apuli/Yanbuli b. Misdai, 213, 216 'Aqab b . Kephas, 148m 3 1 Aqabnabu, 1 66nS3 Aqbah b. Apries, 2 50 Ariel, 1 3 5n73 Armapiya, 55, 287 ArpaJ:!u, 31 Arsames (Arsham) , 26, 34, 48, 51-55, 57£, 71, 8m89, 237n6, 263, 279, 2808 5, 287, 289, 29 l f, 295, 3 1 1 , 3 1 2 Artabanos, 4 1 , 5 3 Artabanu, 30, 3 5, 239 Artaxerxes I, 26f, 46, 49, 55, 108, 108n12, 1 32, 279-8 1, 3 l l, 3 1 4, 3 1 5 Artaxerxes II, 28, 3 2, 1 56, 290n24, 294£, 314 Artaxerxes III, 290n24, 296 Aryandes, 20, 22£ Asa, 7m 8, 1 6
INDEX O F PE RSONAL NAMES Asahel, 1 3 5n73 Asenath d. Potiphera, 3 ,sh b. Petekhnum, 250 Ashian, 1 79, 184 ASJ:lOr b. Sel:w, 3 5, 40, 89, 14811132, 194, 204, 248, 252, 2 5 3n39, 2 54-56, 259 Ashurbanipal, 8, 9n27, 1 2 1 Asvadata b. Jeh ( o ) nathan, 149111 3 3 Atarmalki, 1 66n55 Atarramari, 269 Atarsamach f. Matiel, 1 66n55 Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni, 1921114, 193, 237n7, 242 Ater, 14111I06 Athaliah, 260 Athlai, 1 4811128 Atroparan, 30 , Attacidri, 1 65n49 Augustus, 1 26 Azaliah, 141 Azaniah, 141 Azarel, 1 3 5n73 Azariah, 142 Azariah (Abednego ) , 108n12, 279 Azariah (king of Judah ) , 1 7 Azariah b. Hazzul, 326 Azariah f. Ananiah, 201 AZibu b. Berechiah, 149111 33 Aziza, 148 Azzul, 141, 147 Azzur, 142, 1 47 Baadiah, 17n63, 1 3 8 Bagadates b . Psammetichus, 14811131 Bagaeus, 5 1 1187 Bagaphernes b. Vashi, 3 26 Bagazusht, 34, 95, 97, 194, 214, 2 1 6, 231, 233 Bagoas (Bagoses ) , 290n24 Bagohi, 34, 48, 1 09, I l l , 1 1 4, 193n19, 289-91, 293n29, 3 1 1 Banitsar b . Tabi, 265, 268£ Bardiya, 2 1 Barrakib, 1 69 Bdyw, 1 7n63 Bebai, 148111 2 8 Bedeiah, 1 7n63 Beeri, 1 3 4 Beletir, 571l1 1O, 1 4111106 Beletirshamash, 14111106 Belo b . Tebo, 80, 203, 2 57£ Bel-sar-u�ur, 1 2n46 Belshazzar, 279 Bel-sup�-mubur, 5411102 Benaiah, 1 39 Ben-hadad b. Tabrimmon b . Hezion, 16 Benjamin, 1481112 9
3 87
Berechiah, 1 39 Bethelaqab b. Achar (7 ) , 3 29 Betheladir ( 7 ) , 3 29 Bethelasani, 328 Betheldalah, 3 29 Betheldalah s. Bel-iddina, 330 Betheldalani, 3 2 8 Betheldalani b . [7]izacah , 328 Betheldalani b. [ ]d Jahot, 328 Bethell,Iarah, 329 Betheliada, 32 8f Bethelnad[in], 330 Bethelnathan, 3 30 Bethelnathan b. Jehonathan, 1491l133, 1 74, 330, 3 3 3 Bethelnathan b . Shuri, 330 Bethelnuri, 3 29 Bethelnuri f. Hosea, 1 48111 32 Bethelsharezer, 176nl l 0, 3 29 Bethelshezib, 3 29 Bethelshezib b. Apries, 3 30, 3 3 3 Bethelshezib s . Lu�f-ana-niir, 329 Betheltdn, 90, 3 30 Betheltqm, 26, 3 2, 329 Bethelzabad b. Eshemram, 1 70, 3 32, 3 3 3 Bezalel, 1 3 5n73, 1 48n1 2 9 Bigwai, 290n24 Biktabarva, 46 Bildad, 1 3 6n83 Boaz, 249 Bty, 265 Bty b. Mannuki, 192111 4, 1921115, 203 Busasa, 19n69, 14811 1 3 2 Calcol, 1 39 Cambyses, 2 1 , 49, 86, 1 22, 237n6, 291 Cleopatra, 1 20 Coniah b. Elnathan, 1 3 Cushi b. Azzur, 149U 1 3 3 Cyrus, 1 9 , 108n12, 2 37n6, 3 1 4 Cyrus the Younger, 28, 4 3 , 65111 8, 73n62 Dalah, 141, 147, 274 Damidata, 47, 48n77, 49, 1 52, 239 Daniel, 1 3 5n73, 1481112 9, 279 Dargman b. l;Iarshin, 3 5, 47, 94, 1 52f, 2 39f, 242 Darius I, 20-22, 25, 27, 40, 53, 76, 108n1 2, 2 58, 3 1 4, 3 3 5n2 Darius II, 27, 53, 72, 1 29f, 1 3 2£, 162, 1 69, 279-8 1, 284, 286, 290, 29 5£, 3 1 2, 3 1 4 Darius III, 1 20 Darius the Mede, 279 David, 1 6, 84, 87, 1 081l12, 1 14£, 201, 249
3 88
IN DEX O F P E R S ONAL NAME S
David, descendant of, 289 Deborah, 260 Delaiah, 141 Delaiah b. SanbalIat, 251, 289-91, 293n29 Demetria, 297f Deuel, 144 Deutero-Isaiah, 14, 1 24, 1 26f, 271, 301 Domla, 1 4 5 Domliah, 1 45 D/Rwl:tsn b. Nergalshezib, 192111 4 Eanna-sar-u�ur, 168 Ebedptal) b. Jagureshmun, 9 Eder b. Pasi, 250 Edna, 108n 12 Elasah, 1 3 5n73 Eldad, 1 3 6n83 Eleazar, 1 48111 2 9 Eliakim, 1 3 5n73 Eliashib, 1 1 6, 1 3 5n73 Eliezer, 1 3 5n73, 148111 2 9 Elijah, 1 1 3, 1 3 5n73 Elimelech, 249 Eliphelet, 1 3 5n73 Eliphelet b . Ahasbai, 1 6 Elisha, 1 1 5 Elnathan, 1 3 5n73 Elnathan b. Achbor, 1 3 Esagila-zer-ibni, 168 Esarhaddon, 1 69f, 270, 279 Eshemkudurri b. ,pc, 3 3 2 Eshemmadba1:J, 168 Eshemram b. Nabunad[in], 1 73, 3 3 2 Eshemzabad b. Swyn, 3 3 2 Eshmunshillech, 14211109 Espemet, 26, 3 1 7 Espemet b _ Peftoneith, 37, 9 5 Esta1:J f . A[nani], 1 4811 1 32 Esther, 1 3 0 Etir f. Zaccur, 19n69, 14811132 Ezekiel (prophet ) , 14, 108, 11 0, 11 5f, 1 24, 1 77111 1 Ezra, 49, 52, 108, 1 2 5, 1 30, 1 47, 249, 280 Gadal, 90, 1 60, 1 74, 275 Gadates, 2 3 Gaddul, 14 2, 147 Gaddul b. Meshullam b. Mibtahia[h], 321 Gaddul b. Osea, 1411112 1 Gaddul b . SammuaJ:!, 3 2 1 Gaius Rabirius, 281 Galgul, 1 34 Gedaliah, 142 Gedaliah b. Ahikam, 1 3
Gemariah, 142 Gemariah b. Mahseiah, 76, 219, 240 Gershom, 1 48111 29 Geshem, 1081l12 Gideon, 1 1 3, 168 Gilalai, 14811128 Gobryas, 54 Gyges (king of Lydia ) , 91127 Hacaliah, 145 Hadadnuri, 19, 199 Hadadnuri ( grandfather of Malchiah ) , 1 4911132 Hagar, 3 Haggai (prophet ) , 108, 1 1 5 Haggai, 34m8, 1 24, 1 60, 1 66, 1 79, 184 Haggai b. Hodiah, 323 Haggai b. Mardu, 230 Hag [gai] b . Menahem [b]. Posai, 323 Haggai b . Micah, 323 Haggai b. Miptahiah, 326 Haggai b. Nattum, 288 Haggai b. Shemaiah, 193£, 214, 2 19, 222, 230-34, 2 36n2 Ham, 3 Haman, 146 Hanan, 140, 1 47 Hananah, 290 Hanani, 140, 148, 201 Hananiah, 1 28-30, 1 3 3 , 1 40, 1 60, 2798 1 , 286, 301, 3 1 2f, 326 Hanani (ah ) (brother of Nehemiah ) , 43 Hananiah ( Shadrach ) , 108n12, 279 Hananiah b. SanbalIat, 251 Hanamel, 2 1 3 Hananel, 261 Hannah, 146, 1 5 8 l:fap [ican]h, 8311100 l:farman b. Osea, 1 491l 133, 237, 3 3 3 l:farudj (scribe) , 5 1 f l:farudj b . Bethelshezib, 2 50, 267, 26972 , 330, 3 3 3 Haumdata, 30, 3 5, 240 Hazzul, 1 42, 1 47 Hazzul (feminine name ) , 2 50n3 1 , 273 Hazzul b. Haggai b. Hazzul, 23 5n2, 321 Hazzul b. Hodaviah, 3 2 5 Hazzul b. Zechariah, 309f Helkai, 14811 1 2 8 l:feremnathan b. Besa, 333 l:feremnathan b. Bethelnathan b. Se1:JO, 1 70, 330, 3 3 3 I;Ieremnathan b . Pel)o, 3 3 3 l:feremnathan b . Peteisi, 3 3 3 Heremshezib, 3 3 3 �Ieremshezib b . )sh, 3 3 3 Hezekiah (king) , 1 3 , 1 19n39, 1 23f, 1 3 3
INDEX OF P E R SONAL NAMES Hilkiah, 1 38 �Iinzani (sculptor) , 59 Hiram (artisan ) , 249 Hiziliah, 142 Hodaviah, 14 5, 3 1 7, 326 Hodaviah b. Zaccur b. Oshaiah, 144111 2 1 Hodiah, 1 37, 327 Hodo, 145, 148, 273, 3 1 7 Hollofernes, 1081112 Honi, 140 Ijor, 14911 1 3 3 Hor b . Benaiah, 14911 1 3 3 Hor b. Peteisi, 9 5 , 285f Hori, 14911133 Hor( i) (servant of Anani ) , 280, 282 Hori b. Shillem, 149111 33 Hori b. Vanah, 322 Hosea, 144, 1 48, 3 1 7, 322, 3 27. See also Osea Hosea (prophet ) , 175 Hosea b. Bethelnuri, 1 441112 1 , 320, 3 29, 333 Hosea b. Hodaviah, 26, 14411121 Hosea b. Igdal, 1 4411 1 2 1 Hosea b. Hannan b . Osea, 2 3 5n2, 2 3 7 Hosea b. Menahem, 1 4411 1 2 1 , 323 Hosea b. Nattun, 14411121, 262ns8, 288, 292, 322 Hosea b. Pelaliah, 14411 1 2 1 Hosea b . Petekhnum, 1 44111 2 1 Hosea b. Reuiah, 144n 1 2 1 Hosea b . Sigri, 3 2 3 Hosea b . Uriah, 240 Hosea b. Zaccur b. Oshaiah, 23 5n2 Hoshaiah, 144, 276, 3 1 7. See also Oshaiah Hoshaiah ( Hosea ) b. Jathom, 14411 1 2 1 , 21 9, 23 5n2, 288, 292 Hoshaiah (Hosea) b. Nathan (b. Hosha iah b. Zephaniah ) , 47, 90, 1 09, 144n 1 2 1 , 1 60, 236n2, 262ns8, 273, 3 20 Hoshaiah b. Uriah, 14411 1 2 1 Hoshaiah b. Zephaniah, 1 44111 2 1 Huldah, 260 Hur, 1 4911 1 3 3 H uri, 14911 1 3 3 Huriah, 327 Hyrcanus b. Toubias, 1 1 6f, 300 Iddinnabu, 31, 3 5, 1 66nS2 IebrIItbr, 56f Ieturn, 2 59 Igal b. Nathan, 1 6 Igdal, 1 43, 1 79 [Ig]ri b. Bethelzabad, 330 Immanuiah, 1 38 Inaros, 258
3 89
Inaros s. Psammetichus, 26, 236n3 Ipuwer, 4 Isaac, 3, 1 1 4 Isaiah (prophet ) , 1 3 , 9 1 , 1 1 8, 200 Isaiah, 142 Isaiah b. Abah b. Haggai, 186 Ishmael, 3, 1 3 5n73, 1 4 5, 1 481112 9 Islal:1, 143, 296 Islal:1 (feminine name ) , 2 50n3 1 Islal:1 b. Nathan, 1411110S Isreshwet, 251 Isweri d. Gemariah, 1 49111 33, 251, 271 Ito, 1 79, 1 84 Ito b. Abah, 1921114, 240 Jaadaniah, 143 Jaasai, 14811128 Jaazaniah, 143 Jacob, 3, 168, 175, 185 Jaddai, 1 48n1 2 8 Jaddua, 1 1 6 Jaddua (or Jeshua ) b . Sanballat, 2 5 1 Jahaziel, 1 3 5n73 Jal:1mol, 1 43, 148, 2 50n31 Jal:1mol d. Pilti b. Jaush, 3 24 Jal:1mol d. [Shille]m, 324 Jal:1moliah, 275 Jakeh, 1 3 5n70, 267 Jashobiah, 143, 322 Jashobiah b . Berechia[h], 326 Jashub, 143, 1 47 Jathma, 1 34, 251 Jathom, 1 34 Jaush, 143, 147, 273 Jedaniah, 1 26, 143; meaning of name, 143nl l S Jedaniah b . Asl:1or/Nathan, 191, 194£, 2 54-58, 263, 3 3 5 Jedaniah b . Gemariah, 34, 47, 48n 77 , 76, 1 1 1 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 5, 1 28f, 1 3 3, 1 60, 1 63, 1 74f, 1 93111 9, 201, 222, 230, 2 58, 262£, 279£, 282, 288, 291£, 3 1 1 , 326 Jedaniah b. Hoshaiah b. Uriah, 2 56f Jedaniah b. Mahseiah h. Jedaniah, 76, 236n2, 240 Jedaniah b. Tel:1o, 80, 203, 2 1 2 Jehezekio, 290 Jehiel, 1 3 5n73 Jehoahaz b. Josiah, 10, 1 3 Jehoazar, 290 Jehobacadi, 17n63 Jehodad, 1 06ns, 1 36, 2 3 511 1 Jehoeli, 1 3 7, 2 50n3 1 Jehoeli d. Immanuiah, 3 2 5 Jehohadari, 1 3 6n83 Jehol:1en, 1 3 7, 2 50n31 Jehol:1en d. Gedaliah, 325
INDEX OF P E RS O NAL NAME S
3 90
Jehol,len d. Igdal, 324 Jehol,len d. Meshullach, 76 Jehoiakim (Eliakim) b. Josiah, 10, Jehoishma, 3 5, 76, 89, 9 1-93, 143,
13 191, 1 94f, 2 1 3 , 2 1 7, 2 19-2 1, 2 2 3-26, 229, 2 3 1 , 233f, 2 50n3 1, 2 5 2-54, 2 59, 271, 273, 284, 297, 300; Jahishma, 106n5, 143 Jehonathan, 141; Jahnathan (C 2 : 2 1 ) , 106n5, 141 Jehonur, 147 11127 Jehoshama, 140, 250n31 [Jeh]oshama b. Kon, 3 2 5 Jeho[sha]ma d . Haggai, 3 24 Jehoshama d. Meshullam, 32 4 Jehoshama d. Nathan, 1 4 1 11 1 0S, 324 Jehoshama d . Hosea b. Zaccur, 14411 1 2 1 , 3 24 Jehotal, 1 3 8, 2 3 511 1 , 3 2 2 Jehotal d. Isla�1, 3 2 5 Jehour, 1 38, 2 3 5111 Jehom d. Shelomam, 106ns, 25on31 Jehu, 1 78
Jeiel, 1 3 5n73 Jeremai, 14811 1 2 8 Jeremiah, l l , 1 3 f,
42, 1 1 6, 1 57£, 1 7 5-77,
1 80, 201, 2 1 3
Jeroboam b. Nebat, 7, 1 7 5 Jerpijah, 1 4 3 Jeshua (or Jaddua) b. Sanballat, 2 5 1 Jesus (Jeshua ) (brother of Johanan ) , 290n24
Jethoma, 1 34, 2 5 1 Jezan, 143, 148 Jezaniah, 1 4 3 Jezaniah b. Penuliah b. Jezaniah, 2 3 6m Jezaniah b. Uriah, 3 5, 98, 1 l 0, 240, 242, 244, 2 5 6, 309 Jezebel, 1 77 Jivaka, 54 JOb, 1 57
Josiah, Judah,
1 4811 1 2 9 262ns6,
b.
