A History of Franciscan Education (C. 1210-1517) (Education and Society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, V. 11)

A HISTORY OF FRANCISCAN EDUCATION (c. 1210-1517)

Bert Roest

BRILL

A HISTORY OF FRANCISCAN EDUCATION (c. 1210-1517)

EDUCATION AND SOCIETY IN THE MIDDLE AGES AND RENAISSANCE Editors

Jürgen Miethke (Heidelberg) William J. Courtenay (Madison) Jeremy Catto (Oxford) Jacques Verger (Paris)

VOLUME 11

A HISTORY OF FRANCISCAN EDUCATION (c. 1210-1517) BY

BERT ROEST

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON • KÖLN 2000

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Roest, Bert, 1965– A history of Franciscan education (c. 1210–1517) / by Bert Roest. p. cm. — (Education and society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, ISSN 0926-6070 ; v. 11) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004117393 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. Franciscans—Education—Europe—History. 2. Education, Medieval– –Europe. I. Title. II. Series. LC495.F7 R64 2000 370’.94—dc21 00-058647 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek – CIP-Einheitsaufnahme Roest, Bert: A history of Franciscan education (c. 1210 - 1517) / by Bert Roest. – Leiden ; Boston ; Köln : Brill, 2000 (Education and society in the Middle Ages and Renaissance ; Vol. 11) ISBN 90–04–11739–3

ISSN 0926-6070 ISBN 90 04 11739 3 © Copyright 2000 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

CONTENTS Preface ........................................................................................

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Chapter One: Studia, students, lectors, and programs .............. The studia generalia: the emergence of a network .................. Some exemplary cases: Bologna, Florence, and Naples ...... The mendicant-secular controversy ...................................... a. Paris ............................................................................... b. Oxford ........................................................................... c. Cambridge ..................................................................... d. late medieval developments ......................................... Custodial and provincial schools .......................................... Convent schools ..................................................................... The lectorate program .......................................................... The degree program.............................................................. Epilogue: further developments after 1500 ..........................

1 11 42 51 53 58 62 64 65 81 87 97 115

Chapter Two: Coursebooks and curricular activities ............... The scholarly year, privileges and obligations ..................... Theology ................................................................................ Recitation, collation, disputation, and extracurricular activities...................................................................................... The arts and philosophy ....................................................... Law, medicine, and languages ..............................................

118 118 123 133 137 146

Chapter Three: Learning in the Observant movement ........... Initial distrust of learning ...................................................... The re-orientation of the Observant movement .................. Franciscan reform and humanism ........................................

153 155 158 168

Chapter Four: Perspectives on school formation ...................... The ‘dissolution of the medieval outlook’ ............................ ‘Nominalism’ versus ‘Realism’ in the analytical approach .. The identification of a ‘Franciscan theological school’........

172 172 175 185

Chapter Five: Franciscan libraries and the access to books..... The development of communal libraries .............................

197 197

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contents The regulation of access to books ........................................ The acquisition of books: donations, scribal activities, and personal book collections ..................................................

215 222

Chapter Six: The context of studies in the Franciscan religious life ........................................................................................... The noviciate ......................................................................... Religious instruction of Friars: liturgical, devotional, and mystical aspects ................................................................. Encompassing views on Franciscan education .....................

250 258

Chapter Seven: Preaching: cornerstone of the Franciscan educational project ...................................................................... The place of preaching in the emerging Franciscan order Learning to preach ................................................................ The academic sermon ........................................................... Levels and numbers of preaching and preachers ................ Preaching in the Observant movement ................................ Preaching in Latin and in the vernacular ............................ Preaching and confession ...................................................... Mendicant apostolate and the secular clergy .......................

272 273 276 290 297 303 310 314 319

Epilogue: The impact of Franciscan education ........................

325

Sources ........................................................................................

329

Name Index ................................................................................ Place Index .................................................................................

389 402

235 238

PREFACE This work intends to be a concise yet encompassing handbook on the history of education in the first order of Friars Minor during the medieval period (until 1517). It is a concise work in that it does not contain lengthy digressions on sub-topics and, when possible, refers the reader in the footnotes to more detailed studies. The choice to be concise was a deliberate one, motivated both by my own ideas concerning the ideal length of an introductory scholarly work, and by the marketing policies of the publisher. Concise as it may be, this work is meant to be encompassing as well. It aspires to depict the emergence and the development of the schools in the various order provinces throughout the later medieval period. In addition, this work deals with main characteristics of the education provided in these schools, and the contexts in which these schools were able to flourish. In the first chapter, the school-organisation itself will be addressed, sketching the emergence of schools and studia on the conventual, custodial, provincial, and supra-provincial level, as well as the relationship between Franciscan studia generalia and the universities. Specific attention is paid to the distribution of schools in the various provinces, and to the careers of students and lectors on different levels. In chapter two, the actual curricular activities are touched upon, focussing on the length of the scholarly year and the books or texts used by students and teachers for the various disciplines. This chapter also contains some tentative remarks concerning the study of (canon) law, medicine and languages in the Franciscan order; topics that definitely require further study. The third chapter follows with an analysis of the educational situation in the Observant movement from the late fourteenth century onwards. The Observants had a different, if changing, attitude towards learning than the ‘Conventual’ wing of the order. Attention is paid to the educational ‘Werdegang’ of the Observants, and also to the educational ideology presented by their most prominent spokesmen. In a final paragraph some preliminary remarks are made about the relationship between Observant and non-Observant mendicant education and (proto-) humanist ideals. Chapter four deals with the question to what extent it is feasible to