Jehozadak,
lOf, 1 24, 1 3 3, 143, 1 76, 1 78 148n1 2 9
KaviJiah, 88, 1 4 5, 2 5on3 1 Kavla, 145, 2 50n31 Kebadiah, 141 Kelita, 1 48 Kenaiah, 1 3 9 Khnumemakhet s . l;Iomefer, Khnumibre, 40 Kibda (not Nabda) , 141 Kibedastarte, 1 4 1 11 1 04 Kibedmelkart, 1 4 m 1 04 Kilamuwa, 1 69 Kilkeliah, 1 39, 273 Kindasirma, 58£ Kon, 1 39 Konaiah, 1 3 9 Konaiah b. Zadok, 239
Lilu b. Tebo,
25, 41, 53
80, 203, 257
Maacah, 1 6, 1 77 Maadai, 1 48m 28 Maai, 148m 28 Mal,lath, 1 34, 3 2 3 Mahseh, 1 3 7, 1 47 Mahseh b. Uri b. Mahseh, 2 3 6m, 3 2 3 Mahseiah, 1 3 7 Mahseiah b. Asl,lor/Nathan, 194, 2 3 6m, 2 5 4- 58
30, 3 5, 47, 73, 76, 80, 98, 1 5 2£, 203 , 239f, 242, 245, 258, 308
Mahseiah b. Jedaniah,
Mahseiah b. Jedaniah b. Mahseiah b. Jedaniah, 2 3 6 Mahseiah b. Shibah, 1 5 3 Makki, 268
290n24
290n24
Kadmiel, 1 3 5n73 Kallai, 1 4811 1 2 8
84, 90, 1 0 1 , 1 37n88, 25 0, 265, 267-7 i, 274 Malachi, 108, 1 1 5, 1 58, 249£ Malakbel, 1 82 Malchiah, 1 36 Ma1chiah b. Jashobiah, 1 5 6£, 174, 29 5, 316 Malchiah b . Jathom b . Hadadnuri, 3 2 1 Malchiah b. Uriah, 1 8 5f Manasseh, 148m 2 9 Manasseh (king of Judah ) , 8, 1 1 -1 3, 1 1 9-2 1 , 1 24, 1 58, 1 76-78, 300
Makkibanit b. Psami b. Nabunathan,
Joel, 1 3 5n73 Johanan (high priest) , 289f Johanan b. Kareah, 1 3 f John Hyrcanus, 1 28, 2 8 1 Jonathan, 1 3 5 Joseph, 3 , 5, 1 8 5 Joseph ( of the sons o f Binnui) , Joseph b. Toubias, 1 1 7, 300 Josephus, 6, 1 1 6n31, 1 1 8 , 1 20, Joshua, 1 2 3 Joshua (Jeshua)
Judah Maccabee, 1 2 6 Judith, 1 0 8m 2 , 1 26, 224
1 5 7,
Manasseh (brother of high priest Jaddua ) , 116
Manetho, 6
Manoah, 1 1 3
INDEX O F PERSONAL NAMES Mardu b. Zili, 286 Mardu £ . Haggai, 149TIl32 Marduk b. Palto, 94, 1 6 5 Marduka, 5 3 Masistes, 2 88TIl 9 Maspat, 295 Matiel, 1 67 Mattan, 141, 147, 3 2 3 Mattan b. Jashobiah, 48n77, 201, 280 Mattan b. Jedan[iah], 3 2 2 Mattathias, 1 28 Mattenai, 148n1.28 Mauzi, 147 Mauziah, 1 3 7, 274 Mauziah b. Nathan, 41, 42n54, 109, 193, 2 19, 222, 237n7, 2 57, 280, 282, 292 Mehetabel, 1 3 511 73, 147 Melech!.Ierem, 3 3 3 Melechpalas b. Bodmelkart, 3 3 3 Menahem, 140, 273 Menahem b. Hazzul b. Shema[iah], 3 2 1 Menahem b. Mattan, 3 2 3 Menahem b. Meshullam b. Shelomam, 255 Menahem b . Shallum, 1 54, 1 5 8, 177, 295, 3 1 8 [Men]ahem b. Uri b. Meshullach, 3 2 3 Menahem b. Zechariah, 323 Menahemeth, 140, 2 50n31, 324 Menahemeth d. A[l1ani] b. Estal�, 323 Menahemeth d. Jedaniah, 3 2 5 Mephattea!.I, 2 50n31 Mephattea!.I d. Shillem, 324 Mephattea!.I d. Tastaz, 3 24 Mephattea!.I d. Zapeliah, 3 2 5 Merikare, 4 Memeptah, 5 Meshahel, 1 6 5 Meshezabel, 1 3 5n73, 147 Meshullach, 142 Meshullach b. Hoshaiah, 144nI21 Meshullach b. Uri, 3 2 3 Meshullam, 1 39 Meshullam b. Haggai b. Hazzul, 3 2 1 Meshullam b. Hosea, 144nI 2 1 Meshullam b . Mauzi, 325 Meshullam b. Nathan, 141TIl05, 1 54, 1 58, 177, 3 1 8 Meshullam b . Sammua!.I, 3 2 1 Meshullam b. Shemaiah, 3 2 5 Meshullam b. Zaccur, 7 3 , 76, 80, 190n7, 204-08, 21 1-1 3, ' 21 7, 2 19, 221, 2 3 1, 2 3 5, 242TIl5, 244f, 271 Meshullemeth, 1 26, 1 39, 2 50113 1 , 273, 323 Meshu[llem]eth d. Gemar[ia]h b. Mahse iah, 320
39 1
Meshullemeth d. Penuliah, 3 2 5 Meshullemeth d . Zapeliah, 324 Mibtah, 1 37, 147 Mibtahiah, 1 37, 2 50n31 Mibtahiah d. Mahseiah, 3 1 , 40, 76, 91, 93, 98, 1 1 0, 1 3 7, 1 5 3 £, 1 58, 1 74, 191, 195 £, 204, 2 3 7, 240, 242, 244£, 247 £, 2 52-60, 262f, 297, 300, 3 3 5n3 Micah, 1 3 7, 147 Micah b. Ahio, 202 Micaiah, 90, 1 3 7, 1 60, 1 74, 275 Micaiah b. Jehoishma, 3 2 6 Michael, 1 3 5n73 Milalai, 148111 2 8 Miptahiah d . Gemariah, 271 £ Mishael, 1 3 5n73 Mishael (Meshach ) , 1 081112, 1 3 5n73, 279 Mithrasarah, 219 Mithravahisht, 48, 57 Mmh, 101, 265, 268 Mordecai, 1 30, 279, 298 Moses, 107, I l l , 1 14, 1 68, 201 Murasti, 237n5 Naaman, 1 1 5 Nabal, 1 84111 38 Nabuaqab (centurion ) , 32, 1 6of, 1 66n53, 3 20£ Nabuaqab (scribe ) , 56, 1 66n53 Nabudalah, 1 66n53 Nabuelah, 1 66n53 Nabukudurri, 3 1 , 34, 1 56, 1 66n52, 3 1 5 Nabunathan, 1 66n53 NabuT'Y, 1 66n54 Nabushe, 1 66n53 Nabushezib b. Petekhnum, 90, 2 50, 265, 267-69 Nabushillem b. Bethelrei, 173, 330 Nabuslm, 1 66n54 Nabuslw, 26, 3 2, 1 66n54 Nabusumiskun, 1 66n52, 270£ Nabutukulti b. Nabuzeribni b. Atarshuri b. Nabuzeribni, 1 66n52, 1921114, 19 3, 23 7n7, 2 57 Nabuzer, 1 66n52 Nabuzeribni, 166n52 Nadab, I I I Nahum (not Rehum! ) , 140, 230 Nakht!.Ior, 5 5, 58 £, 71, 8 1118 9 , 295 Nanai!.Iem, 265-68 Naomi, 224, 249 Naphtali, 249 Napukshur, 46 Nathan, 34n28, 1 3 5, 141, 147, 3 2 5 Nathan (As!.Ior) , 204, 252
3 92
INDEX O F P E RSONAL NAMES
Nathan b. Anani (ah ) , 14111105, 193, 236n2 , 237n7, 245, 257, 320 Nathan b. Gaddul, 141 111 05 Nathan b. Hodaviah, 141n105 Nathan b . Hosea, 141n105, 236n2 Nathan b. Hoshaiah, 236m Nathan b. Jehour, 141n105, 230 Nathan b. Mauziah, 141n105, 236n2 Nathan b. Neriah, 14111105 Nathan f. Meshullam, 318 . Nathanel, 1 3 5n73 Nattun, 141, 147 Nattun b. Haggai b. Nattun, 236m, 323 Nattun b. Pelaliah b . Nattun, 23 6m, 3 2 5 Nbtn ( ? ) f . Pilti, 14911 1 32 Nebuchadnezzar, 1of, 14, 76, 108n1 2, 1 56111 6, 169f, 279 Necho I, 9f, 236n3 Necho II, 23 6n3 Nectanebos II, 296 Nefayan b. Vidranga b. Nefayan, 44, 47, 237n7, 285, 287, 2881119 Nehab, 1 34 Neh[ab b. Mah]seh, 320 Nehebeth, 1 3 4, 250n3 1, 324, 326 Nehebeth d. Mahseh, 324 Nehebeth d. Zaccur, 3 2 5 Nehemiah, 4 3 , 61111 24, 79f, 10811 12, 1 1 6, 1 1 7n34, 1 2 5, 1 30, 1 3 2, 140, 201, 249£, 271, 280, 290, 298, 301 Nepherites I, 296, 301 Neri, 1 38, 147 Neriah, 48n77, 1 3 8, 201 , 280 Nesul),or, 14£, 4 5 Nethin, 1 3 5 Netira b . Jehopadani, 14711127 Nikaso, 1 1 6 Nimasu, 3 1 , 34 Niqmepa b. Niqmeda, 180 Noadiah, 260 Noah, 3, 1 1 4 Nurshavash, 147 Nushkuidri, 147 'Obaidu b. Waqi4el, 1 8 1 Obodas I , 1 8 1 Onias II, 1 1 7 Onais III, 1 1 8 Onias IV, 1 1 8-20, 298, 300 Oroetes, 5 1 1187 Osarseph-Moses, 6 Osea, 144, 148. See also Hosea Osea b. Galgul, 141111 2 1 Osea b. Hodu, 14111121 Osea b. Nathan b. Hodaviah, 14111 1 2 1 , 326 Osea b. Pete[amun], 42, 90, 273£
Osea b. Uriah, 14111121 Oshaiah, 144. See also Hoshaiah Osirwer, 45n63 Ostanes, 289f Pa4i b. Eshemram, 332n6, 3 3 3 Pa4im, 57 Paisan, 273£ Pakhnum b . Beso, 34, 71, 2 3 3 Pakhnum b. Zaccur, 14911 1 3 3 Pakhnum f . Hanan, 149n 1 32 Panul, 1 39, 147, 250n31 Pa[misi b. Pe]met, 148111 3 1 , 1 54, 3 1 7f Pamisi £. Meshullam, 14911 1 3 2 Pamut b . Sigri, 323 Panammuwa, 1 68n67 Parnu b. Zili, 286 Pashhur b. Immer, 201 Pasu b. Mannuki, 263 Patseo s. Phib, 51 Pedaiah, 142 Pelaliah, 1 39 Pe£toneith, 37, 9 5, 239 Pel),i b. Tawi, 37, 95, 286, 3 1 0 Peisistratus, 66n24 Pelatiah, 1 3 5, 142 Pelatiah b. Ahio, 193, 239 Peluliah, 1 39, 3 2o, 327 Peluliah b . Hosea, 14411 1 2 1 , 3 2 3 Pemet b . Tawi, 37, 95, 286, 3 1 0 Penuliah, 1 4 5 Pe[nulJ iah b . Menahem b . Posai, 323 Peteamenl:lOtep, 2 58£ Peteisi b . Nabunathan, 1921114-1 5, 193, 247 Peteisi b. Nethin, 14911133 Peteisis, 282£ Petekhnum £. Hosea, 14911 1 32 Petemin, 40 Pethu, 205, 23 1n90 Petosiri b. Tebo, 80, 203, 2 57f Pharnabazus, 237n6, 287 Pherendates, 23, 25, 41, 53, 57 Phib, 51 Philip of Macedon, 65n20 Philo of Byblos, 172 Phinehas, 14811129 [Phra]taphernes [b. Artaphe] rnes, 3 1 5f Pia b . Pal),i, 40, 1 53£, 1 74, 245 Pilti, 1 3 5, 142, 148 Pilti b. Ananiah b. Azariah, 190n7, 194, 207£, 21 l£, 2 1 7, 226n81 , 2 3 1 , 234 Pilti b. Jaush, 273£ Pilti b. Micah, 3 2 1 Pkoip, 282£ Posai f. Menahem, 14911 1 32 Potiphar, 3
INDEX OF P E R SONAL NAMES ,, 270 metichus (prince ) , 1 6 5n46 metichus I, 8f, 1 1 f, 1 5, 24, 1 20, 6n3 j lmetichus II, 8f, 10£, 1 5, 2 36n3 Imetichus ( official of Arsames ) , 5 5, 17 nmetichus f. Ananiah, 149nl32 nmetichus s. Apries, 40 .nmetichus s. Theokles, 9 msineith, 59 enisis, 2 5 8 Ilemy I, 8 , D 8 , 297n35 )lemy II, 2 1 2 )lemy VI, 1 1 8, 1 20 thius, 5on83 lbel II, 182 19uel, 108nl2 amandaina, 45, 47, 2 5 5 ami, 1 37, 147, 2 50n31 .amiah, 1 37 .amses, 6 �arnses II, 9, 1 70 tamses III, 24 �aphi, 141 Ravaka, 44, 47 Rebekah, 260 Rehoboam, 7 Rehum ( chancellor) , '46, 5 lO87, 5 5, 57 Rehum. See Nahum ' Reia, 2 5 1 , 265, 268-70 Reia d. Neri, 324 Remaliah, 144 Rephaiah, 141 Reuiah, 1 3 6 Reuiah b. Uri, 3 2 5 Rochel, 1 34 Ruru, 2 58£ Ruth, 249 Sallai, 148n1.28 Sallu, 140 Salluah, 140, 2 50n3 1 , 277, 295 Salluah d. Neri, 3 2 5 Sammual)., 34n28, 142, 147 Samuel, 87, 1 24, 146, 1 77, 1 84nl 38 Samuel b. Nahman, 1 84nl 38 Sanballat, 108m 2, 1 1 6, 2 5 1 , 290n24 Sanballat III, 1 1 6, 1 20 Sarah, 3 Sarah d. Raguel, 108n12 Sargon, 1 8 Satibar, 34, 94£, 284, 286 Saul, 87, 1 1 5 Sbh b . Hosea, 14lO1 2 1 , 1 85 *Segariah, 149nl32 $eho (servant of Anani ) , 280, 282
39 3
$e1:w b. PeJ:a, 273f Semachiah, 141 *Semal).iah, 142 Semtutefnakht, 283 Sennacherib, 1 3 , 1 1 9n39, '].70, 279 Senusert I, 5 Seraiah, 142 Seraiah ( feminine name ) , 2 ,on31 Seraiah b. Hilkiah, '].01 Seraiah d. Hosea b. f.larman b. Osea, 144n l 2 1 , 3'].0, 3 3 3 Shabbethai, 1 24, 1 27 Shabbethai b. Kibda, 1 27 Shabbethai b. Swg, 1 27 Shabith d. f.lori b . Shillem, 3 24 Shadah, 200 Shallum, 1 3 5, 1 39, 147 Shallum b. Menahem b. Shallum, 23602, 320 Shallum b. Peteam[unJ, 272£ Shallum b. Zechariah, 3 2 3 Shalma b. Maliku, 1 8 2 Shalman, 1 8 3 Shalmaneser III, 7 Shalmanesser V, 279 Shamashdlllah, 166n53 Shamgar b. Anath, 1 7 8 Shammua, 34n28, 140, 147 Shammua b. ShiIlem, 3 Z 2 Shamou b. Kenufi, 5 8 Sharah, 200 Sharai, 148n1 2 8 Sh€baniah, 1 44 Shebuel b. Gershom, 201 Sheil, 267 Sheil (priest of Nabu) , 1 65 Sheil b . Baadiah, 186 Sheil b. PtlJ.rtys, 250 Shelemiah, 1 3 5, 1 3 9 Shelemiah (priest ) , 6111124 Shelemiah b. Jashub, 3 2 1 Shelemiah b. Sanballat, 2 5 1 , 289-91 Shelewah, 1 34, 1 60, 2 50n3 1 , 273 Shelomam, 1 3 8 Shelomam b . Azariah, 89, 2 5 5 Shelomam b. [Olsea, 42, 90, 272-74 Shelomith d. Dibri, 4 Shemabaal, 1 8 1 Shemaiah, 34n28, 1 26, 140 Shemaiah b. Haggai b . Shemaiah, 193, 292 Shemaiah b. Hosea, 14411 1 2 1 Shemaiah b. Jedaniah, 240 Shemshillech, 58, 142Dl09 Shephatiah, 1 39 SheRneith, 2 5 1 Sherabiah, 147
!
II
I
II II
INDEX O F PERSONAL NAM E S
3 94
Shethar-bozenai, 46, 54 Shewa, 134, 273 Shewa b. Zechariah, 296 Shewahram b. Eshemram b. Eshemshezib, 170, 1921ll4, 3 3 3 Shillem, 147, 3 2 5 Shillem b. Hodo, 322 Shillem b. Hoshaiah, 14411 1 2 1 Shillem b. Nathan, 14mlo5 Shimshai, 46, 5m87, 5 5, 57 Shishak, 7 Shubael, 144 Siamun, 6 Sigri f. Hosea, 14911132 Simach b. Meshullam, 321 Simchi, 141, 148 Simeon, 1 4 5, 14811 1 2 9 Simon II, 1 1 7 Sindalah, 1 66n53 Siniddin, 32, 1 60, 320 Sinkishir b. Shabbethai, 1 2 7, 1 49nI 33 Sinuhe, 5 Sithri, 1 3 7, 147, 2 50n31 Sithriah, 1 3 7 Smn b. EshemmadbaJ:!, 3 3 2 Snyt[ . . 1 f . Shelomam, 149m 3 2 Solomon, 6f, 1 1 4, 1 21, 123, 1 5 5, 1 5 8, 178, 249 Sopatrus, 281 Swg f. Shabbethai, 149m 32 .
Tabi, 251, 267-69 Takhnum, 251, 273 Tanuatamun, 1 1n41 Tapmut, 2 5 1 , 270-72 Ta ( p ) mut d. Pethu, 80, 91, 109, 190n7, 194, 203, 204n15, 205-08, 210-1 3, 2 1 7, 219f, 231, 234, 244, 294, 310 Taraval).a, 47 Taru, 251, 267, 269 Tashi, 84, 101, 251, 265, 267-69 Tastaz f. Mephatteal)., 149m 32 Tatt, 2 1 9 Tattenai, n, 46, 54, 108nI2 Tebo, 80, 203, 257 Tel).o, 2 1 2£ Tetosiri, 203f, 251 Tiglath-Pileser III, 17 Tikvathiah, 137 Tobiah (Ammonite servant ) , 108lll2, 116 Tobiah (inscription of) , 1 1 7 Tobias b. Tobit, 108m2 Tobit, 279 Toubias, 1 1 7, 300 Tsenenl).or, 2 58£ Tuthmose, 6
Ubil, 34, 9 5, 97, 1 94, 214, 216 Uri, 1 3 8, 147 Uri b . Meshullach b. Uri, 236n2 Uriah, 48n77, 87, 90, 1 26, B2, 13 8, 276f, 280, 282, 322, 327 Uriah b. Mahseiah, 212, 234 Uriah b. Shemaiah, 1 3 Urio, 290 Uthai, 14811 1 2 8 Uzai, 148n128 Uzziel, 1 3 5n73 Varyazata, 30, 3 5, 205, 239, 245 Varyazata b_ Bethelzabad, 330 Vasl).i b. Zadmar, 326 Vidranga, 41, 42n54, 44f, 109, 146, 237n7, 2 5 5, 2 57, 280, 284-87, 288m9, 296 Wal).primaJ:!i, 57f, 3 1 1 Warfish, 295 wktit b. Shillem b. [ . . . ], 149nI 33 Yanbuli b. Misdai, 2 3 3 Yarl). ai Agrippa, 1 8 2 Yarl).ibola, 1 8 2 Yarl).o, 1 66 Ya'ubidi, 17 Zabai, 148n128, 1 8 2 Zabdiel, 1 3 5n73 Zabidri, 147 Zaccai, 148nI28 Zaccur, 1 39, 147, 273, 322 Zaccur b . Meshullam b . Zaccur b. Etir, 3 5, 76, 21 2f, 221, 223, 234f, 236n2 Zaccur b. Zephaniah b. Zaccur b. Zephaniah, 236n2, 320 Zadok, 1 3 8, 147 Zadok ( scribe) , 6m124 Zapeliah, 145 Zebadiah, 141, 320, 327 Zebida, 182 Zebina, 147 Zechariah, 1 3 9 Zechariah (prophet) , 108, 1 1 5 Zechariah b. Nathan, 141n105, 240, 242 Zedekiah, 1 3 8 Zedekiah (king of Judah) , lOf, 14, 1 561117 Zephaniah (prophet ) , 1 58, 1 76 Zephaniah, 140, 3 2 5, 327 Zephaniah b . Zaccur b. Zephaniah, 2 3 536m Zerah the Kushite, 7m 8 Zerubbabel, 251, 290n24 Zibiah, 1 34, 2 50n31 Zoser, 24£
I ND E X OF FORE I GN WORDS
NORTHWEST SEMITIC
,ag, 1 3 5 ,bd, 1 26 ,egora" 109£, 1 5 5, 272 'gr" 284 ,dn, 143111 15 ,adon, 1 3 5 ,drng, 216 ,awen, 175 ,zn, 143TI 1 l 5 ,a1:t, 1 3 5, 270, 3 1 1 , 3 1 4 'El, 1 3 5 ,1, 1 59TI28 ,lhy" 'Elohim, ,lhn, 1 5 6, 160, 3 1 1 ,lp" ,lpy, 86TIl21, 1 26, 276 ,amah, 261TI51 mh, 275 ,intil, 222 ,ph, 275 ardab, 70£, 78, 8 1 , 82TI90, 8 3 ,r1:t, 95 ,asam, 1 1 3 ,asmah, aSmdt, 1 58, 175£ '·serah, 179 ,srm, 1 1 0 ,ty, 270 bb" bbh, 95TIl73 bY, 40 bynbn, 267 b[yrb zlk, 36TI33 byt prs" 98 Bmrsry, 267 bacal, 1 3 5 becel degel, 3 5 be,el te,em, 46, 5611108 be,el qiryah, 3 5 belt smm rmm, 165TI46 bql,, 84 bar bayta" 230, 3 1 2
gw,, 2 3 1 gwmdyt, 88nI32 gulgul, 134TI67 gilgill, 1 34TI67 gmydh, 88 gmyrh, 88nI32 grh, 1 90, 192TI15 griw, gryw, griwa" gryb, g, 70ff grs, 343 gt, 262 db1:t, db/Jn, 87, I I I degel, 29ff, 80, 200, 202, 265, 279, 300, 3 1 5, et passim dagan, 1 79 dillilcin, 86, 276 drg', 97 dSY, 9 5TIl73 hida" 202, 234 he�al, 109£ hn, 1 26 hnbg, 2 1 6 hnd ( y ) z, 244TIl 9 hngyt, 2 1 6 hnpn, 284 hPt/JPb, 44 hirao, 202, 234 wst, 98TIl85 zbd, 145, 1 50 zega/J, I I I zbn, 86TI l 2 1 zuz, 6 2 , 66, 271, 305£ zlw', 93nI63 /Jdt, 9 lTII45 1:tzy, 275 1:tat,at, 1 1 3 1:ttbt, 268
T:ttyb, 89TIl34 1:tayla" 29, 30TI9, 5 5 1:tylyhh, 1 52 1:teleg, 1 1 1 1:tlk, 70TI48 1:tlm, 275 1:tallur, 58, 62, 67ff, 3 3 8ff, et passim 1:tmn, 168 1:tpn, 1:twpn, 1:tpnn, 1:t, 70TI48, 71 1:tepe�, 1 2 5 1:tapirah, 86TI l 1 9 1:tsn, 3 1 8 1:t�n, 91TIl45 [1:tsblnh, 1 26 t,m, 55TIl05, 274 ten, 1 52£ yd, 89nI 34, 268 yhb, 270, 274, 277 Yhh �b)t, 109 y/;ltnh, 275 yr/;lh, I05TI5 kbd, 14 111104 kagog, 1 7 1 kbl, 288nI 9 kbT>, 141TIl04 kudurri, 1 49 khn, 201 kl, 52TI90 klby>, 288TIl9 kmr, 1 8 2, 201 knth )rdb, k), 82TI91 kntn, 8 3 kp, kpn, 78TI75, 93 ksp, 305 karsh, 62ff, et passim ketubbah, 222 ktn ( h ) , 267
3 96
INDEX O F FOREIGN WORDS
lbnh, lbnb, 1 1 3, 292U27 lbs, 88 lbt, 269, 274 lQn ( h ) , 109, 200£, 202U7, 214, 230£, 294£ lmh, I 2,6 lqQ, 1 2.6, 270 mdbQ, 168 medinah, 43 mwm,h, 1 52 mQr, 1 2.6 maQtun, 134U68 mig, 2,2 2,u67, 244 mlw, 2,70 mly, 2,69, 270Ul3, 274 mlk" 44U62, 9 5 mmzgn,, 1 8 2 mny sym tern, 55UI05 mns, 269 mnt, 52,U90 msgd" 109, 1 54£ medr, 88TI 1 3 3 Mi$rayim, 4 2 mqdr, 88Ul33 mrZQ, marzeaQ, 179ff mirQaq, 203UlO, 2 5 5U42 ms,n, 91Ul45 miSkan, 107 mt,, 268 ngd" nagoda" niig/d, 52U93, 201 ngr', 201U4 ndn, 149 Npn,, 88 npq, 343 nprt, 2,47U2 1 npsk[y], 1 2.6 n$l, 189, 242Ul5 [nq]mn, [n]qmy', 1 56, 316 nSQt, 88 ntn, 34U28, 145, 1 50
edh, eegah, 210U38 cdr, medr, 88TI133 cidri, 147 eolah, 1 1 1 elwh, 1 1 1 'enat, 179 cenet, 179 cntt, 1 79 eqb, 1 50 erb, 79, 270 erbn, 270TI14 erwbh, 1 2.7, 1 3 2, 2,77 erpt, 1 69 erqy, l 2.6 castarot, 1 79 t&t, 1 79 peQah, 23, 1 3 0 PQW>, 42,U55, 290U24 p!:twb, 42, PQT'>, 290U24 pig, 97 PIQ, 277 PS srt, 2 3 1 pSQ', pas!:ta" 1 3 1 £ paqld, poqid, p'qidin, 54, 201 prypt, 2, 3 1 prks, 91Ul45 prmndrY', 58Ul 14 p "ras, p, 7 1 £, 1 53, 270, 274, 277 prs, 58 p ( ? ) rtkY', 47 prtrk, zy ,lhy" 44u62 ptp" 54TI100, 72, 272 $be, 89Ul34 $bty, 275 $dyq, 3 1 8 $dqh, 1 1 5 $ur, 1 1 7 $r(y) p, 305
seah, 71£, 8 3 sbl, 2,69-71 sOgan, 48, 2,05U22 Sky" 1 3 1 sukkot, 5 2 spr, sopar, 203TI1 0, 222, 269
qab, 72, 1 5 3, 276 qbl, 54UlOO, 1 52, 190, 192,Ul 5 qdm, 54UlOO qtyn, 2,75 qyqywn, 92 qmQ, 1 3 2 qnQnty, 284 qT>, 31�
ebd, 1 2.6, 1 3 1, 1 82, 270, 3 1 3, 3 1 6 ebwr, zy yb, 86TI121
rb, 1 8 3 rab Qaylib, 44 rbnwt, 1 82
rbo, 305 Tbb, 98 TQq, 2,03TI 1 0 rkb, 1 69 Rkb,l, l69 Tm, 1 50 rmy, 81U89 rsy, 95 TI 1 73, 98 rsh, TSy, 1 53, 190, 192TI1 5 rasae, 1 57 sg,, 1 59u28 Satan, 157 8>, 34n28, 70U48, 82U91 8>l, 3 1 1 , 3 1 6 8>r, 1 3 2 sbh, ywm 8bh, 1 2,6 sbyt, 88 sbt, 88TI 1 32 sbt" 88TI 1 32 sbqn, 262 Swq, 9 5 sezilJ, 149 SQt, s!:twt, 88Ul33 skn, sa�an, 107 sll;!, 52,U90, 27 6, 3 1 2, 343 slk, 142Ul09 81m, 52,n90, 1 59U28, 165, 2,69, 275£, 3 1 1 8me, 145 §nt" 89 sntt, 267 snn, 9 1Ul45 sprt, 267 scm, S, 71 shekel, 62ff, 305ff, 3 3 8ff, et passim SUT, 2,84 8Tb, 147 flo, 222,U67 tdn, 149 t!:tyt, 98Ul85 typt, typty" 46, 50 tkl, 1 26 tmw>nty, 285, 309 tmy/), 285U l 6, 308 tamig, 1 14u26 tm[s>], 93 tnh, tn" 1 3 2, 274, 276 tqbt/h, 267 tqm, tqTTl>, 71, 92,£, 149 trb$, tTb�, twTb$, 9 511 1 73 , 98m85
INDEX OF FOREIGN WORDS trw�, 471172 try, 98 trk[yn], 262 SUMERIAN
e.gal, 109 e.kur, 109 AKKADIAN
bel dini, 1 57 dagalu, 30UlO ekurru, 109 E LT}.MES mar-za-i, 1 80 gammidatu, 88Ul 32 kaspu murruqu, 305 kaspu pe�u, 305 lalJlJinu, 200f LU paqdu, 54Ul02 LU pat-ip-ra-a-su, 53£ mala, 270nI 3 miir-bW, 2301189 mulugu, 22 21167 niigiru, 521193 nudunnum, 2 1 7, 2221167 paqudu, paqdu, paqqiidu, 54Ul02 Paturisi, 42 salJiitu, 8 8nI 33 seriktum, 2221167, 22911 85, 244 sirku, 2221167 terlJatum, 207, 2091136, :2201161 , 22 11165 uzubbtim, 2091136 PERSIAN
"adranga, 79, 216 azdakara, 52 «anaka, 67 drafsh, 30 frasaka, 53£ frataraka, 421154, 44£, 47ff, 53, 58, 60, 2 5 5, 284 "framanadara, 58Ul 14
"framanakara, 46, 5611 1 08, 58 frestaka, 521193 gausa-ka, 50 "haftaxuwapiita, 44 hamarakara, iimarkar, 46, 58, 5911 1 1 9 "ham-baga, 2 1 6 "ham-gai8a, 2 1 6 * hampana, 284 patifriis, 54nI 00 patifriisfl, 53, 54UlOO tai/il, 501183 * tayupata, 501183 *thahya-pati, 501183 ti-pati, 501183 ELAMITE
sarama, saramana, sara-, 59nI 18
EGYPTIAN
lmy-r c3 G3SWt rsyt, 4 5 ,
v
Imy-r smc, 45 c3mw, 1 5 cfnt, 74 wtb, 306 bt/boti, 83 P3 ts, 451163 P3 rmt nty bks, 251199 pcb, 282 Ptrs, 42 Ma, 28 my· t, 285, 309 ms�, 74 nbt pt, 1 6 5 n�, 92 nkt.w n slJm.t, 2221167 ntr, 284f, 309 rmt n I:f.r, 1 5 rmt n Iswr, 1 5 hp, 22 hin, 821190 bt rm-e-f-mn, 87Ul29 G3C, 342 Gftb, 1 5 5Ul 6
39 7
1]yt, 9 5U l 73 sryt, 30 Sttyw, 1 5 sby, 1 5 511 1 1 sm, 342 snt, 89 �bt. 268117 � n�, 284, 309 k3k3 , 92 kdt, 83 kite, 68, 741164, 76f, 89, 283, 306f, 3 38ff tgm, 92nI 59, 93Ul60 deben, 68, 741164 GREEK
baris, 1 1 7, 300 birta, 1 1 7 capitM, 6 5Ul 8 choenix, 24, 7 1 11 54, 8 1 ennomion, 87nI29 erinys, 3 1 6 keryx, 521193 kiki, 92 kleroi, 521190, 300 kroton, 92 kyllestis, 8 3 lesonis, 2 3 , 283 machimoi, 28 misthos, 731159 modios, 711150 olyra, 8 3 protarches, 441162 schoeni, 3 7 semeia, 30n I 2 semeion, 301112 sitos, 731159 strategos, 2901124 zythos, 82, 1 3 3 LATIN
manipulus, 30Ul2 praetor, 441162
UNKNOWN
[ ' ]n[ ' ] rw, 2611104 ,ndrw, 2611104
I N D E X O F P R I M ARY S O U R C E S
A. BIBLICAL SOURCES
Old Testament GENESIS
1-107 1 : 1-2 :4a-1 2 2 6 : 1 7-97 8 : 20-9 : 1-1 14 9 : 4-87 9 : 20ff-3 1 0 : 6-3 1 2 : lOff-3 1 2 : 1 1ff-3 1 2 : 1 7-260ll50 1 4 : 1 6-267 1 4 : 19-1 39 14:22-107 1 5 : 1 5-1 8 5 1 6-3 1 7 : 1 1-2 51 21-3 2 2 : 1 6ff-1 1 4 24 :3-107 24: 7-107 24 : 59£-267 2 5 : 34-84 2 6 : 1 £-3 27-260 27: 36-141 29 : 3 3-145 30: 20-141, 145 3 1 : 1 1ff-1 7 5 3 2 : 29-142 3 3 : 20-168 34 : 1 5£-2 5 1 3 5 : 7-168 37ff-3 37:34-186 3 8 : 1 1-224 3 9 : 6ff-3 43 : 3 2-6ll 1 1 45 :9-273
47: 3-87 48-3 48 : 1 6-175 50: 1ff-185 50 : 25£-1 8 5 50: 10-184 EXODUS
3 :7£-107 1 2-281 1 2 : 1ff-1 23 1 2 : 1-1 3 : 10-1 23 1 2 : 5-280 1 2 : 1 5-1 2 5, 3 1 3 1 2 : 1 6-3 1 3 1 2 : 1 8-31 3 1 2 : 19-3 1 3 1 2 : 19£-3 1 3 1 2 : 24ff-1 23 1 2 : 38-4, 1 2 5 1 2 :43ff-1 2 5 1 2 :44-2 51 1 2 :48-2 51 1 3 : 19-1 8 5 1 5 : 2-105ll4 1 5 : 1 1-1 3 7 1 5 : 20-260 16: 5ff-126 1 6 : 21ff-1 22 1 6 : 29-1 28 1 7 : 6-105ll4 1 7 : 10ff-1491l1 3 3 17: 1 5-168 1 9 : 1 1-107 20 :7-1 51 20 : 8-1 1-1 22 20 : 8-12-122 20 : 1 2-261 20 : 14-1 51
20 : 1 9-107 20 : 1 9ff-1 1 5 20: 21-1 1 5 2 1 : 6-220 22:6£-1 51 22 :8-1 51 22:9£-1 51 2 2 : 20-4 2 2 : 2Iff-1 57 22 :24ff-1 57 23 :7-3 1 8 23 : 1 2-122 2 3 : 1 3-1 58 23 : 14ff- 1 2 3 23 : 1 5b-1 1 3 2 3 : 1 7-1 1 3 24-1 1 1 24: 10-107 24: 14-1491l133 24 : 1 6-107 2 5 : 8£-107 2 5 : 22-107 27:1ff-1 1 1 29 : 38ff- 1 1 3 29 :40-1 1 3 30: 1ff-l 1 1 , 1 1 3 30: 24-64 30: 34ff-1 1 3 31 : 2-1 491l 1 3 3 3 1 : 1 2ff-1 22 3 1 : 1 3-1 22, 2 5 1 3 1 : 1 4-126 3 1 : 17-2 51 3 3 : 1 7-137 34: 1 1ff-248 34 : 1 3ff-1 78 34 : 1 8-1 23 34: 20b-1 1 3 34:21-122
34:23-1 23 34:23£-1 1 3 3 5 : 1 ff-122 3 5 : 2-126 3 5 : 3-122 40 : 3 5-107 40 :36ff-l07 LEVITICUS
1-1 1 1 2 : 1-1 1 3ll25 2 : 1 5-1 1 3ll25 3-1 1 1 4 : 27ff-1 14 4-5-1 1 3 6 : 8-1 1 3ll25 7 : 1ff-1 14 7 : 1 1 ff-1 1 1 9-1 1 3 9 : 2 2ff-1 14 10: lff-1 1 3ll25 1 5 : 3 1-3 13 1 7 : 1ff-87 1 7 : l Off-87 18-3, 249 1 8 : 25-2 50 1 8 : 28£-2 50 1 9 : 3-1 22 19: 20-206 1 9 : 30-1 22 20 : l Off-249 20:22-250 21 :7-343ll24 21 : 14-343ll24 2 2 : 1 3-224, 343ll 24 2 3 : 2£-1 22 2 3 : 5ff-1 23 2 3 : 7£-3 1 3
INDEX OF P RIMARY SOURCES 2 3 : 1 5f-162, 3 1 2 24: 5ff-12 2 2 4 : l Off-4 2 5-271 2 5 : 14-271 2 5 : 1 7-271 2 5 : 3 5ff-4, 271 2 5 : 39ff-27 1 2 5 : 5 5-220 2 6 : 2-122
NUMBERS 1 : 1 4-144 2-29 2 : 3 3-202 3 : 5ff-202 6: 22ff-1 1 4 6 : 24-1 39 7 : 1 3-1 1 3 7 : 2 5-1 1 3 7 : 42-144 7 : 47-144 9 : 1ff-1 23, 1 3 3 9 : 6ff-3 1 3 9 : 1 3-1 2 5 10-29 1 0 : 1 1 f-l07 1 0 : 20-1 44 10: 3 3 ff-107 1 0 : 3 5-107 1 1 : 5-86 1 1 : 2 5-141 1 1 : 26f-1 36n83 1 2 : I f-260 1 5 : 3 2ff-1 22, 1 26 1 6 : 1 6ff-1 1 3n2 S 20 : 1 4ff-249 24: 1 7ff- 1 4 2 5 : 1f-178 2 5 : 1ff-1 8 3 2 7 : 6ff-2 57 28 : 1ff-1 1 3 28 :9f-1 2 2 2 8 : 1 6f-3 1 3 28 : 1 6ff-1 23 28 : 1 8-3 1 3 28 : 2 5-3 1 3 3 0 : 5f-1 43 3 0 : 1 O-343n24
5 : 1 2-1 5-1 2 2 5 : 1 2-16-1 2 2 5 : 1 6-26 1 5 : 20-1 5 1 7 : 1 ff-248 7 : 1 3-179 1 2-1 3 , 1 24 1 5-271 1 5 : 7ff-1 57 1 5 : 10-271 1 6-124 1 6 : I f-1 3 1n61 1 6 : 5£-1 24 1 6 : 9-1 3 1 1161 1 6 : 9f-1 6 2, 3 1 2 1 6 : 1 6-1 1 3 1 7 : 1 6-1 2 2 1 : 1 8ff-261 2 2 : 1 ff-2 71 2 2 : 19-343n24 2 2 : 29-343ll24 2 3 : 4ff-248 2 3 : 8£-4, 249 2 3 : 1 9ff-271 2 3 : 20-271 24: 1-343ll24 2 4 : 1 ff-247, 261 24 : 2-343n24 24 : l Off-77 2 4 : 1 4f-1 57, 3 1 6 2 5 : 1 3-64 2 5 : 1 5f-64 2 6 : 14-184 2 8 : 4- 1 79 28 : 1 8-179 28 : 3 6f--'1 1 5 28 : 5 1 - 1 79 28 :64-1 1 5 3 1 : 1 1-1 1 3 3 2 : 6-1 3 6 3 3 : 1 6-107
JOSHUA 5 : 1 0f-1 2 3 1 5 : 59-178 1 9 : 38-1 78 21 : 1 8-178 2 2-1 1 5 2 3 :7-1 58
DEUTERONOMY
JUDGES
4: 1 5ff-1 1 5 4 : 19-176 4 : 27£-1 1 5 5 : 1 1-1 5 1
1 : 33-1 78 2 : 1 3- 1 77 3 : 7-1 77 3 : 3 1-178
4-260 4 : 4-260nso 6 : 1 9ff-1 1 3 6 : 24-1 38, 1 68 8 : 3 2-1 8 5 1 0 : 6f-l77 1 3 : 1 5ff-1 1 3 1 6 : 3 1-1 8 5 1 7 : 1 ff-260
I SAMUEL
1 : 9ff-1 5 8 1 : l Of-146 1 : 1 1-145 1 : 19-1 4 5 2 : 1-146 2 : 1-1 0-- 1 46 2 : 5-146 2 : 2 5-139 2 : 30-141 3 : 3-109 4 : 4-107 5 : 2-1 1 0 7 : 4-177 9 : 1 2f-87 9: 22ff-87 9 : 24-87 1 2 : 1 0-- 1 77 1 4 : 3-1 36n82 1 4 : 3 2ff-87 1 4 : 3 3ff-87 1 7 :45-107 1 7 : 46-149nI 32 24 : 1 9-149n I 32 2 5-260 2 5 : Iff-184nI 38 2 5 : 36-184n I 38 2 5 :42-26111S4 2 6 : 8-149n I 3 2 2 6 : 1 9-1 1 5 2 7 : 1 £-1 1 5 2 8 : 3ff-1 84 3 1 : 1 0-- 1 1 0, 1 78 3 1 : 1 3-1 86
II
SAMUEL
1 : 1 2-186 1 : 26-267 2 : 3 2-1 8 5 3 : 3 1-1 86 6 : 2-107 6 : 1 8-1 1 4 6 : 20ff-260 1 0 : 6ff-1 6 1 2 : 20--92
399
1 4 : 2-1 86 1 4 : 1 1 -1 58 1 4 : 26-64 1 7 : 23-1 8 5 1 7 : 27£-84 1 7 : 27ff-87 1 8 : 28-1 49nI 32 1 9 : 36-1 8 5 1 9 : 38-1 8 5 2 1 : 1 2ff-1 8 5 22 : 7-107 2 2 : 10£-107 2 2 : 29-1 3 8 2 3 : 34-16 2 3 : 3 6-16
I KINGS 2 : 26-178 3 : 1-6, 109 4 : 8-149n I 3 3 6 : 2-1 1 0 6 : 1 1-1 3-107 6 : 1 5ff-l 1 1 6 : 3 6-1 1 1 7 : 1 3f-249 8 : 3 I f-1 5 1, 1 5 5 8 : 48f-1 2 1 8 : 54-1 5 5, 1 58 8 : 54ff-1 1 4 8 : 57-1 38 8 : 62-1 5 5 8 : 64-1 1 1 8 : 64b-l 1 1 9 : 1 5f-6 9 : 2 5-1 2 3 1 1 -7 1 1 : 1-1 0-- 249 1 1 : 5ff-1 76, 1 78 1 2 : 26ff-175 1 3 : 1 ff-1 7 5 1 3 : 6-1 3 8 1 3 : 30ff-1 1 3 1 4 : 1 1-288n I 9 1 4 : 2 5f-7 1 5 : 1 3-177 1 5 : 1 8ff-1 6 1 6 : 4-288n I 9 1 6 : 3 3-177£ 1 6 : 3 4-105ns 1 8 : 19-178 2 1 : 1-109 2 1 : 2 3 £-288nI9
: 11 "
': il'iI,�
I'!! ! �, I
Ii i
i:!i
III' �I " I,j ; !
I
4 : 1-79
I
r
I" ,
Iii " I
li, 1
I' iI 'I Ii ,' I!rI ii '
,, ,
,
"
i
I:
!i"
i: '
,
!: ; )1:
i i,
r "I
I '
,
I I KINGS
I
:'i!1 "I I
'I I' ,
400
INDEX OF P R I MARY SOURCES
4: 8ff-260 4 : 2 2f-1 22 5 : 1 5ff-1 1 5 6 : 2 5-72 7 : 1-71050, 81085 7 : 6-7 7 : 1 6-71n50, 81085 7 : 1 8-71050, 81085 8 : 1ff-224, 260 9 : 10-288nl9 9 : 30-9 1 9 : 36-288nl9 10: 1 8ff-1 78 1 1 : 1ff-260 1 1 : 5££-1 22 1 2 : 17-1 14 1 3 :7-1 2 1 7 : 1 ff-7 17 :4f-7 1 7 : 24-16, 1 8 1 7 : 24££-176 1 7 : 28££-17 2 1 7 : 30-171 1 7 : 30f-16 1 7 : 3 1-17If 1 7 :41-172 1 8 :4-124 1 8 : 1 3ff-7 1 8 : 23-1 3 1 8 : 26-16. 57n 1 1 o 19 :9-7 19 : 1 5-107 1 9 : 3 5ff-7 21 : 1-1 19 21 : 3-124 2 1 : 3f-176 21 : 3ff-1 3n49 21 : 5ff-1 19 21 :7-178 2 1 : 10-1 6-1 1 9 22-1 3 2 2 : 1 4ff-260 2 3-1 3 23 :4-119 2 3 : 4ff-1 2 1 23 : 5-1 76• 201 2 3 : 6f-178 2 3 : 8-1 21 2 3 : 1 2-176 2 3 : 1 3-178 23 :21ff-1 24 2 3 : 29f-l0 2 3 : 3 1 ff-l0
2 3 : 34-1 3 24: 1-10 24: 8ff-l 0 2 5 : 27ff-172 ISAIAH
1 : 1 1 f-1 1 3 f 1 : 1 1 ff-1 14 1 : 1 3-1 22 3 : 16ff-9 1 4 : 1-260n50 7 : 1-144 7 : 4f-144 7 : 9-144 8 : 3-200 8 : 6-144 8 : 1 8-107 8 : 19f-1 84 1 1 : 1 1-8, 1 6 1 2 : 2-105n4 1 3-23-14 1 8-13, 1 19n38 1 8 : 2-7 1 9 : 1 6ff-1 19 19: 19-1 1 8 20-1 3 26:4-105n4 3 0 : 1 ff-7, 1 3 30 : 1 6-1 3 3 1 : 1ff-7. 1 3 3 1 : 1 5-184 3 6 : 8-1 3 36 :9-1 3 36 : 1 1-16 38: 1 1-105n4 44: 1-204nl5 44: 5-204nl 5 4 5 : 22-145 46: 3-271 48 : 1-1 58 49 : 1 2-14 50: 1-79, 247. 343n24 56:6f-2 51 56:6££-1 26£ 56:7-1 58 5 8 : 1 3f-1 25 63 : 1 6-1 36 6 5 : 20-1 8 5nl42 65 : 2 5-185nl42 JEREMIAH
1 : 1-178 2 : 1 8-1 1 3 : 1-343n24
3 : 8-247, 343n24 4 : 2-1 5 8 4 : 30-91 5 : 7-1 5 8 6 : 20-1 1 3n24 7 : 1 6££-176 7 : 2 lff-1 1 4 9 :7-88nl33 1 1 : 20-1 57 1 2 : 1-3 1 8 1 2 : 1 6-1 58 1 6 : 1 ff-180 1 6 : 5-1 80nl22, 1 8 1 , 1 86nl47 1 6 : 7-181 1 6 : 8-1 81 1 6 : 1 3-1 1 5 1 7 : 19ff-1 22 1 9 : 14-20: 2-201 20 : 1 2-1 57 22: 10££-10 24:6-1 39 24:8-14 26: 20ff- 1 3 26 : 2 2- 1 3 27-28-1 1 29 : 7-1 1 6 3 1 : 1 5-184 3 2 : 1££-2 1 3 3 2 : 10-63, 198 3 3 : 1 1-145 34: 1 5-220 3 7 : 5££-14 41-1 3 42-1 3 43-1 3 43 : 5ff-14 43 : 8ff-14 43 : 8-44 :30-42 44: 1-14 44: 1 5-176 44: 1 5ff-l 76£ 44 : 1 7£-177 44 : 26-177 44: 27-14 44: 30-14 46-51-14 46 : 1 3ff-14 46 : 2 1-14 47 : 1-10 48 : 1 3-175 5 1 : 59-1 1 EZEKIEL
1-108 4 : 1 3-1 1 5
7: 1 1b-242nl4 8-10-176nl 1 1 8-1 1-108 8 : 1 6-176 1 1 : 1 6- 1 1 6 11 : 22f-l08 1 6 : 1 4-1 36n83 16: 30-270nl2 1 7-8n25 20 : 1 2-1 22, 251 2 0 : 1 3-1 24 20 : 16-124 20 : 20-1 22 20: 21-1 24 20: 24-1 24 2 2 : 8-1 24 22:26-1 24 23 : 38-124 23 :40-91 2 5-32-14 29-32-14 29: 10-14 30 :6-14 38f-14 40 :6ff- 1 1 0 40 :19££-1 10 40 : 24££-1 10 40 : 28££-1 1 of 40: 3 2££-1 1 0f 40 : 3 5ff-1 1 0£ 40-44-1 1 5 4 3 : 7-108 43 : 1 3££-1 1 1 44 :22-343024 44 : 24-1 24 4 5 :20f-1 24 HOSEA
2:4-206. 342 2 : 1 3-1 22 4:8-1 14 4 : 1 2ff-1 7 5 4 : 1 5-1 7 5 6 : 6-1 1 4 8 : 5f-176 9 : 3ff-1 1 5 1 0 : 5-1 7 5. 201 1 2 : 5f-175 1 4 : 1-176 14:6-1 38 JOEL
2 : 1 8-143 4 : 1 7-107 4 : 2 1-107
INDEX O F PRIMARY S O URCES AMOS
1 : 3-2 :3-14 3 : 14-17 5 4:4-175 5 :5-1 75 5 : 5f-17 5 5 : 21ff-1 l 4, 175 6 : 1 ff-1 80 6 : 7-18 6Ul47 7 : lOf- 175 7 : 1 7-1 1 5 8 : 5-1 22 8 : 14-1 58, 1 7 5 J ONAH
1 :9-107 2 : 5-1 2 1 2 : 8-12 1 3 :9-143 4:6-92 MICAH
2 :9-136n83 7 : 7-143, 145 NAHUM-I 4 HABAKKUK
3 : 7-7Ul 8 ZEPHANIAH
1 :4-201 1 : 5-1 58, 1 76 1 : 1 O-86nl l S 3 : 8-145 HAGGAI-lO B
2 : 1 8£-1 1 5
ZECHARIAH
1-8-108 2 : 14£-108 3 : 1-1 57 6 : 1 0-1 17 7 : 2-17°, 1 76nl l o, 327 8 : 2£-108 9 : 1 5-1 1 3
MALACHI- l O B ,
250
1 :6ff-1 1 5 2 : 1 0ff-249 2 : 1 3-1 58 2 : 1 6-343n24 3 : 10-1 1 5 PSALMS
4 : 2-1 38 5 : 4-1 45 7 :9-1 37 1 2 :7-306n8 1 4 : 2-121 1 4 : 7-121 1 8 :7-107 1 8 : l Of-l07 1 8 : 29-1 3 8 20 : 3-1 2 1 20:7-121 26: 1-1 39 27:1-137 27: 5-14° 27:7-140 27: 14-145 30: 1ff-141 3 2 : 7-138 37:7-145 3 7 : 1 7-141 37:40-142 40 : 17-143 42 : 3-1 1 3 44-147 44: 5- 1 3 6, 147 44:8-147 44 : 1 2-147 44 : 27-142, 147 5 5 : 2-141 5 5 : 23-1 39 57:6-144 60-147 60 :6-147 60 :7-147 60 : 1 3-147 61 :4-1 37 62 : 1 3-140 68 : 5-105n4, 169 68 : 19-105n4 71 :2-142 71 : 5- 1 3 7 73 :26-138 74-147 74: 2-1°7 74 : 3-147 74 :7£-147 74 : 1 2-147
74 : 1 4-147 74 : 19-147 74 :22-147 76: 3-1 21 76:9-1 21 77: 1 2-105n4 79-147 79 : 1-147 79 : 8-147 79 :9-147 80-147 80 : 2-1 21, 147 80 : 1 5-1 21, 1 44, 147 8 3-147 8 5-147 8 5 : 2-147 8 5 : 8-147 8 5 : 10-147 8 5 : 1 3-147 86:17-140 89 :9-10 5n4 90-147 90: 10-1 8 5 90 : 1 3-147 9° : 1 5-147 92: 5-142 94:7-105n4 94 : 1 2-105n4 102: 19-105n4 1°4: 1-142 105 : 1 8-288nI9 106:4-139 107 : 1 9£-1 43 108-1 47 108:6-147 108:7-147 108 : 1 3-147 109-1 57 1 1 5 : 17f-1 05n4 1 1 8 : 5-105n4 1 1 8 : 14-105n4 1 1 8 : 17ff-105n4 1 1 8 : 2 5-144 122 :4-105n4 126-147 1 26: 1-147 1 29-147 1 3 0 : 3-105n4 1 3 5 : 3 £-105n4 1 3 5 : 21-1°7 1 3 6: 26-107 1 3 7-1 1 6, 147 1 3 7 :7-147 1 3 8 : 6-1 37 1 3 8 :8-142 148 : 1 3-137
401
1 49 :8-28811I9 1 50 :6-105n4 PROVERBS
1 : 8-261 2 : 1 7-261 3 : 6-144 5 : 1ff-261 8 : 21-3 18 1 2 :4-261 1 6 : 1 1-64 1 7 : 1 5-3 18 1 8 : 5-318 1 8 : 1 7-3 18 1 8 : 22-261 1 9 : 14-261 2 7:27-87 30 : 1 -1 34n7° 31 : l Off-260 31 : 16-260 3 1 : 24-260 J OB
1 :6ff-1 57 1 : 21-141 2 : 1 1-1 36n83 4 2 : 1 4-91 SONG OF SONGS
1 : 3-92 4 :9ff-267 8 :6-1 3 8 RUTH
1 : l ff-249 1 : 8-224 3 : 3-92 4 : 3-224 4:9-224 4 : 1 3ff-249 4 : 1 5ff-236 ECCLESIASTES
(Koheleth )
2 : 7-230n89 5 : 1 8-138 9 : 2- 1 5 1 ESTHER
1-49 1 : 1-20n76, 43 1 : 1 3ff-46
"
I
I: !
I
402
INDEX O F P R I MARY SO URCES
1 : 22-57 2 :7-2 52 2 : 1 1-280 3 : 3ff-5 1TI86 3 : 8-280 3 :9-53ll97 4 : 3-146 4 : 1 6-146 8 : 2-280 8 : l Off-51 TI86 9 : 20ff-130 9 : 3 2-1 30 10: lff-280 DANIEL
1 :6£-1 3 5ll73 1 : 7-252 1-6-279 2 : 1 8-108ll12 2 : 1 9-108ll12 2 : 28-108ll12 2 : 3 7-108ll1 2 2 :44-108ll12 2:46-1 5 5 3 : 2-50 3 : 2f-52ll93 3 :4-52ll93 3 : 5fF-1 55 3 : 1 0ff-1 55 3 : 14f-1 55 3 : 18-1 5 5 3 : 28-1 5 5 3 : 3 1-1 59ll28 5 : 2-202ll7 5 : 2 3-108ll 12 5 : 2 5-72ll57 6 : 1 1-1 21 6: 26-1 59ll28 10:2£-186 EZRA
1 : 1-52 1 : 2-108ll 1 2 1 :2£-1 20 1-2-19 2: 1-43 2 : 2-140ll1 00, 2901124 2 :9-148ll128 2 : 1 6-141ll106 2: z3-1 78 Z :40-1 3 5ll73 2 :42-141TI 1 06 3 : 9-1 3 5ll73 4:1fF-1 20
4 : 2-251 4:7-23-57 4:8-51 4: 8fF-51ll87 4: 9-46, 48, 52ll93 4:9£-5 1 ll87 4 : 1 1-3 1 1 f 4: 14-86ll1 21, 3 1 2 4 : 1 7-46, 48,3 1 2 4 : 1 7f-:-3 1 2 4 : 1 8-57 4 : 1 9-5 5ll105 4 : 2 1-5 5 4:23-48, 5 1 5 : 1f-1 1 5 5 : 3-46, 5 5ll105 5 : 3fF-1 20 5 : 3-6 : 1 3-54 5 : 6-46, 3 1 2 5 : 8-43, I I I 5 : 9-5511105 5 : 1 1-107 5 : 1 2-107, 108ll12 5 : 1 3-5511105 5 : 1 7-5511105, 60 5 : 1 7-6 : 1 2-Z2 6: 1-60 6: 1fF-IZ0 6 : 2-43 6 : 3-55ll105 6:4-1 1 1 6 : 6-46, 3 1 Z 6: 8-55ll105 6:9-1 1 1 6 : 9f-l08ll1 2, 1 1 4 6: 1 1-5 5ll105 6: 1 2-5511105 6 : 1 3-46, 3 1 2 6 : 14-1 1 5, 3 1 4 6 : 1 5fF-1 2 5 6:19fF-1 3 3 6 : zo-3 1 3 7 : 1-148 7 : 2-1 36ll82 7 : 1 Z-108, 280, 312 7 : 1 3-5 511105 7 : 1 4-46, 3 1 Z 7: 1 5,.--1 08 7: z0-60 7: Z1-5511105, 60, 1081112 7: 22-8611121 7: 23-108ll12 7 : 25-1 30, 280 7 : 2 5f-49 8 : Z-13 5ll73,
14811129 8 : 5-1 3 5ll73 8 : 8-13 5ll73 8 :9-1 3 5ll73 8 : 1 3- 1 3 5ll73 8 : 14-14811128 8 : 1 6-13 5ll73, 14811129 8 : 1 8-147 8 : 3 3-148111 29 9 : Z-249 9 : 1 1-249 9 : 1 2-250 1 0 : 2-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 6-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 1 5-1 3 5ll73, 137 10: 18-13 5ll73 10: 18-44-249ll27 1 0 : Z I -1 3 5ll73 1 0 : Z2-1 3 5ll73, 14811129 10: 23-1 3 5ll73, 148 1 0 : 24-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 2 5-1 37 1 0 : 26-1 3 5ll73 10:27-1 3 5ll73, 148 1 0 : z 8-14811128 1 0 : 30-14811 129 1 O : 3 1-1 3 5ll73, 14811129 1 0 : 3 z-14811129 1 0 : 3 3-13 5ll73, 1 48ll1 28, nI29 1 0 : 34-14811 1 2 9 1O : 3 5-1 7ll63 1 0 : 36-1 3 5ll73 1 0 : 3 7-1 48ll128 10 :40---1 48111 28 10 :41-1 3 5ll73 1 0 :4Z-14811129 10 :43-1 3 5ll73, 1 47, 148111 28 NEHEMIAH
1 : 1-145 1 : 1fF-130 1 :4f-1 081112 1 : 1 1 ff-280 2 : 4-108ll12 2 : 19-1 16 2 : 20---1 08ll12 3 : 1-1 3 5ll73 3 : 3-86111 1 5
3 :4-1 47 3 : 8-1 34, 1 3 5ll73 3 :9-149111 33 3 : zO£-1 3 51173 3 : 2 5-148nI28 3 : 31-134 3 : 33ff-1 1 6 5 : 1 fF-79 , 271 6 : 1 ff-1 1 6 6 : 10-1 3 5ll73, 147 6: 14-z60 6: 17fF-1 1 6 7 :2-43, 130 7 : 6-43 7 : 7-14011100, Z90ll24 7 : Z1-14111106 7 : z 7-1 78 7 :43-1 3 5ll73 7 : 45-1 41ll106 8 : 4-1 3 5ll73 8 : 7-327 8 : 1 5-53 9-1 0--- 1 3 2 9 : 1fF-147 9 :4£-144 10:7-13 5ll73 1 0 : 1 3-147 1 0 : 1 8-141ll106 1 0 : 2 1-178 1 0 : 2Z-13 5ll73 1 0 : 3 2-1 2 5, 1 3 z 1 1 :9-1 3 5ll73 1 1 : 1 1-Z01 1 1 : 1 3-1 3 5ll73, 147, 14811128 1 1 : 14-1 3 5ll73 1 1 : 1 7-148 1 l : z4-1 3 5ll73 1 2 : 1 5-14811128 l Z : 20-14811128 l Z : z z-290 l Z : 36-1 3 5ll 73, 148nI28 l z :41-1 3 5ll73 1 3 :4-1 3 5ll73 1 3 :4fF-1 16 1 3 : 7-1 3 5ll73 1 3 : 1 3-61nI24 1 3 : 1 5-1 27 1 3 : 1 5fF-I Z5 1 3 : 16-86ll1 l 5 1 3 : 1 6fF-1 3 2 1 3 :z3-26-249ll2 7 1 3 : z3f-z 50 13 :z 6f-249 1 3 : z8-1 1 6, 290
INDEX I CHRONICLES
II CHRONICLES
3 : 24-289 5 : 1 4-1 4911 1 3 3 7:8-178 8 : 24-1 78 24: 20-144 26: 24-201
6 : 2 2f-1 5 5 8 : 1 2f-1 2 3 1 2 : 3-7111 8 1 4 : 7ff-7111 8 1 5 : 1O-71118 1 5 : 16-177 1 6 : 1 ff-1 6 2 3 : 4ff-1 22 29-1 2 3
OF
PRIMARY S O U RCES
30-1 23 30: 1f-1 24 30 : 3-1 3 3 30: 1 5-124 30 : 1 5ff-1 3 3 30 : 1 6ff-3 1 3 31 :1f-124 3 3 : 1ff-1 1 9 33 : 3-124 3 3 : lOff-12 1
40 3
3 3 : 1 1ff-1 2 34-1 3 3 5-1 3 , 1 24 3 5 : 20ff-l 0 3 6 : 1ff-1o 36:4-1 3 36: 9ff-1o 3 6 : 1 3-1 56111 7 3 6 : 2 3-1081112
Aprocrypha 4 : 1 7-184 1 0 : 1 1-108ll12 1 0 : 1 2-108ll12
8 : 7-224f 1 1 : 1 7-108111 2 1 6 : 24-1 84
1 MACCABEES 2 :41-1 28 7 : 5ff-1 1 8
TOBIT-2 5 1
JUDITH
SIRACH (Ben Sira)
5 : 8-108ll1 2 6 : 1 9-1081112 8 : 6-1 26
2 2 : 4-2 2 5 2 2 : 1 2-184 3 5 : 1 1-1 14
2 MACCABEES
l : q -279 1 : 22-279 3 : 7ff-224
ESDRAS
1 Esdras 7 : 5125
1 : lff-1 30 8 : 26-1 26 1 4 : 3ff-1 1 8
Pseudepigrapha ARISTEAS
1 3-8, 1 1f, 19
New Testament MATTHEW
5 : 1 5-7 11115 2 3 : 16-1 56 2 3 : 1 8-1 56 B . NORTHWEST SEMITIC TEXTS
Aramaic AI ME-GIRON, TEXTES ARAME ENS D'EGYPTE
5 : 4-29ll5 5 : 7f-29ll5 10v:4-29ll5 87-82
87a : 8-82ll91 87a : 1 1-82ll91 87a : 1 3-8311100 87a : 1 4-82ll91 , 84 87b :4-82ll91 87b : 1 5-82ll91 87b : 19-82ll91 97-3 3 3
99-93 100-3 3 3 104-3 3 3 1 1 0-170, 330, 332 1 1 1b-3 30
AI ME-GIRON, OS
(ASAE 26 [1926], 23ff) TRACA
49624-90, 140ll98, 201, 2771134
404
I NDEX O F PRIMARY S OURCE S
49624: 2-109lll 3 49624 : 3-1 06115 4962 5-721156
BARRAKIB INSCRIPTIONS 1 : 2 2-1 691172 2 : 5-1 691172 3 : 7ff-1691172
BAUER AND MEISSNER PAPYRUS
-1 96ff
1-27 4£-27 5-721157 1 7-1 3711 88
BODLEIAN OSTRACON ( Sayee, PSBA 3 3 [1911], 1 83 ff) -72n56, 1 3 1 , 1 36n82, 276 BRESCIANI AND KAMIL 1-1 291155, 2 6 5 1 : 1-33, 1 3 71 1 88, 165, 265 1 : 2-1 59, 269 1 : 2£-268 1 : 3-2 5 1 1 : 3£-276 1 : 3ff-270 1 : 4-269 1 : 5-72, 2 5 1 , 3 1 2 1 : 7-33 1 :8£-72, 274 1 : 9-79 1 : 1 0-2 5 1 1 : 1 1-13 5117°, 2 5 1 , 269 1 : 1 1 f-269, 3 1 2 1 : 1 2-274 1 : 1 2£-269 1 : 1 4-1 3 71188, 148lll 3 1 , 1 661153, 2 50, 265f 1-4-34, 264
1-5-265 1-6-1 8, 2 6 5 1-7-3 1 4 2-1291155, 265 2 : 1 -33, 1 3711 8 8, 1 6 5, 2 5 1 , 265, 268119 2 : 2-1 59, 1 661153, 268 2 : 2f-276 2 : 3-'2 64, 269 2 : 3f-269 2 :4-1 3 51170 2 : 4f-268119 2 :4ff-268 2 : 5-2 5 1 , 2 6 5 2 : 5f-265f 2 : 6-67, 1 661153, 27111 1 5 2 : 6ff-3 1 2 2 : 7-2 5 1 2 : 10-268 2 : 1 1 -90, 1 3 51170 2 : 1 1 f-93 2 : 1 1ff-268 2 : 1 2- 3 3 2 : 1 3-93 2 : 1 3f-267 2 : 14ff-l O l , 268 2 : 1 6-268 2 : 1 6£-269 2 : 1 7-2 5 1 , 269, 312 2 : 1 8-1 3 71188, 1 48111 3 1 , 2 50£ 3-265 3 : 1 -3 3, 48, 1 3 71188, 1 6 5, 265 3 : I f-I 59, 268 3 : 2-26 5f, 269 3 : 3-26 5, 269 3 : 4-270 3 : 5-1 3 71188, 265, 269 3 : 5ff-3 1 2 3 :6-I48ll l 3 1 , 250 3 : 7-267 3 : 7f-90, 267 3 : 9-84, 2 5 1 3 :9£-1 0 1 , 268 3 : 1 0-90, 93, 265 3 : 1 0£-268 3 : 1 2-9 3, 267, 269 3 : 1 3-269, 3 1 2
3 : 14-1 371188, 148111 3 1 , 2 50, 265 3-5-1291155 4-26 5 4 : 1-33, 1 6 5, 1 77 4 : I f-265 4 : 2-1 59, 1 661153, 268 4 : 3-165, 1 77, 2 5 1 , 269, 3 3 ° 4 : 4f-90 4:4ff-267 4 : 5-268117 4 : 7-93, 267 4 : 7f-269 4 : 8-1 371188 4 : 8f-269 4 : 9-3 30 4 : 9£-268 4 : 1 0-1 2 51148, 1 2 7, 14911 1 32, 265 4 : l Off-269 4 : 1 1-25° 4 : 1 1 f-148ll l 3 I , 250 4 : 1 2- 3 1 2 4: 1 2f-269 4 : 1 3-1 661153 4 : 1 3£-2 65 4 : 1 3 ff-266 4 : 1 4-265 4 : 1 5-148ll l 3 I , 1 661153 , 2 50 4-6-2 6 5 4-7-265 5-34, 264£ 5 : 1-1 371188 , 1 661153, 2 5 1 , 267 5 : 1 £-1 59, 268 5 : 2ff-267, 269 5 : 5f-148lll 3 1 , 2 50, 3 3 0 5 : 7ff-269 5 :9-269, 3 1 2 5 : 1 O-148ll l 3 I , 1 6611 5 3, 2 50£ 6-264£ 6 : 1-2 5 1 , 261, 273 6 : 1 £-1 59, 268 6 : 2-269 6 : 3-1 661153, 265, 268119 6 : 3ff-268
6 : 7-1 3 71188, 269 6 : 8-2 5 1 6: 8f-265f, 269, 276 6 : 9f-268 6 : 1 0-269, 3 1 2 6 : 1 1-267, 27 3 7-1 291155, 264£ 7 : 1-1 59, 269, 312 7 : 2-2 5 1 7 : 2f-2 69 7 : 2ff-269 7 : 3-2 5 1 7 : 4-2 69, 3 1 2 8-26 5 8 : I f-1 59, 26 8 8 : 8- 1 661153 8 : 8ff-269 8 : 1 1 -276 8 : 14f-269
CAIRO OSTRACA
(see also Aim eGiron )
3 5468 3-1 79lll 1 7 3 5468c-327
CAMBRIDGE OS-
(Cowley, JRAS [1929], 107ff) -88, 145 TRACON
CLERMONTGANNEAU OSTRACA 14-1 52113 14 C011veX : l 106115, 1 52113 1 6-90, 2 5 1 , 276£ 1 6 C011cave : 2-86 1 6 c011vex :41 3 61182 16 c011vex : 5-84 20-1 52113 20 COl1cave : 31 06115 41-1 52113 41 cOl1vex : 51 06115, 1 5 2113 44-1 26, 277, 2891120
)
INDEX OF PRIMARY S O URCES 56-1 52n3 56 concave :71 06n5 70-90, 1 59, 2 7 5 70 : 3-106n5 78-276 1 3 5-276 1 5 2-1 26, 1 5 2n3, 267n7 1 5 2 concave : 1 1 43n1 1 7, 2 50n31 1 5 2 concave : 1 £84 1 5 2 concave: 3106n5 1 52 : concave : 584 1 52 concave : 71 06n5 1 52 convex: 1267-8n7 1 5 7-276 1 67-8 7 1 67 concave: 1 106n6 1 67 concave: 1 £109 1 69-2 5 1, 276 1 69 concave : l1 3 6n82 1 69 concave : 286 1 69 concave :4f86U l 2 1 169 convex: 1-86 1 74-1 52n3 1 74 concave: 2106n5 1 7 5 concave : 2106n6, 109 1 8 5-1 52n3 1 8 5 convex :6106n5 1 8 6-126 1 8 6 concave: I f106n6, 109 1 86 concave: 586 186 convex : 1 £86nI 1 5 204- 1 27 214-1 52n 3, 277 2 1 4 concave : 21 06n5 228-276
2 5 5-277 277-1 59
CORPUS INSCRIPTIONUM SEMITICARUM 54-328 1 3 7-86, 275 1 54-32n2O 1 54 : 1-1 39n97 1 54 : 2-141, 3 3 0 1 54 :4-166n53 1 54 : 5-1 66n53 1 54 : 7-330 1 54 : 8-14onlO 3, 1 49 U l 3 2 1 6 1-1 5 5 n I 5 1 76-1 5 5U l 5 1 8 5-1 5 5nI 5 1 8 8-1 5 5 nI 5 190-1 5 5Ul 5 2 1 8-1 5 5nI 5 364- 1 4 1 U l 04 2 3 66-1 4 1 U l 04
COWLEY 1-23, 1 9 2n1 7, 19 5n2 2, 196n28, 197, 33 5n3 1 : 1-250n31 1 : 2-1 06n5, 1 34, 1 3 8f, 2 3 5U l , 25 0n3 1 , 2 5 1 1 : 3-44, 47, 48n77 1 : 3 £-52n90 1 : 4-250n31 1 : 6f-52n90 1 : 7-1 90n4, 3 0 5 1 :9-144n 1 2 1 1 : 10-1 3 8, 142n108 1 : 1 1-1 40n99 1-3-196 2-72, 1 92, 3 37 2 : 1 f-144n I 2 1 2 : 2-52n93, 1 3 6, 142n l 1 1 2 : 3-14°nI02, 201 2 : 3 ff-8m87 2 : 4£-84 2 : 4ff-48 2 : 6-32, 3 29 2 : 6f-3 2
2 : 7f-8 m87 2 : 8-3 2, 1 66n54 2 : 1O-32, 1 66n54, 329 2 : 1 1 f-60 2 : 1 2-1 4n53, 60 2 : 1 4-14n53, 60 2 : 1 5-190 2 : 1 5f-6 3n8 2 : 1 6-14n5 3, 60, 72 2 : 19-147, 1 66, 198 2 : 20-1 34, 1 3 6, 165 2 : 2 1-106n5, 1 24n48, 1 2 7, 1 4 1 , 149 U l 3 3 2-3-26, 4 5 3-192, 3 3 7 3 : 2-145n I 2 2 3 : 4-81n87 3 : 5-84 3 : 1 1-60 3 : 1 3-60 3 : 1 7--'-63n8 3 : 1 8-101 3 : 22-198 3 : 2 3f-148 n I 3 1 4 : 5-8 m87 5-26, 3 3 n27, 1 89, 196, 203n10, 2 3 7, 240, 243, 2 58, 3 3 5n3 5 : 1£-239 5 : 2-30, 3 3n26, 1 3 7n89, 1 3 8£, 143 Ul 1 5, 2 3 6n2 5 : 2ff-3 5, 2 3 9 5 : 5-1 39n95 5 : 7-63n7, 190n4, 305 5 : 8-1 8 5 5 : 9-3 5 5 : 1 2-95 5 : 1 2f-l 02 5 : 1 2ff-9 5 5 : 1 3-37, 9 5 5 : 14--95 5 : 1 5-142nl07, 193, 2 3 5n2 5 : 1 5ff-2 39 5 : 16-1 37n8 9, 142 5 : 1 6f-199 5 : 1 6ff-1 48n1 3 1
40 5
5 : 1 7- 3 1 U l 4, 140n1 OO, 144nI 2 1 , 3 1 5 5 : 1 8-1 66n52, n54 5 : 1 9-139n97, 1 44n I 2 1 6-3 3n27, 1 9 2 n I 4, 1 9 3£, 203n10, 2 3 7, 240, 243, 248, 2 58, 3 3 5n3 6 : 1 f-26 6 : 2-94, 148U l 3 1 6 : 2f-239 6 : 2ff-3 5 6 : 3-30, 1 4 3Ul I 5 6 : 4-1 5 3 6 : 4ff-3 5, 1 52 , 240 6 : 5-3 1 5 6 : 5f-48 6 : 6-46 6 : 8-309 6 :9-30, 1 3 8n92, 143nI 1 5 6 : 1 0-30, 37 6 : 1 2ff-240 6 : 14-1 90n6, 2 1 6 6 : 1 4f-63n7 6 : 1 5-66028, 67n30 6 : 1 6f-48, 194 6 : 1 6ff-240 6 : 1 7-144nI 2 1 , 149nI 32 6 : 1 8-140n97, 1 42n 1 1 0, n1 1 1 , 143, 1 44n I 2 1 6 : 1 9-19, 1 48n I 3 1 , 1 66, 199 6: 20-140n1 03, 142 6 : 2 1 -148nI 3 1 7-3 1 n I 4, 1 56, 1 57n2o, 1 74, 1 9 5f, 29 5, 3 1 5 7 : 1 f-194 7 : 2-33n2 5 , 1 36, 143n I l 8 7 : 3-31 7 : 4-3 1 , 3 1 8 8-76, 1 89, 192n I 4, 193, 219, 229, 2 3 1 ,
4 06
I NDEX O F PRIMARY S O URCE S
239£, 243, 248, 2 58, 3 3 5n3 8 : 2-3 0, 1 3 7, 143 n l 1 5, 2 5 0n3 1 8 : 3-98 8 : 4f- 1 1 O 8 : 5-309 8 : 6-143nI I 5 8 : 6f-2 5 6 8 : 7-37, 1 3 8n92, 1 3 9n95, 141ll1O5 8 : 7f-95 8 : 1 1 f-1 89 8 : 1 2-192n1 5 8 : 1 3-48, 5 411100 8 : 1 4-63n7, 66n28, 67n30, 1 89, 190n5 8 : 1 5f-2 1 6 8 : 1 8-189, 24211 1 5 8 : 2o-192ll 1 5 8 : 2 1-63ll7, 66n28, 67ll30, 190115 8 : 2 1£-1 89 8 : 22-189 8 : 2 2ff-189 8 : 23ff-240 8 :24-192ll 1 5 8 : 26-1 92n I 5 8 : 27-166 8:27f-148111 3 1 , 194, 237ll 7 8 : 28-1 66ll52 8 : 29-76, 142ll1 1 1 , 193nI 9 , 2 40 8 : 29f-1 39ll9 5 8 : 30-1 3 7ll9 0, 1 39, 140ll97, 14411 1 2 1 8 : 3 1-76, 1 36, 140ll1 00, 1 43111 1 5, 1931l1 9, 2 36n2, 240 8 : 32-1 39ll9 5, 140ll99, nl03, 14111105, 236ll2, 326 8 : 3 3 -1 3 6, 1 42, 14411 1 2 1 8 : 34-1 43, 14411121
8 : 3 5-143n I I 5 8 : 3 5 £-25 5n42 8 : 3 6-1 37 8-9-26 8-1O-3 3ll27 9-189, 192nI4, 193, 195n22, 231, 239, 242f, 248, 2 5 8, 3 3 5n 3 9 : 2-30, 1 3 8n9 2, 143n1 l 5 9 :2f-3 5 9 : 5-98, 242nI4 9 :7f-226 9 :7ff-244n I 6 9 : 8ff-244 9:9-34 3n24 9 : 10-1 89, 242nI5 9 : 1 3-189 9 : 1 5-63n7, 66n28, 67n30, 1 89, 190115 9 : 1 6-14811 1 3 1 , 1 66, 194, 2 37ll7 9 : 1 7-144n I 2 1 9 : 1 7f-1 39ll95 9 : 18-1 40ll 9 7, 142ll 1 1 1 , 193111 9 9 : 19-1 36, 1 3 7ll90, 140ll1OO, 143nI 1 5 9 : 2o- 1 39ll95, 140ll99, lllO3, 326 9 : 21-1 36, 142, 144nI 2 1 9 : 22-144n 1 2 1 10-27, 76f, 193, 19 5n22 , 196, 205, 245, 2 5 6, 33 7, 3381114, 34011 1 7 1 0 : 2-1 37, 140n97, 142, 2 5 01131 1 0 : 3-1 3 9ll9 5 1 0 : 3f-75 10:4-63n7, 305 1 0 : 5-67 1O: 7ff-20 5 1 0 : 8-77, 140119 7 1 O : 8ff-77, 203 , 339
1 0 :9-70, 101, 217nI4 1 0 : 1O-81n87, 83 1 0 : 1 1-3 1 8 1 0 : 1 1 f-339 1 O : 1 1 ff-1 89 10: 1 2f-3 1 5 10: 1 2ff-77, 20 5 n22 1 0 : 1 3 -48, 270n 1 4, 3 1 8 10: 14-1 8 5 1 0 : 14f-77 1 0 : 1 4ff-340 1 0 : 1 6-140n97 1 0 : 1 7-270n1 4 1 0 : 1 8f-48, 1 89, 340 1 0 : 20-1 40n 1 03 1 0 :2 1-1 34, 144n1 2 1 1 0 : 22-1 34, 142, 193, 2 3 5ll2 1 0 : 23-142 1 0 : 24-1 3 9ll 95, 1401197 1 1-77, 192, 196£, 2 3 5, 264, 3 37, 3 3811 1 4, 340ll 1 6, 111 7 1 1 : 1-134, 2 5 1 1 1 : 2-27, 63ll8, 67, 3 07 1 1 : 2f-68, 7 5 1 1 : 2-6-69 1 1 :4-67 11 :5f- 3 3 8 11 : 6-60, 274 1 1 :6f-3 39 1 1 :7ff-78, 3 3 9 1 1 : 8f-78 1 1 : 1 2-148n1 3 1 , 1 66 1 1 : 1 3-106ll5, 1 3 6, 2 3 511 1 1 1 : 14-14311 1 1 5 1 1 : 1 5- 1 3 6, 1 39119 5 1 2-32, 263 1 2 : 1-1 24ll48, 141, 2 36ll2 1 2 : 2-144ll1 2 1 , 14911 1 33, 2 3 5n2, 2 3 7, 3 3 3 1 2 : 3-1 44ll 1 2 1 , 2 3 5112
1 2 :4-144n I 2 1 , 14 5 n122 12 : 5-1 24n48, 140n 1 0 1 1 2 :6-1 38, 141n105 1 2 : 7-140nIOO, 149n I 32 1 2 : 8-141, 143nI 1 6 1 2 :9-148n I 3 1 , 329 1 2 : 1 1-32 1 3-33ll27, 76, 97, 1 74, 189, 193 , 196, 239, 246, 2 5 8, 3 3 5n3 1 3 : 2-30f, 3 3n26, 143111 1 5 1 3 : 3-19, 76, 1 39n 9 5, 140n97, 141, 148n132, 236112 1 3 :4-244 1 3 : 5 f-76 1 3 :6-3 0 5 1 3 :6f-21 4, 239, 2 58 1 3 : 7-140n97 1 3 : 8f-1 89 1 3 : 1 0-3 5 1 3 : 1 1-190n5, 305 1 3 : 1 3-145, 309 1 3 : 1 3f- 1 1 O 1 3 : 1 4-9 5, 1056ll5, 109, 142ll 1 1 O, 144n I 2 1 1 3 : 1 5-94, 148111 3 1 , 1 6 5, 201 13 : 1 7-140ll1 03, 236ll2 , 237ll7 1 3 : 17f-245 1 3 : 1 8f-1 48111 3 1 , 199 1 3 : 19-14011100 13 : 20-1 39ll9 5, ll97 1 3 : 21-143111 1 5 14-3 3n27, 1 74, 1921114, 193f, 239, 3 3 5n3 1 4 : 1 f-14811 1 3 1 1 4 : 2-40, 1 54, 245
)
INDEX O F PRIMARY S O URCES 14: 2£-3 5 1 4 : 3-30, 48, 194, 245 14:3£-222, 247 14:4ff-1 53 14:7ff-1 92TIlS 1 4 : 1 0-63117, 190114 14: l 1 f-48, 148TIl 3 1 , 1 6611S3, 194 1 4 : 1 2£-1 6611S4 1 5-331127, 74, 89TIl 3S, 1 74, 1 92TIl 7, 19 3£, 1 96, 198113S, 22 21166, 239, 245, 2 57£ 1 5 : 1-2481125 1 5 : 2-3 5 , 40, 148TIl3 I , 1 54, 204, 248 1 5 : 2£-331126, 3 5, 224 1 5 :3-30 1 5 : 3ff-2 52 1 5 :4£-7 5, 3 41 1 5 : 5ff-6 3117 1 5 :7-305 1 5 : 7£-7 5f, 88 1 5 : 7ff-88 1 5 :9-88 TIl 32 1 5 :9£-63117 1 5 :9ff-75 1 5 : 10-88 1 5 : 1 1 £-7 5, 9 1 1 5 : l 1ff-75 1 5 : 1 2-93 1 5 : 1 2£-93 1 5 : 1 3-93 1 5 : 14-67, 7 5, 253 1 5 : 14£-63117 1 5 : 1 5-71 , 341 1 5 : 1 5£-94 1 5 : 1 6-9 1, 9 3 1 5 : 17-1 8 5 1 5 : 1 7ff-2 55£ 1 5 : 20-1 8 5 1 5 : 20ff-2 56 1 5 : 2 1-2 1 1 , 342 1 5 : 22-2101138 1 5 : 22£-2 53 1 5 : 22ff-209 1 5 : 2 3 £-63 1 5 : 24-75, 209 1 5 : 2 5-224, 2 5 2
1 5 : 2 5£-189111 1 5 : 26ff-2 5 3 1 5 : 27-341 1 5 : 2 8£-224, 252 1 5 : 29-1 89TIl 1 5 : 29ff-190117, 229, 2 5 5 1 5 : 3 1 ff-1 90117, 2 54 1 5 : 34ff-63117, 305 1 5 : 3 5£-254 1 5 : 3 7-14011 1 03, 237117 1 5 : 38-1381192, 1 39119S, 14011100, 145, 236112 1 5 : 39-166 1 6-52 1 6 : 2- 3 5 1 6 : 3-47, 3 16 1 6 : 5-47 1 6 : 5b-471173 1 6 : 7-44, 47, 48 1177, 237117 1 6 : 8-47, 3 1 2 16 :8f-47 1 6 : 9-47 16-17-45, 2621158 1 7-51 1 7 : 1-46, 48, 51 1 7 : 1£-1 59 1 7 : 2-3 1 2 1 7 : 2£-521190 1 7 : 3-3 12 1 7 : 5-46, 48, 52 1 7 : 6-46, 51 1 8-1921117, 19 5112 2, 2221166, 252, 257 1 8 : 1-1 37, 2 501131 1 8 : 1-3-343 1 8 : 2-1 40, 2 50113 1 1 8 : 3-109, 1 3 71190, 1 40111 03, 190, 23 6112, 237117, 2421115 1 8 :4-14411 1 2 1 , 1 70, 3 30, 3 3 3 1 8 : 5-1 241148, 14111105, 1 43111 1 6, 145,
1 4911133, 1 74, 3 30 19-263 1 9 : 2-171163, 1 3 8 1 9 : 3- 1 3 81192, 14411121 1 9 : 4-1391197, 14911133 19: 5-1401197 1 9 : 5£-1 40TIlOI 1 9 : 6-1391197 1 9 : 7-140TIlOO 1 9 : 8-1 241148, 14311 1 1 5 1 9 : 10-14111105 20-3 5, 189, 239, 2 57, 3 3 5113 20: 1-48, 194 20 :2-1 4°1197, 1110 0, 1110 3, 1 6611S2 20: 2ff-3 1 20 :3-1 371189, 143TIl 15, 148TIl 32, 2 54£ 20 :4-45 20 :4£-44, 47, 481177, 3 1 5 20 :4ff-2 5 5 20 : 5-89 20:6-1 3 8, 142TI l08 20 :8-143111 1 5, 148TI l32, 3 1 6 20:9-140111 00, 11103 20 :9ff-2 56 20: 10£-3 5 20 : 1 1-143111 1 5, 1 89 20: 1 2£-142TIl 08 20:1 5-63117, 67113 1, 190115 20 : 1 6-109, 1 3 71190, 14011103, 236112, 237117 20: 1 6£-140TIlOO 20 : 1 7-1 39, 1401197, 142111 08, 111 1 0 20 : 1 8-1391195, 1 4411 1 2 1 , 23 5112 20 : 19-1 40111 00, 111 03, 2 5 51142
407
20 :20-143111 1S, 148111 32, 2 551142 21-29, 53, 1 28ff, 262, 278, 3 1 1 ff 21 : I f-267 21 : 2-3 3, 47, 76, 140, 1 43TIl 1 5, 1 59£ 21 :4-33 2 1 : 7-82 21 :1 I-3 3, 47, 76, 140, 143111 15, 267 22-29, 75, 160ff, 263, 278, 31 9ff 2 2 : 1-33, 341127, 160, 278 22 :2-142111 1 1 22 : 3-1 391195, 1401199, 236112 22 :4-142, 14411121, 23 5112, 237, 250113 1, 333 2 2 :6-14411 1 2 1 , 14811132, 3 29 2 2 : 6-18-32 22 : 7-1 401199, 14411 1 2 1 , 236112 2 2 : 1 I-1 34, 1 371189 2 2 : 1 2-1 4°111 03, 141111 05, 236112 2 2 : 1 3-3 21119, 141 2 2 : 1 5-32111 9, 139 2 2 : 1 6-32TIl 9 2 2 : 1 7-321119 2 2 : 1 8-321119 2 2 : 1 9f-3 2 2 2 : 20-1 391197, 14011100, 1 661153, 23 6112 2 2 : 20-3°-32 2 2 : 2 1-142 2 2 : 22-1 371188, 14211107 2 2 : 23-19, 13 4, 1 36, 14911132 22 :24-1 391197, 143111 1 8 2 2 : 2 5-1 37, 1401197, 14211 1 1 0
4 08
I N D E X O F P R I MARY SOURCES
2 2 : 26-140lll00, 11 1 0 1 , 142 22 : 27-1 4°1197 2 2 : 28-142 2 2 : 29-1401197 2 2 : 29£-1241148 2 2 : 3°-142, 23 5112 2 2 : 3 1-32ll l 8 2 2 : 39-1 391197, 1 4 5111 2 2 2 2 : 4 1-1 391197, 14011101 2 2 : 4 2- 1 4 1 11 1 °5, 1 4311 1 1 5 22 :43-1 4411 1 2 1 2 2 : 44-140lll 03 2 2 :46-1 4011 103 2 2 : 47-1 41111 05, 14411 1 2 1 2 2 : 5 1 -14311 1 I 8 2 2 : 56-1 44111 2 1 2 2 : 57-1 38, 2 3 5nI 2 2 : 58-14011 103 2 2 : 59-1 4311 1 1 8 2 2 : 6 1-1 4411 1 2 1 , 1 49nI 32 22 : 62-14011100, 1 4 111105 2 2 : 63-2 3 6112 22: 64-1 241148, 1 3 71188 22 : 6 5-1 3 71189, 1 3 81192, 2 3 6m 2 2 : 66-1391197 2 2 : 66£-1 391195, 327 2 2 : 67-14011 1 00 2 2 : M-13 81192, 1 4 2, 2 3 6112 22 : 7°-1 3 71190, 14011 1 04 2 2 : 7 1-1 4°111 00, 1 44n I 2 1 2 2 : 72-1 241148, 137 2 2 :7 3-1 381192, 1 4011100, 1 42, 236112 22 :76£-141nI05 2 2 : 7 8£-140111 00, 1 4911 1 3 2 2 2 : 79-1 241148, 1 4911 1 3 3 2 2 : 80-1 39, 144111 2 1
2 2 : 8 1-1 4011 100, 11103, 148lll 32, 2 50113 1 2 2 : 8 2-1 34, 1 401197, 2 501131 2 2 : 83-149ll l 32 , 2 501131 2 2 : 8 4-1 4 1 111°5, 2 501131 22 : 8 5--; 1 391197, 14911 1 3 3 22 : 86-1 38, 2 5 1 2 2 : 8 7-2 501131 2 2 : 88-1 391197, 2 501131 2 2 : 89-1 42111 °7, 143, 2 501131 2 2 :90-1 3 6, 1 44ll l 2 1 , 2 5 1 2 2 : 9 1-1 3 4, 1 371189 2 2 :92-1 37, 1 43, 2 5011 3 1 22 :93-145, 3 2 7 2 2 : 9 5-14011100, 2 501131 2 2 :96-1 34 22 :97-1391197, 143, 2 50113 1 22 :98-1 391195, 14411 1 2 1 , 23 5112 22 :98£-2501131 2 2 :99-1241148 2 2 : 100-1 3 6, 1 4 1 ll l 05, 2 5 1 2 2 : 1 0 1-1 37, 142, 2501131 2 2 : 102-1 38, 140, 2 5011 3 1 2 2 : 1 03-1 38, 143lll 1 7, 2 3 5nI 2 2 : 104-1 3 6, 1 3 8, 144ll l 2 1 , 23 5lll, 2 501131 2 2 : 1 05-1 3 7f, 2 5011 3 1 2 2 : 1 06-1 45, 2 501131 2 2 : 1 07-1 34, 1 391195 2 2 : 1 08-1 4011 100, 1 43lll 15, 149ll l 32 , 1 6 5, 1 77, 2 501131 2 2 : 1 °9- 1 3 7119°, 1401197 22 : 1 10-1 3 5
2 2 : 1 1 1-1 39, 1 4 1 11 1 05, 23 6112 22 : 1 1 2-142, 2 50113 1 22 : 1 1 3-14111105 22 : 1 1 4-14°1199 22 : 1 1 5-141lll05 22 : 1 1 6- 1 391197 2 2 : 1 17-1 39, 2 50113 1 2 2 : 1 18-1 3 6, 1 3 81192 2 2 : 1 19-1 4°11101 2 2 : 1 2of-76 2 2 : 1 2 1-142111 1 1 , 1 4 3111 15 2 2 : 1 26- 1 3 71188, 1 4 3111 14 2 2 : 1 27-14411 1 2 1 22 : 1 28-14011 1°3 22 : 1 29-142 2 2 : 1 30-1 39, 143nI 1 8 2 2 : 1 3 3 f-148n I 3 1 2 2 : 1 3 5-1 241148 23-3 2112 1 , 263 23 : 2-1 371190, 1 4 1 11 1 05 2 3 : 3-1 391194, 149n I 3 3 2 3 :4-1 371189, 1 3 8, 2 3 5lll 23 : 5-14011 1 02 , 14911 1 32 23 :6-1 391197 2 3 : 7-1 4211107, 14911 1 3 2 23 : 8-1 4211108, 14911 1 3 3 2 3 :9-14811 1 3 1 2 3 : 10- 1 3 6, 1 391195 2 3 : 1 1-1 40lll 00 2 3 : 1 2- 1 391195, 1 4911 1 3 3 2 3 : 1 3- 1 3 71188 23 : 14- 1 3 81192, 236112 2 3 : 1 5-1 34, 1 3 91195 24-34, 45, 72, 263 24 : 1 ff-14811 1 3 1 2 4 : 2-1661154 24 : 3-341128, 1 241148, 14011 101
24 : 6-341128 24 :7- 3 41128, 305 24 : 1 1-341128, 1 4 1 11 1 05 2 4 : 1 3-147 24 : 16-3 05 ' 24: 1 7-341128 24 : 1 8b-43 2 4 : 2 6-341128 24: 28-305 24 : 30-305 24 : 3 3-277 24 : 3 6-43 24 : 3 6ff- 5 3 24 : 3 8-7°, 8 1 1187 24: 39-43 24:41-701148 24:4 3-43 2 5- 3 3 112 7 , 1 94, 23 9ff, 2 5 7f, 309, 3 3 5113 2 5 : 1-194 2 5 : 1 f-48 2 5 :2-3 3, 1 3 81192, 144, 237117 2 5 : 2 f-1 43111 1 5 2 5 : 2ff-44, 47, 481177 2 5 : 3-2°4, 2 3 6112, 2 52, 2 54f 2 5 :4-1 43111 1 5 2 5 :4f-309 2 5 : 5-1 391195, 142, 240 2 5 : 5f-l02, 309 2 5 : 6-109, 309 2 5 : 6f-661126, 9 5, 110 2 5 : 8f-2 52 2 5 : 9-143lll 1 5 2 5 : 1 2-14 311 1 1 5, 189 2 5 : 1 3-143n I I5, 244lll6, 2 5 7 2 5 : 1 5-190115 2 5 : 1 6-63117, 671131 2 5 : 1 6f-24411 1 6, 257 2 5 : 1 7-171163, 1 09, 1 3 71190, 1 43111 1 5, 2 3 7117 2 5 : 17f-1 4 3 n I I 5 2 5 : 18-1 371189, 1 3 8, 1 391197, 14011100, 2 3 6112
(
INDEX OF PRIMARY SOURCES 2 5 : 1 8f-1 42n l l 0, 145 2 5 : 19-1 39, 1 43lll 1 7 , 2 3 6n2 2 5 : 1 9f-1 43nl 1 S 2 5 : 20f-1 43nl l S, 2 5 5n42 2 5 : 21 - 2 5 2 26-37, 262ns8 2 6 : 1-1 30, 3 1 1 f 2 6 : 2-59 2 6 : 4-46, 59, 1 42nl09 2 6 : 4ff-5 8 2 6 : 6-3 1 2 2 6 : 7-59 2 6 : 8-46, 1 42nl o9, 1 48ll l 3 l 2 6 : 8f-46, 5 8 26 : 1 0££-58 2 6 : 2 1-66 2 6 : 22f-57 2 6 : 2 3-5 6, 1 40nl03, 1 66nS3, 280, 282, 290n22 2 6 : 24f-57 2 6 : 26-57 2 6 : 2 8-1 66nS3 27-45, 278, 28 4, 289, 294n29 2 7 : 1-29 27 : 1 f-279 2 7 : 1ff- 1 3 2 2 7 : 3-201 2 7 : 3f-53 27 : 4-44f 2 7 : 6f-36n 3 3 2 7 : 8-36n33, 201 2 7 : 8f-284 27 :9-43, 46, 49, 5 1 , 52n93 27 : 1 0-284 27 : 1 4-201 2 7 : 19-284 2 7 : 2 1 £-284 28-33n2 7, 76, 1 74, 1 89, 1 9 3ff, 203, 2 39, 3 3 5 n3 2 8 : 1-194 2 8 : 2-3 1 , 3 3n26, 204, 2 5 2 2 8 : 2f-256 28 :4f-204lll S, 205
2 8 : 4ff-80, 2 58 2 8 : 5f-204 28 : 8f-192ll l S 2 8 : l Of-190nS, 305 2 8 : 1 1-66 2 8 : 1 2-18 9 2 8 : 1 3-80 2 8 : 1 4-1 66nS2, 1 89, 1 9 3 , 2 3 7n7 28 : 1 5-140lll00, 1 42nl l o, 194 28 : 1 6-1 24n48, 1 3 8n92, 1 3 9n97, 1 40nl 02 , 1 4 1 ll l 0S, 2 3 5lll 2 8 : 1 7-2 5 2 29-3 3n27, 77, 79, 19 5ff, 262ns8, 3 37 29 : 1-141 lllOS, 194, 236n2 29 : 1 f-3 1 , 3 3 n2 6 29 : 2-1 42nl l o, 143lll 1 7, 3 1 5 29 : 3-64 29 : 4-141nl0S 30-109f, 278, 290 30: 1-47, 48n77, 76, 1 4 3n1 1 S, 201, 3 1 1 30 : 1 f-48 3 0 : 1ff-1 59 3 0 : 2- 1 09 3 0 : 3- 1 8 5 3 0 : 4-47, 1 4 3 ll l 1 S, 3 1 2 3 0 : 4ff-2 8 5 3 0 : 5-44f, 201 3 0 : 5f-29n7 3 0 : 5ff-45 3 0 : 7-44, 2 3 7n7, 312 3 0 : 8-29n7 30:9ff-1 1 0 3 0 : 1 0-102 30 : 1 1-289 30 : 1 2-70 3 0 : 1 2f-1 1 3 , 3 1 6 3 0 : 1 3 f-2o 3 0 : 1 3ff-291 3 0 : 1 4- 1 1 0, 1 2 2 3 0 : 1 5-109 30 : 1 5f-146
30 : 1 6-288ll l 9 3 0 : 1 6f-49, 288 30 : 1 8-48, 201 30 : 1 8f-289 3 0 : 1 9 ff-289 3 0 : 20f-186 3 0 : 2 1 f-l 1 1 3 ° : 22-34, 47 3 0 : 2 3-48 3 0 : 2 3 ff-291 3 0 : 24-3 1 2 3 0 : 2 5ff-l l 1 3 ° : 26-1 1 4 3 0 : 2 7f-l09, 1 1 5 3 0 : 28-70n47, 87 3 0 : 29-1 1 6, 1 4 1 , 251, 312 30: 29f-29 1 30-32-293ll29 30-34-262 3 1-1 09f, 278, 290 3 1 : 1-48, 76, 1 43nl l S, 201 , 311 3 1 : 1 f-1 59 3 1 : 2-1°9 3 1 : 2f-1 8 5 3 1 : 3-1 43lll l 5, 312 3 1 :4ff-285 3 1 : 5-44f 3 1 : 5ff-4 5 3 1 : 6-3 1 2 3 1 : 8ff-1 1 0 3 1 :9-102 31 : 1 0-289 3 1 : 1 1-70 3 1 : 1 1 f-1 1 3 3 1 : 1 2f-20 31 : 1 2ff-20, 291 3 1 : 1 3-1 1 0, 1 22 3 1 : 1 4f-1 46 3 1 : 1 5f-49, 288 3 1 : 1 7-48 3 1 : 1 7f-289 3 1 : 19f-1 8 6 3 1 : 1 9ff-289 3 1 : 2 1 -1 1 1 3 1 : 2 2-48 3 1 : 22ff-291 31 : 2 5-1 1 4 3 1 : 2 5ff-1 1 1 3 1 : 26f-l09, 1 1 5 3 1 : 27-70n47, 87 3 1 : 28-25 1 , 3 1 2 3 1 : 2 8f-291
40 9
3 2-278 3 2 : 3-109, I I I 3 2 : 3f-l09 3 3-278, 293 33 : 1-142nl l l , 222 3 3 : 2-1 37n90, 257 3 3 : 2f-1 9 3 3 3 : 3-1 24n48, l40nl O l , 144nl 2 l , 222, 2 3 6n2 3 3 : 4-1 34, 1 44n 1 2 l , 2 1 9, 230, 2 3 5n2 3 3 : 5-141ll l OS , 262ns8 3 3 :6-34 3 3 : 8-109 3 3 : 1 0-87 3 3 : 1 3f-5 3n97 3 3 : 1 4-81n87 34-278, 288 3 4 : 3-1 37, 143n 1 1 7, 1 4 5nl 2 2 , 2 50n3 1 , 2 5 1 3 4 :4-1 34, 1 4 5ll l 2 S, 2 50n31 3 4 : 5-1 4 1 ll l OS, 142nl l l , 1 4 3n1 l 5, 2 1 9, 278 3 5-33n27, 77, 79, 1 9 3 , 1 9 5n22 , 196, 296, 3 3 7 3 5c-81n87 3 5 : 2-33, 1 3 9n97, 1 40nl 00, 3 1 5 3 5 : 3-2 50n31 3 5 : 3 f-64 3 5 : 4f-2 2 2 3 5 : 5-140lll00 3 5 : 1 0-250n3 l 36-262n58 3 6 : 2f-88 3 6 : 3-67 3 6 : 4-67 37-45, 54, 1 60, 262, 278, 282 3 7 : 1 -29, 48, 1 3 7n90, 1 3 8n92, 1 43lll 1 S 3 7 : 1 f-1 59 3 7 : 2-1 59, 276
410
INDEX
3 7 : 3-54 37 :4-53 3 7 : 5�54 3 7 : 6-43, 5411 1 02 , 55 3 7 : 9-47 3 7 : 1 0-90, 9 3 3 7 : 1 1-53, 14811 1 3 1 , 2701112 3 7 : I l f-691143 3 7 : 1 7-48, 1 3 71190, 1 43111 1 5 , 3 1 4 38-257, 262, 278 3 8 : 1-48, 1 3 8, 1 4 1 11 1 05, 14311.1 1 5, 11 1 1 8, 201 3 8 : 2-1371190, 1 59 3 8 : 2f-43, 109, 1 59 3 8 : 3-44, 28811 1 9, 312 3 8 : 3f-4 1, 2901122 3 8 : 4-1 301157, 1 4011103 3 8 : 5-109 3 8 : 7f-280 3 8 : 8-1 301157 3 8 : 1 0-2901122 , 312 3 8 : 10f-14011 1 0 3 3 8 : 1 2-109,
1 3 71190, 1 3 8 1192,
1 43111 15 , 201 , 314 39-160, 273 3 9 : 1-1 34, 14411 1 2 1 , 1 59, 2 50113 1 , 273 3 9 : I f-48 3 9 : 2-48, 1 3 6, 140ll1 00, 143111 1 4 , 2 5 1 3 9 : 3-1 39, 1 401197, 1 42, 2 501131 3 9 : 4-1 43111 16 39 : 5-3 14 39-42-1 291155, 2621158, 272 40-273
OF
P R I M ARY S OURCES
4 0 : 1-109, 1 3 4, 142111 07, 1 59, 267, 273, 276 40 : 2-47, 273 40 : 3-3 1 2 40 :4-1 3 71190 40 : 5-47, 109, 14211107, 1 43111 1 6, 267, 314 41-273, 274 41 : 1-1 59, 273, 276 41 :4-141, 27011 1 2 4 1 : 5-3 1 2 41 : 7-274 41 :9-267, 3 1 4 42-4 5, 273 4 2 : 1-14411 1 2 1 , 1 59, 267, 273 4 2 : 2-47 4 2 : 4-305 4 2 : 5-77, 1 391195, 2701114 4 2 : 6-1 4511122 4 2 : 7-47, 273 4 2 : 8-330 4 2 : 8 ff-90, 273 4 2 : 1 1-47 42 : 1 3-90 42 : 1 5-2 73, 3 1 4 43-195ll22, 1 9 51l24, 2 7 1 f, 33 5113 43 : I f-'-1 4211 1 1 1 4 3 : 2-149 11 1 3 3 , 251
43 : 3-6 3117, 67
43 : 6-190 43 : 7-60 43 : 8-14ll53, 72 4 3 : 10-60 4 3 : 1 1-14211 1 1 1 43 : 1 2-142 43 : 1 3-142 11 1 1 1, 251 44-1 54f, 1 9 51122, 317 44 : 1-1 391197, 14011100 44 : 2-! 40ll97, 1 4 1 ll 1 0 5 44: 3-109 44 : 5-1 48111 3 1 , 1 4911132 44 : 7-14911 1 32 44 : 8-31 7
45-86, 1 5 3 4 5 : 2-3 31126, 1 3 71189 4 5 : 3-3 1 6 4 5 : 8-72, 8 11187 4 5 : 9-140111 03, 194, 2 3 7117 46-1 89, 1 96f, 2 1 9 4 6 : 2-1 38, 1 4911 1 3 2 46 : 6-3 5 46 : 9-1 36, 2 5 1 4 6 : 1 0-63117 46: 1 1 - 1 4 511122 46 : 1 2-1 391195 46 : 1 3-142, 14411 1 2 1 46 : 1 4-14211 1 1 0 46 : 1 6-14511 1 2 2 4 7 : 2-48 4 7 : 7�48 48 : 1-1 3 91195 48 : 3-1 3 71189 49-33 7118 49 : 1-1 34, 1 38 , 141 49 : 2-8 1 50: 6-14011100 5 1-32, 2 6 31159 5 1 : 6-321123 52-32112 1 , 2631159 52 :9-143ll1 1 6 5 2 : 1 0-1 391195 52 : 1 2-14°11 1 0 1 5 2 : 1 3-1 40ll99 5 2 : 1 4-1 39, 1 43111 1 5 52 : 1 5-1 391195, 141 5 2 : 1 6-1401197, 143111 1 5 5 2 : 1 6f-1 4311 1 1 5 5 2 : 1 7-1 3 8 53-3 2112 1 , 263 5 3 : 1-2411105 53 : 2-1 3 5, 1 49111 3 3 5 3 : 2ff-14811 1 3 1 5 3 : 3-1 24ll48, 1 34 5 3 : 6-3 3 2 53 :9-1 7 3 , 3 3 2 54: 3-1 66ll53 5 4 : 1 0-1 661153 54 : 1 1- 3 1 2 54 : 1 3-1 661153 54 : 1 4-44
54 : 1 5-1661153 5 5 : 3-1 391195 5 5 : 7-330 5 5 : 8-91 56-160 56: 1-1 59 56 : 3-139, 149111 33 56:4-141111 05, 14211 1 1 0, 1 43111 1 7 5 7 : 2-276 58 : 3-1 241148, 1 2 7 59-19, 170, 194 61 : 2-1 241148, 1 4011102 61 : 1 1-14011100, 11103, 14211108 61-63-22 62,1-14011102 62,1 :4-1 4211 1 08 63 : 2f-72 63 : 3-1 391195 63 :4-1401197, 2 501131 63 : 6-1 4311 1 1 4 63 : 8-1 391195 6 3 :9-521193, 1 42ll 1 08, 201 63 : 1 0-72, 1 3 91197, 14011100 63 : 1 2-521193 , 72, 14211108 6 3 : 1 4-72 64,1 8-8 1 ll87 65,2-142ll 1 10,
1 43 11 1 1 5
65,3-14111105 65,1 5-147, 16 6 65,1 8-1 4511122 66,4-8 11187 66,8-1 4011103, 141 66,10-143111 1 5 67,3-1 34, 2 501131, 251 67,1 1-14411 1 2 1 68-1 9 5 68,1-1 3 7, 3 2 7 68,2-1 391195 68,4-1 94 68,8-1 37, 1 39, 2 50113 1 , 267 68,9-1 4 1 11 1 05 68, 10-143111 1 4 68, 1 1 rev.-4 3
(
INDEX O F PRIMARY SOURCES 70-57 70: 1-48 70 : 2-1 59 80 : 5- 3 5 8 1-305 A�IQAR
-2 52n37
Iff-279 46ff-270 5 1 £-270 52--'--2 70111 3 81-2421l15 83-202117 97-143 1111 5 1 3 2-1431l 1 1 5 1 57-1 4 31l1 1 5 2 1 6-1431l1 1 5
DALIYEH PAPYRI
( Cross, BA 26 [ 1963],. 1 10ff) -1 1 6n3 1 , 1 4711127 Epigraphes arameens
5 : 9-481177 6-541l102 6 : 2-54, 72 6 : 3ff-7 1 , 8 1 1189 6 : 4ff-72 6 : 6-56£ 7-2 87 7 : 1 *-55 7 : 1-287 7 : 4£-48 7 : 9-3 1 6 7 : 10-56£ 8-58, 287 8 : 1 £-287 8 :4-287 8 : 6-56£ 8-1 1-481177 9-59 9 : 1-72 9 : 3-56£ 1 0-55, 5 8 1 0 : 1-230 1 0 : 1£-48 1 0 : 5-56£ 1 1- 5 5 , 5 8 1 2-29 5 1 2 :6-3 1 6 1 2 :8-3 1 6 1 3 : 1- 1 59
DELAPORTE,
3 8-141ll106 53-14111106
DRIVER
1 : 1-1 59, 3 1 2 1 : 2-54 2 : 1 *-230 2 : 1-1 59 2 : 2£-54£ 3 : 1 *-230 3 : 1-1 59 3 : 3-48 3 : 5-48 3 : 7-48u77 4-55, 58, 287 4 : 2-48 4 : 3-3 1 6 4 : 4-56£ 5-2611 1 04, 287 5 : 1 *"-230 5 : 1 -1 59 5 : 6-287 5 : 7-481177
KRAELING 1-27, 3 5, 1 9 21l1 4, 1l 1 5, 193£, 20311 1 0, 23 31193, 240, 3 3 5113 1 : 2-1 371188, 40 11 1 0 3, 142111 08, 200 1 : 2ff-202 1 : 3-305 1 :4-1 921l15 1 : 5-305 1 : 5£-48, 54111 00 1 : 5ff-202 1 : 7-2031l1O 1 :7£-3 0 5 1 : 8-1 90114, 1 9 211 1 5 1 : 8£-202 1 : l off-1481l 1 3 1 , 203 1 : 1 1- 1 661152 1 : 1 2- 1 3 71188 1 : 1 3- 1 3 71189, 143111 1 5, 1 6 6 1 : 1 4-147
1
1-4-196ll28 2-331127, 76, 1 74, 1 9 21l1 7, 193£, 1981135, 2 1 91155, 2221166, 23 31193, 234, 245, 2 57 2 : 2-331126, 1401197, 1l103, 1 4211108, 200 2 : 2£-205 2 : 3--'-30, 2 5 1 2 : 3£-206 2 : 4£-7 5 2 :4ff-207 2 : 5-67, 9 1 , 2071130 2 : 5£-7 1 , 92, 2071130 2 : 6-93 2 : 6£-207 2 : 6ff-30 5 2 : 7-67 2 : 7ff-208, 2 1 0 2 : 8-75, 2071130, 341 2 : 10-75, 2071130, 305 2 : 1 0£-342 2 : 10ff-2 1 1 2 : 1 1£-1 8 5 2 : 1 2-342 �j : 1 2£-342 2 : 1 3-1 401197, 142111 07, 24211 1 5 2 : 1 3 £-207 2 : 1 3-1 3b-190 2 : 1 3b-190U7 2: 1 4-14011 1 03, 2 3 7117, 242 1l 1 5, 305 2 : 1 5- 1 3 71189, 14011100, 1 4 1 1l 1 05, 14211 1 1 1 2 : 1 6-207, 305 3-1 06115, 1 89, 19 3£, 2 1 3 , 2 1 5, 2 1 9 , 234, 248, 3 3 5113 3 : 2-3 1 , 34£, 9 5, 148111 3 1 3 : 3-14011103, 14211108 3 : 3-1 1-214 3 : 4-2 1 3 3 : 4£-97
41 1
3 : 4ff-2 1 4 3 : 5-1 0 1 £ 3 : 6-63117, 67, 7 5, 245, 305 3 : 7-309 3 : 7ff-284 3 : 8-34, 66112 8, 9 5, 308£ 3 : 8ff-l l 0 3 : 9-60, 109 3 : 1 0-66ll2 8, 9 5 3 : 1 1 £-2 1 7 3 : 1 2£-1 89 3 : 1 2ff-2 1 6 3 : 1 5-67, 190116 3 : 1 5£-671130 3 : 1 6.,-66u28 3 : 1 8-67, 19 0116 3 : 19ff-2 1 6 3 : 2 1 £-2 57 3 : 22-2 1 4 3 : 2 2ff-2 1 4 3 : 2 2a-761165 3 : 22b-14011100, 214 3 : 23-2 14 3 : 23a-761165 3 : 23b-199 3 : 23b-24-199 3 : 23£-1481l 1 3 1 3 : 2 5-2 1 3 4-,1 89, 2 1 3, 2 1 8, 2 34, 3 3 511 3 4 : 1-14011103, 2 1 71152 4 : 2-1 421l 1 08 4 : 3-98, 3 1 3 4 : 4£-2 1 7 4 : 6-98, 3 1 3 4 : 7ff-2 17 4 : 8-97£, 1 0 1 £ 4 : 9-309 4 : 10-109 4 : 1 0£-,-66u28, 9 5 4 : 1 1-286 4 : 14£-190 4 : 1 5-63117, 67113 1 , 1 90114 4 : 1 6-190 4 : 1 6ff-2 1 2 4 : 1 7£-1 8 5 4 : 1 7ff-1 8 5, 2 1 7, 2 26, 2 3 3 4 : 1 8-142111 07, 143111 14, 194, 208, 2 5011 3 1 4 : 19-2 1 7
'I
I'
i'l
ii
Ii
!: I�
Ii
i)i : I
II
I'!
liIl
,I
Iii!!· "
'i ,
II ,
Ii
II 'i
I ,I iii I ,I '!I' ,
i 1: 1 ,, 'II !
41 2
INDEX OF P R I MARY S OURCES
4 : 20--1 89, 2421115 4 : 20f--190 4 : 21--142111°7, 1 90115 4 : 2 1 f--63117 4 : 2 2-1°9, 1 27119°, 237117 4 : 2 2ff-2 1 9 4 : 23-1 3 71189, 1 4211 1 1 1 4 : 24-14411 1 2 1 , 199, 2 3 5112 5-331127, 76, 1 921ll 7, 193, 1 981135, 2 1 3, 219, 2 34, 306 5 : 2--3 1 , 2 3 ;, 2 3 6112 5: 2f-1401197, 204n I 5 5 : 3-204 5 : 4-1 06115, 14311 1 1 4 5 : 4ff-2 20 ; : 6ff-194 5 : 7-1 06115, 203 5 : 7£-- 190117 5 : 8--63117, 30; 5 : 9ff-106115 5 : 1 1 -271 5 : 1 1 ff-2 2 1 5 : 1 2-1391195, 2 3 6112 5 : 1 3ff-190117, 2 2 1 5 : 14--1 391195 5 : 1 4£-3 0 5 5 : 1 5--63117 5 : 1 6-- 1401197, 1 48lll 3 1 , 194 5 : 1 7-1 37, 1 39, 141, 199 5 : 1 8-1401197 6-1 89, 194, 2 1 3 , 2 2 5 , 2 261178, 2 27, 234, 3 3 5113 6 : £rag. b-142nI07 6 : 2-1 06115, 14011103, 143nI 1 4 6 : 4-1 0 1 6 : 5-97, 98lll 85, 309
6 : 10ff--2 2 6 6 : 1 3--97 6: 14ff--2 2 6 6 : 1 5--189, 2421115 6 : 1 7-190115 6 : 1 8-226 7-3 31127, 74, 76, 1 9 21ll 7, 1981135, 2 2 21166, 234, 2 52, 257, 3 0 5 7 : 1-1 241148, 140lll 03, 194, 2 1 71152 7 : I f-3 1, 33, 3 5 7 : 1 ff-2 1 3, 222 7 : 2-331126, 1 3 91195, 1 401197 7 : 3-14 3111 1 4 7 : 4£-75, 341 7 : 6--67 7 : 6ff-75 , 88 7 :7--88n I 3 2 , 30; 7 : 8--88 7 : 9--88nI 32, 30; 7 : 1 0-89 7 : 10-1 2-7; 7 : 1 0ff-89 7 : 1 3--91 7 : 1 3ff-75 7 : 1 4-67, 9 3 7 : 1 4£-67 7 : 1 5-9 3 7 : 1 5£-7 5, 2 1 3 7 : 1 5ff-2 22£ 7 : 1 6--67 7 : 1 6£--63117 7 : 1 7-66112 8, 67, 94, 305 7 : 1 7£-94 7 : 1 8-93 7 : 1 9-93f 7: 20-9 1 £ 7 : 20£-71, 92£ 7 : 2 1 ff-209, 2 2 3 7 : 22-341 7 : 23-67, 2 2 3 7 : 24-224, 2 5 2 7 : 24£-2 23 7 : 2 5-341 7 : 2 6--6 3, 7 5, 209, 3431124 7 : 26£-223
6 : 8-286
7 : 2 7-67, 223 7 : 28-1 8 5, 224 7 : 28ff-2 2 5, 2 56
6 : 1 0-97
7 : 3 0ff-190117, 229
6 : 6--9 5 6 : 7-60, 286
7 : 32--6 3117, 671130, 1 89lll , 305 7 : 3 3--2 241174 7 : 34-1 8 ; 7: 34ff-2 2 5, 2 56 7 : 3 5-2 1 1 , 342 7 : 3 6-- 2 241174 7 : 3 6f--224 7 : 3 7-2 241174 7 : 37ff-224 7 : 39-2 241174 7 :40-2241174 7 : 40£-2 1 3 7 : 40ff--2 1 3, 2 2 2£, 343 7 : 41-1 391195 7 : 42-1°9, 1 3 71190, 190, 237117, 2421115 7 : 42ff-2 2 2 7 :43-1 391195, 1401197, 11 1 0 1 , 1 4 1 , 2 3 6112 7 : 44-14°nIoo, 14211108, 11 1 1 0, 143111 1 5, 1 9 311 1 9 8--77, 1 74, 192nI4, 1 9 3 £, 199, 203 , 2 1 2, 2 3 4, 248 8 : 1-1 2 7, 1 94 8 : 2-1 381192, 1 391195, 1401197 8 : 2£-3 31126, 44, 47 8 : 3-80, 1 43nI 1 5, 205 8 : 4-1 381192, 2 1 2 8 : 7£-1 43 n I 1 5, 19 °117 8 : 8-66£ 8 : 9-1 381192, 16 6 8 : 10-1 241148, 1 2 7, 148111 3 1 , 1 49lll 3 3 , 1 6 6 8 : 1 1-3 1 11 1 3 , 148lll 3 1 , 1661154, 1 7 3 , 3 3 0, 3 3 2 8 : 1 2-3 31127, 3 3 3 9-189, 1 9 3 , 219, 2 26, 228, 2 3 4, 306, 33 5113 9 : 1-1 4°11 1 °3, 1 4411108
9 : 2--143111 14, 229 9 : 3 f--2 2 6 9 :4--97£ 9 : 6-- 1 1 0 9 : 6f--286 9 : 7-97 9 : 8--309 9 : 8ff-284 9 : 9-309 9 : 1 0--97, 286 9 : 1 1-98 9 : 1 2f-97£, 226 9 : 1 3--101£ 9 : 1 4f--9 5, 1 0 2, 226 9 : 1 5--97, 1 02 9 : 1 6£-229 9 : 1 6ff-2 29 9 : 1 7--2 7 1 9 : 1 8ff-1 89, 229 9 : 1 9-48 9 : 20-63117, 190, 30; 9 : 2 1--229 9 : 2 2-140lll 01 9 : 22£-194 9 : 23--23 5112 9 : 2 3 £-230 9 : 24--109, 1 3 81192, 1 3 91195, 1197, 2 30, 2 3 5111 9 : 24f-273 9 : 2 5-1 37119°, 1401197, 14211107, 14311 1 1 5, 11 1 1 6, 111 18 9 : 2 6-1 241148, 1 49111 32, 230 9-12-1981135 10-189, 193, 2 1 9 , 2 2 6, 2 2 8, 234, 306, 3 3 5113 1 0 : 1--14°11 1 °3, 1 4 211 1 08 1 0 : 2--97£, 1 0 1 , 14 3111 1 4 1 0 : 2£-97, 2 3 0 1 0 : 3-9 5lll 73, 97f, 102, 309 1 0 : 3f-102, 284 1 0 : 4-60, 1 0 2 1 0 : 4£-9 5 1 0 : 5-309 1 O : 5f-286 1 0 : 6-95, 98, 286
INDEX OF P RIMARY SOURCES 1 0 : 7-2 2 2, 226, 230 1 0 : 8-1 24ll48, 1 40ll97, ll 1 03, 1 4 8111 32 1 0 : 9f-2 2 2, 2 26, 230 1 0 :9ff-230 1 0 : 1 0-1 89£, 2421115 1 0 : 1 0f-30 5 1 0 : 1 1-63ll7 1 0 : 1 2f-48, 1 89 1 0 : 1 3-230 1 0 : 1 4-63ll7 1 O : 1 5f-230 1 0 : 1 7-140ll101, 1 94 1 O : 1 8-1 38n92, 140nl oo, 1 42n1 10, 2 30, 2 3 5lll 1 0 : 19-1 3 7n90, 1 3 9, 140nl OO, n l O l , 230, 2 3 6n2 1 0 : 20-1 24n48, 1 4 2nl 1 1 , 1 43111 1 5, 1 49111 3 2 , 2 30 1 0 : 2 1 -106n5 1 1 -33ll27, 77, 1921ll4, 1 93£, 1 96f, 2 3 3£, 248, 3 3 7, 3 3 8ll l 4, 340111 7 1 1 : 1-1 40ll97, fl103, 194, 2 2 5 1 1 : 1 f-3 1 , 34£ 11 : 2-148n 1 3 1 , 1 66n52, 3 1 5 1 1 : 3-83 1 1 : 3 £-71 1 1 : 3ff-72, 78, 8 3 1 1 : 4-60, 82£, 3 3 8 1 1 : 5ff-78, 3 37 1 1 : 6-14, 60, 190, 305 1 1 : 7-339 1 1 : 8-1 8 5 1 1 :8ff-79, 340 11 : 1 0-270n14 1 1 : l Off-203 1 1 : 1 1 -78, 1 0 1 , 233 11 : 1 2-170, 194, 332
1 1 : 1 2ff-2 3 3 11 : 1 3-1 3940ll97, 1 4011100 1 1 : 14-140ll100, 1 49lll 32, 230 1 1 : 1 5-140ll97, 225 11 : 2 0-1 24ll 48 1 2-33ll27, 1 89, 1 9 3 , 1 96, 219, 2 3 2 , 2 3 3ll92, 2 3 4, 306, 3°9, 3 3 5113 1 2 : 1 f-1 40lll 03, 295 1 2 : 2-19, 109, 1 24ll48, 1 40n97, 149n1 32, 200, 231 1 2 : 2f-3 1 , 3 3 1 2 : 3-80, 1 66n52, 203, 3 1 5 1 2 : 4-148ll l 3 1 , 213, 233 1 2 : 5-64, 7 5, 245 1 2 :6-2 3 3 1 2 : 8-2 26ll78 1 2 : 9-2 3 1 , 309 1 2 : 1 1-149ll1 32, 225, 2 3 1 1 2 : 1 2-97f 1 2 : 1 2f-97, 2 3 1 1 2 : 1 2ff-75 1 2 : 1 3 -98, 1 0 I f, 310 1 2 : 14-64, 75, 245 1 2 : 1 6-226n78 1 2 : 1 7-309 1 2 : 1 7f-2 3 1 1 2 : 1 8-109, 143n l 1 4 1 2 : 1 8£-295 1 2 : 1 9-66n26, 9 5, 286 1 2 : 19f-1 4811 1 3 1 1 2 : 20-39, 9 5, 286, 3 1 7 1 2 : 2 1-66n26, 95, 98, 1 0 2, 3 1 0 1 2 : 2 1 f-l02 1 2 : 22ff-2 3 1 1 2 : 24-2 3 1 1 2 : 28-48 1 2 : 30-631170, 1901l6, 305 1 2 : 3 1-2 1 3
1 2 : 3 I f-214 1 2 : 3 2-1 40ll 1 0 1 , 194, 2 3 1 1 2 : 3 3-23 1ll90 1 2 : 34-1 3 7ll90, 1 3 8ll92, 1 40ll100, 2 30, 2 3 5ll l 1 3-1 29ll 5 5 , 288lll 9, 296 1 3 : 1-1 34, 14 3111 1 7 1 3 : 5-140ll l00 1 3 : 6-138, 140ll103 1 3 : 7-288ll l 9 1 3 :9-139n 95, 314 1 4 : 2-3 1 , 3 3 1 5-225, 234 1 5 : 1-1 43ll l 1 4 1 6-234 1 7-234
LACHISH INCENSE ALTAR-
292n2 7
)VI:UNICH OSTRA-
(Lidzbarski, Ephemeris III, 21f) 898 convex: 1143111 1 3
CON
NEIRAB INSCRIPTION 1 : 9-167n61
PADUA PAPYRI
(E. Bresciani, RSO 3 5 [1960], l 1 ff) 1-42, 272 1 : 1-1091113, 1 59 1 : lff-273 1 :2f-1 59 1 : 3-274 1 : 6f-2 73 1 : 8ff-90 I :X+I-267
41 3
1 :x+2ff-273 1 :X+ 3-270ll l 2 1-3-272 2-272 2 : 3-1 66ll53 3-272 3 :fragm. a-267 PANAMMUWA IN-
SCRIPTIONS 1 : 2 f-167ll6 1 , 1 691172 1 : 1 1 -1 67ll61 , 1 691172 1 : 1 6-1 68ll67 1 : 1 8-167ll61, 1 69n72 1 : 2 1-1 68ll67 2 : 2 2-1 67ll61 , 1 69n72
SACHAU 63, 1-276f 65,2-276 69,6-1 48ll l 3 1 69, 1 4-1 48ll l 3 1 69,1 5-148lll 3 1 71 ,6-148ll l 3 1 7 1 , 8-1 48ll l 3 1 7 1 ,9-148ll l 3 1 71,1 1-148n1 31 72,19-14811 1 3 1 7 3 , 1 0-148111 31 7 3 , 1 4-148111 31 78,2-1 3 6ll82 79,2-32 pl. 63, 1-87f, 1 3 2, 1 3 81192 63,2 COllveX : 2140nl02 6 3 , 5 : 5-1 371188 64,2-1 3 1 6 5,2 concave: If -1 59m8 66,2a : l1 3 71188 66,2a : 414011 1 0 1 66,2b : 21 3 71188 66, 3 : 314411 1 2 1 67, 2 : 2f1 3 71188 69,7-14211109
r
Ii I i,'I I! II
I'! "
i
I'
'I
III ii Ii i
I
I! ;
41 4
INDEX O F PRIMARY S OURCES
7 1 , 1 2-144U 1 2 l 7 1 , 1 31 4411l 2 l , 1 8 ,
SAQQARAH PAPYRUS-I0, 5 7ll 1 1 O ,
1 591128
SAQQARAH FUNERARY STELA1 7°
SAYCE AND COWLEY M-204 Mb : 3-203 M couvex : 3f-277 N-276 N couCave : l 1 3 6u8z N : 2-86 P-87
SFIRE INSCRIPTION
IA : 6-3 1 0D 1 5 IA : 8f-1 67U60 IC : 2 5-1 68u67 IIB : 7-1 68u67
SYENE SANDSTONE STELA-48ll77 TOBIAH INSCRIP-
SFIRE TABLET1 69f, 3 2 8
TIONS1 1 71134 ZAKIR INSCRIP-
SHEIKH FADL INSCRIPTIONS-
TION B : 24-1 67U6l
1 6-1 7
IA : I -1 66u55
Hebrew ARAD OSTRACA29, 3 3 ll2 7, 105, 1 5 9m8 GIBEON JAR HAN DLES1 4 511 1 2 3
LACHISH OSTRACA -3 3ll27 1 : 1-142 2 : 2-10 5UZ 2 : ,-1 05U2 3-13U5Z 3 : 3-105UZ 3 : 9-10 ,UZ
4 : 1-10 ,UZ 5 : 1-10 5UZ 5 : 7f-1 0 SUZ 6 : 1-1 0 SUZ
SAMARIA OSTRACA -1 7ll63, 1 4 511 1 2 3
6 : 1 2- 1 0 SUZ 8 : 1-10 5UZ 9 : 1-1 0 5UZ 1 2 : 3- 1 0 5nZ
Moabite MESHA STELA 1 8-10S
Nabatean OBODAS INSCRIP TION-1 81 AVDAT INSCRIPTIONS
PALMYRENE INSCRIPTIONS -1 82 TESSERAE-1 82f
-1 8 1 f
Phoenician KILAMUWA IN SCRIPTION
ESHMUNAZAR IN SCRIPTION
1 6-168u7°
1 8- 1 7 1 U9Z
KILAMUWA
PIRAEUS INSCRIP
SHEATH 4ff-1 69U7Z
TION-1 8 1
RAMSES I I COLOS SUS INSCRIP TIONS-9 SAQQARAH LET TER-1 59ll33
SLOUSCHZ,
Thesaurus
9-1 1-23 6n4
I NDEX OF PRIM ARY S O URCES
41 5
Punic MARSEILLES
VOTIVE INSCRIP
TARIFF
TION
1 6-1 8 1
2-1 7 1 n93
Syriac AI,J IQAR
A 2 : 1 0-184
Ugaritic C. H . GORDON
Ugaritic Text book 49 : I I : 1 2- 1 7 1 n90 51-167 51 : I II : I l-169 7 6 : II : 1 5ff1 71 n90 76 : II I : 8ff1 7 1n90 77:47ff-2 22n67 1 2 2 : 1-1 80n 1 2 1 1 2 2 : 5-1 80n I 2 1
1 2 7 : 56-1 71 2032-1 80111 2 1 cnt I V : 8 3 f1 7 1 n90 cnt pls. ix-x-167 cnt pl. x: IV:41 80 11 1 2 2
1 5 .70-1 8011 1 1 9 1 5.88 :4-180n 1 l 8 1 5 ·88 : 6-180n1 l 8 1 6 .1 57 : 51 8on1 l 9
C . F.-A. SCHAEF FER,
C . F.-A. SCHAEF FER, Le palais royale d' Uga rit, III
PRU IV
1 8 .01-1 80111 2 0
1 4 . 1 6 : 3-18011 1 2 0 24.258 : 1 5, 1 8011 1 2 2
VIROLLEAUD,
Les
nouveaux textes 2-1 6 5n46
RS
8. 208 ( Akkadian ) -206n24
C. POST-BIBLICAL JEWISH SOURCES
Josephus AG. APION l .I 4, 73ff-6, 2 8 1 1 . 22, 1 90ff-128 1 . 22, 209ff�128 L26, 22Sff-6 1 . 2 6-3 1 , 227ff281 I I . 5, 49- 1 2 0 1 1 . 5 , 49ff I l 8n36
LIFE 75, 41 5-262nS6
JEWISH WAR 1 . 1 . 1 , 3 3-I l 8n36, n37
1 .9 .4, 1 90ff1 1 8n36
XI.8 .4, 324-1 1 7 Xl,8 .5, 33 9-1 2 8
I I . 1 9 . 2 , 5 1 7- 1 2 8
XII.4, 1 54ff-I l 7
I I l ,4.2, 64-673211 1 7
XII.9·7, 3 87f1 1 8n36
VI I . I 0 .2-3, 420ff -1 l 8n36
XII.9.7, 3881 1 8n37
VII . I 0 · 3, 427f I l 8n37
XII I . 3 . 1 , 62ff Il8
VII . I 0 . 3 , 430III
XIII.P-3, 62ff I l 8n36 XII I . p , 63, I l 8n37
ANT. Xl,7.1-2, 290n24
297ff-
X1.7.2, 302ff-I l 6 Xl,8.2, 3 I l-1 20 Xl,8 .4, 3 23ff-1 20
XIII . p , 65ff1 20n42 XIII . 3 . 1 , 671 1 8n37, 1 20 XII I . 8 ·4, 249ff1 28
XI I I . I 0 .4, 2S4ff l 1 Sn36 XIII .I 0A, 2 S 5l 1 S n37 XIV.4.2-3, 63ff1 28 XIV. S.l, 1 27ff1 1 8n36 XIV. I 0 . 1 2, 225ff -128 XIV.I 0.20, 2 4 1 ff -2 S1 XV·7 · 1 o, 2 59262ns6 XVl,6.2, 1 6 3126 XVI II.q, 1 3 6262ns6 XX. I 0 . 3 , 2 3 6l 1 Sn36, n37
4 16
I NDEX O F P RIMARY S O URCES Dead Sea DEED OF SALE
(Milik, RB, 61 [1954], 1 82ff)
-198
Murabbaat 1 8 : 1 9-245n20 1 9 : 26-245n20 21 : 2 1-245n20 24C : 19-245n20
24D : 20-245n20 30: 3 2-245n20 42-1 5 5 n l 1
4 2 : 2-1 3 4n67 4 2 : 10-245n20 43 : 2-1 34n67
44: 1-1 34n67 5 1 : 1-1 34n67 1 1 5 : 3 f-1 34n67
Qumran l QIsaa_14nS4 lQPS 1 2 7-106n9 l QM 3 : 6-29 lQM 4 : 1 0-29 1 QpMic-106n9
1 QpHab. 6 : 1 4106n9 l QpHab. 1 0 : 7106n9
1 QpHab. 1 0 : 141 06n9 l QpHab. 1 1 : 1 0106n9
1 QpZeph-106n9 4QLXX Levb106 11 QPsa-1 06n9
Mishnah TERUMOTH 8 : 6-86n1 l 9
MAASEROTH 1 : 4-86n l I 9
6 : 4-128, 288nl9 7 : 2-1 2 2
PESAHIM 1 : 4-132 3 : 1-82, 1 33, 3 1 3
KETUBOTH
SANHEDRIN
1 :2-25 3 1 :4-2 53 2 : 9-156 4 : 1 0-244nl 6
7: 6-1 58
NEDARIM 1 : 1-1 5 6
SHABBATH
YEBAMOT
BABA BATHRA
6 : 2-1 28
7 : 1-222
1 0 : 1-198
Tosefta KETUBOTH
NEDARIM
4 : 1 3-207nl 3
4 : 3-86n1 l 9
MENAHOTH 1 3 : 10-121 KRITHUTH 1 : 7-1 56
INDEX O F PRIMARY SOURCES
41 7
Babylonian Talmud SHABBATH
MEGILLAH
NEDARIM
1 9a-1 2.8 49b-1 2 2 70a-1 22.
29
5Ia-71nsO
MOi:D KATAN
BABA BATHRA
28b-184
1 5 3a-2 30n8 7
KETUBOTH
MENAHOTH
ERUBIN
a-1 1 6
1 09b-u oa1 1 9n3 9
KIDDUSHIN 7 1 a-1 56
29b-7 1n50
PESAHIM
32a-71n50 42b-8 2
109b- u 8
8b-1 84 69ab-1 84
ABODAH ZARAH
43a-71n50
Palestinian Talmud BERAKOTH
KETUBOTH
III,6a, tOP-184
30b, Chap.
5,
halachah 8261n55
end
31C, Chap . 7, end halachah 626 III 55
Midrash ESTHER RAB. TO 'EST. 1 : 2 , 9-
NUMBERS RAB .
MEKILTA TO EX.
1 0 : 3 -1 84
1 6 : 2 9-1 2 8
SIFRE (NUM.
LEVITICUS RAB .
-1 8 3
5 : 3 -1 84
1 84Dl 38
1 31)
KOHELETH RAB .
7 :4
end-
1 84Dl 38
RUTH RAB. TO
RU. l : 1 7- 1 3 2
Targum Gen. 3 1 : 1 52 2 1 n65
Deut. 1 :3 8-3 1 8
Deut. 3 : 28-3 1 8 Deut. 2 1 : 1 6-318 Deut. 3 1 :7-3 18
D.
Deut. 32 :8-3 1 8 Josh . 1 :6-3 1 8 ZeCh. 2 : 1 2-
1 34n67 Zech . 8 : 1 2-3 1 8 Ps. 1 7 : 8-134n67
ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN SOURCES
Old Babylonian LAWS O F ESH
M. SCHORR,
NUNA
Urkunden
22-79n80
1-209n36, n37
23-221n62 24-221 n62 2 5-221n6.2
27-221 n6.2 29-221 n6.2 31-206n.24
418
INDEX O F PR I M ARY SOURCES
3 2-2061124 3 3-20611.24 34-2061124 3 5-2061126 77-2061126 214-2061126
CODE OF HAMMURABI 20-1 S 1 111 23-1 S1111 103-1 S 1 11 1 107-1 S1 lll 1 1 3 f-77 1 1 6f-791180
1 20-1 51111 1 3 1-1 51111 1 3 7f-2 221167 1 3 8-39-2091136 14 2-143-2091137 1 6 2-2291185, 244 1 6 3 £-225 1 67-2 541140 1 76-2 1 1 1 80-2291185 206ff-1 S1111 2 27-1 5 1 111 240-1 S 1 11 1
KOHLER AND UNG NAD, Hammu
rabi's Gesetz
1-2201161 1 2-2201161 25-2201161, 2211162 2 7 : 6-2201159 27-30-2201161 29-2 2 1 1162 30-2 21 1162 3 1 -2 201161
249-1 S 1 11 1
149-2201161
266-1 5 1 111
776-2201161
28 1-1 51111
784-2201161
78 5-2201161 , 2 2 1 1162 786-2201161 1089-2201161 , 2 2 1 1162 1090 : 1ff-2201159 1427-2201161 1428-2201161
KOSCHAKER AND UNGNAD,
murabi's Gesetz
Ham
1428 : 3 ff2201159
Alalakh WISEMAN,
Alalakh Tablets
The
3 2-791180 36-791180
1 8-28-791180 30-791180
47-49-791180 92-2091136
Nuzi
AASOR ( 1 92 8-29 )
SPEISER, 10
PFEIFFER AND SPEISER,
AASOR 1 6 ( 1 93 5-36)
2-2 1 011 3 7 26-2 21 1165, 2 221167
5 5-22 11165
Assyrian MIDDLE ASSYRIAN
KOHLER AND
AS-1 52lll A22-1 S2111 A29-2221167 A56-1 S 2111
As syrische Rechts urkunden UNGNAD,
LAWS DAVID AND EBE LING ZVRW
44 ( 1 929)
1-20911 3 6
5 1-1 571121 5 5-1 S71121 1 79-82-1 571121
Hittite HITTITE LAWS 26a-b-2 101137
3 1 -2061126, 2 1 1 1140 75-1 52111
632-1 5711 2 1 , 1122 650-1 57112 1
Inschrif ten Asarhad donS-17°
BORGER
,
IV:6-1691179
INDEX
PRIMARY SOURCES
OF
41 9
Old Persian
Old Per sian Texts
KENT,
DB-2 1 1178
DPh:6-201176 DSe : 30-201176 DNa :30-201176 DSf:43-201176
Elamite PERSEPOLIS TREASURY TABLETS
3-60111 1 9 9-6011 1 1 9 1 1 :3ff-60111 1 9 1 5-4611 70,
60111 2 3 1 7-60111 1 9 18-461170, 60111 2 3 19 :4-60111 20 20-6011 1 1 9 21-461170 2 1 : ,f-6011120
22-461170, 6011 1 2 3 27-461170, 6011123 27=6-60111 20 3 2 :2f-60n� 20 34: 2f-6011120 3 , : 2f-6011120
43 : 3-60111 20 44-,911 1 1 8 ,6:7-6011120 7,-,9111 1 8 78-,911 1 1 8 1963 :6-,911 1 1 8 1963 : 1 16011120
Neo-Babylonian
Babylonian Expedition
University Museum II/I
EvilMerodach
CLAY,
CLAY,
EVETTS,
IX 2 8 : 14-1 2,1l48 IX 4, : 3-1 2 ,1l48 IX 69 : 2 1-1 2 ,1148 IX 7 5 : 5-329 IX 86a : I-1 2 51148 X 7 : 1 7-12 ,1l48 X 39 : 2-1 2,1l48 X 6 5 : 1 8 U.E.1 2 51148 X 8 , : 1 6-1 2 51148 X 8 , : 16 L.E.1 251148 X 92 :6-1 251148 X 9 7 : 1 6£-54 X 122 :4-329 X 1 30-,411102 X 1 3 1-5411102
1 2 : 1 ,-12 ,1l48 3 2 : 1 7-1 2 ,1l48 144ff-,411102 1 8 5 : 2-1 2 51148 209 : 1 1-1251148 2 1 8 : 3-1 2 51148 222 : 1 1 f L.E.330
28 : 36-329
CONTENAU,
trats
STRASSMAIER,
8 3 : 7-329 89 :9-1681166 89 : 1 4-1 681166
404:4-328
NEO-BABYLONIAN
STRASSMAIER,
10-2 54114° 1 5-2 541140
Nabuchodonosor
Con-
Nabonidus
63 3 : 2-i 68116s 1 1 3 3 : 1-329
7 5 : 7-329 DOUGHERTY,
Nabonidus
1 1 : 28-329 108: 3-329
Cy rus and Cam byses
TREMAYNE,
STRASSMAIER,
Darius
3 72 : 1 7-329
Pahlevi INSCRIPTION OF SHAPUR I-
70n48, 71ll50f
LAWS
Chal daean Chroni cles-Io-I I
WISEMAN,
4 20
INDEX OF PRIMARY S O URCES E. EGYPTIAN SOURCES
"THE ADMONI TIONS OF IPU WER"-4 BOOK OF THE DEAD-641l 1 1 "THE HYMN OF VICTORY OF
MERNEPTAH "
-5
"THE INSTRUC TION FOR KING MERIKARE"�4
KAPLONY-HECKEL,
Die demoti schan Tempel eide
1-1 6--247n23 7-1 5 5 n I 6 2 3 f-1 56n I 6 2 5 : 2-1 5 6n I 6 26--1 56n I 6 3 1 : 2-1 56n I 6 3 2 : 3-1 56n I 6 3 3 : 3-1 56n I 6 34-1 56n I 6 46-1 5 5n1 1 49-51-1 5 5n I l 141-1 56n I 6
LUDDECKENS,
Xgyptische Ehevertrage 2-222n66 2-4-1 8 5n I 43 3 : 8-342
4-22 2n66, 236n3 4 : 7-342 5-1 85nI43, 1 9 2 n I 6, 2 2 2n6s, n66, 2 5 2 6--1 8 5nI43, 2 2 2n66 6 : 2-68 ' 7-1 8 5n I 43, 22 2n66 7 : 3-68 8-74, 1 11 5nI 43, 209n36, 2 1 0n37 8 : 2-69 8 : 3-89 9-1 8 5n I 43 ID--93nI60 1 1 -1 8 5n I 43 1 3-9 3 n I 6o, 1 8 5n I 43 14-93nI 60, 1 8 5nI43 1 4 : 4-2 54n4 ° 1 6--74, 1 8 5n I 43 1 7-9 3 n I 60, 1 3 5n I 43 1 8-74, 209n36 19-21-9 3 n I 60 19-1 85nI43 2 2-209n36 2 2 : 2-342 23-74 24-74 2 5-93n I 60 26-- 74 27-93n160 28-74, 192nI6, 209n36 29-9 3nI 60 3 5-9 3nI60 3 6 : 6--3 42 5 3 : 4-69 I D : I-68 4D: 2-68 5 D : 3f-68 7D : 3f-68 1 2D : 2-68
Choix de textes
MALININE,
2 : 6-79 3-77f, 3 3 7 3 : 5-78 3 : 7-79 4-77, 3 3 7 4 : 2-68, 306 4 : 3f-78 4 : 5ff-78 4 : 6--79 5-77, 3 3 7 5 : 5-68 5 : 5f-306 5 : 6f-78 8-3 3 5n2 8 : 3-259 9-236n3 9 : 6--4 3 1 1 -3 3 5n2 1 2 : 1 1-306 1 7-3 3 5n 2 1 8 : 5-43
MALININE AND PIRENNE,
AHD0 5 ( 1950-5 1 )
1 8-3 3 5n2
19-3 3 5n2 2 5- 3 3 5n2 32-3 3 5n2 3 2 : 7-68, 306 3 3-33 5n2 37-3 3 5n2, 3 3 7n7 3 7 :4-68, 306 38-3 3 5n2, 3 3 7n7
MATTHA,
Dematic Ostraca87111 2 8
P. BERLIN 1 3 57-40
P . LEYDEN 378-3 1 0
P. LOEB 1-23, 2 5, 41, 56 1 : 2-53n96 1 : 4-53n96 1 : 1 3ff-53n96
P. LOUVRE 2443-79
P. RYLANDS 1-3-236n3 3-7-205n2 1 5f-2 36n3 9, 1-23n92 9, 1 : 1-5 : 1 35 3n97 9, 1-5-2 83nI3 9, 5 : 1 4-43 9, 1 2 :9-1 3 : 20-47 9, 1 4 : 1 7ff-8n2S 9, 1 9 : 2 1-2 1 : 2-47 1 1 , 7 : 1 -51 1 1 , 1 6 : 1-1 7 : 1 351 1 7 : 2-51 1 7 : 3-97n I 78 1 7 : 5-51 44 : 5-9 7n I 78 4 5 : 8-97n I 78
P. STRASSBURG 1-97n I 79 1 : 1-98n I 87 4-77
"THE STORY OF SINUHE "-5n6
F . GREEK AND ROMAN SOURCES
AESCHYLUS,
Persae
980-5ln85
ARISTOPHANES,
DIODORUS
73 0ff-64n I 6
1.34·1 1-92 1.67-1 2
Frogs
1-73-29 1.9 5 .1-2 1 9nS4 1.95 .4-23n87 XII1.46.6-287
INDEX OF PR IMARY SOURCES DIOSCORIDES 1 . 3 8-92f
HERODOTUS I. 1 l 4-5 l llB 5 L 1 9 2-64n9, 7 1 11 54 L209-2 37n6 11.28-39 II. 29-2 5, 3 7 II.30-9, 1 2 11. 3 6-2 5 1 II-47-2 5 1 11.77-82£, 86 II.77·4-8 5nIoB II.8 1-89 II.86ff-1 8 5nI4 3 II.86.2-1 85 11 .94-92 II.1 l 2-9 II.1 41-7 II.1 49-24 II.1 5 2ff-9 II.1 57-10 IL1 64ff-29 II.1 7 5-1 5, 40 II1.4ff-21 III.6-85 IIL1 off-19 II1.I 3-24 II1.I4-49 II1.I 9f-20 III.1 9ff-86
III.29-50nB 3 II1. 3 1-49 III.6 2 . 1 -52n 93 III.88-21 II I. 89ff-24 II1.91-24 III.95-62ll2 II1.97-2o, 24, 41 II1.I 28-51 1II.1 28.3-5l nB7 III.1 39-21 IV.166-2 3, 631'19 V.2 5-49 VI.6-28 V1. 57-81 VII. I-2 5 VII.7-2 5f VIL1 1-2 3 7n6 VII.39 . 3 -50nB 3 VII.61-8829n 9 , 3 3 VII.69-2 3 7n6 VII.89-28 VIIm-28 VII. 1 1 9 . 252n 93 VII .1 34- 52n 93 VII.1 87-81 VII. 194-49 VI1.2 24-2 3 7n6 VIII . 1 7-28 VII1.98-5ln86 IX·32-28 IX. 1 l 2-288nI 9
MANETHo-6
III.2 5-20
P. ELEPHANTINE
III. 27ff-2o
1-297£
PHILO OF BYBLOS ILI 6-172
Natural History
PLINY,
II.75, 1 8 3 f36n3 3 V . l o, 59-3 7 IX.6 3, 1 3 789nI 3 4 XV.7, 25-92 XV1 . 3 3 , 818 5n I 07 XVIll. 3 1 , 1 2 384n10 3 XXXVI.8, 633 9n41 �
POLYAENUS VI1. I 1 .7-2 1 VIL28-279
STRABO
XVIl. 1 . 14, 74982 XVILI .48, 8 1 736n 33 , 39 XVII. 1 .49, 8 1 7f37 XVIl.1 . 5 3, 8 1931nI6 XVI I .2 . 5, 82482, 9 3
THEOPHRASTUS,
Historia
42 1
Plantarum
1.3 .5-B 5
THUCYDIDES IV. I 6-81
XENOPHON,
Anabasis
1.2.18-73 n 59 1 . 3 . 1 4-73 n 59 1 . 3 .2 1- 72 1.4.1 5-4 3 1 . 5 .6-65, 73 n 59 1 . 8 .9-28 , 3 3 I I . 1 .7-pn 93 IV.3·4-33 IV.4· 1 8-33 V.6.23 -72 VII.2 ·36-72 VI I . 3 .1O-72, 7 3 n 59 VII . 3 0 1 9-43 VII . 5 ·8-43 VII.6.1-72 VII . 8 . 1 5- 33
XENOPHON,
Cyropaedia
VIII. 2.1 off5 1llB 5 VIII .6.9-43 VIII.6.l Off53n 95 VIII.6.16-51 VIII.6.1 7f5 1 n86