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speak of a ‘Franciscan school.’ During the last 120 years, school formation and the emergence of a specific Franciscan scholarly profile have been popular topics among scholars dealing with medieval and early modern Franciscan thinkers. This chapter attempts to explain the history of these topics, their relationship with neo-Thomist and historicist scholarly programs in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, and their value for evaluating the medieval Franciscan scholarly endeavour, both as a historical phenomenon, and as an explanatory matrix to account for mendicant school formation. The fifth chapter concentrates on Franciscan libraries and the access to books, which to a large degree determined the causa materialis for the pursuit of learning. This chapter surveys the emergence of Franciscan library collections, their content, and the conditions under which friars were entitled to use and borrow books. Also addressed are related topics, such as book collecting activities, and the existence of Franciscan scriptoria. A history of education would remain a lopsided affair if it did not at least refer to the religious context in which the schooling of friars took place. The Friars Minor did, after all, belong to a religious order with a wide range of non-scholarly religious duties and very outspoken ideals of evangelical perfection. Chapter six therefore tries to put the Franciscan pursuit of learning in a wider perspective, by focusing on novice training, the relationship between scholarly and non-scholarly activities in the Franciscan religious life, and some dominant ideologies of learning that transcended purely scholastic views. The place of learning in the Franciscan religious life, as well as Franciscan ideologies of learning provide information concerning the final goals of learning in Franciscan communities. It leaves no doubt that one of these final goals was to teach and to convert the world at large. Hence pastoral care was one of the major incentives for the schooling of Franciscan friars. The exigencies of pastoral care asked for pastoral training, both inside and outside the direct school situation. The final chapter therefore deals with main aspects of Franciscan preaching and related issues. The book concludes with a short epilogue, in which some limitations of the present study will be highlighted, some possible ventures for future research will be indicated, and an initial assessment will be made of the wider impact of Franciscan school education. Serious scholarly attention for the history of Franciscan education started more than 120 years ago, with Francesco Ehrle’s forays into

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medieval Franciscan administrative sources, and the publication of the first critical editions of medieval Franciscan theological texts by the Quaracchi editors. These initiatives provided major instruments for further research. The first encompassing book-length study of Franciscan education during the early decades of the thirteenth century was provided by Hilarin Felder as early as 1904. His Geschichte der wissenschaftlichen Studien im Franziskanerorden bis um die Mitte des 13. Jahrhundert has remained a landmark. The same is true for the second large monograph devoted to Franciscan education by Brlek in 1942. In between these two works of synthesis a large number of important subtopics came under scrutiny by Kurtscheidt, Zawart, Little, Imle, Benoffi and others. Their insights as well as the many source publications and manuscript studies in the Archivum Franciscanum Historicum and sister journals gradually made it possible to come up with a more detailed picture of the medieval Franciscan educational landscape. Since the Second World war the production of deep-probing studies and important editions has not abated, witness for instance the important labours of Lorenzo di Fonzo, Celestino Piana, Cesare Cenci, Dieter Berg, William Courtenay, and the contributors to the 1978 volume Le scuole degli ordini mendicanti. The present handbook is by no means a replacement of these and many other fundamental studies. It did seem, however, worth while to attempt a new work of synthesis, to include and evaluate the many important post-war contributions to the field, and to re-assess the interpretations given by subsequent generations of specialists. The reader may decide to what extent this aim has been reached. In the course of my preparations for this volume, I have benefited from the generosity, the expertise and the criticism of many. I would like to thank first of all the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek/Dutch Organisation for Scholarly Research (NWO) and the Koninklijke Nederlandse Academie van Wetenschappen/Netherlands Royal Academy of Arts and Sciences (KNAW), the two organisations that over the years have provided me with the necessary funding. Their grants enabled me to visit many library collections and research institutes in Europe and the United States. To several of these library collections and research institutes as well as to the scholars active in these institutions I owe a special debt. I owe such a debt, first of all, to Prof. Dr. Claudio Leonardi and his collaborators of the Fondazione Ezio Franceschini in Florence,

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where I found a wealth of material, sound advice and stimulating comradeship. It was during my first sojourn in Florence as a visiting scholar with a NWO Talent Stipend, in Fall 1997, that the writing of this book began to look like a possibility. Second, I owe a great debt to Prof. Dr. John Van Engen and his colleagues and students at The Medieval Institute of Notre Dame. My visit to Notre Dame in Spring 1998 enabled me to peruse the dauntingly rich collections of the Hesburgh library, and to exchange ideas with members of the staff and advanced graduate students. My subsequent position as fellow of the KNAW, positioned in Groningen University, made it possible to benefit from the research facilities of the Groningen University Library, and to partake in the intellectual life of the local research institute COMERS/ICOG. I also would like to express my special gratitude to friends, colleagues, editors and external readers whose support I have found particularly helpful. Among these I want to single out Prof. Dr. Dick de Boer, my inspiring supervisor and mentor from Groningen University, Julian Deahl from Brill Academic Publishers, who expressed his support for this project from the very beginning, Drs. Maarten van der Heijden, who provided indispensable technical support, and Dr. Frans van Liere, Dr. Christopher Schabel, Dr. James Ginther, and David Mengel MA, who commented on the early drafts of individual chapters and encouraged me to continue. I also want to thank Prof. Dr. Girard Etzkorn, Prof. Dr. William Courtenay and Prof. Dr. Joseph Goering, whose comments on the pre-ultimate version of the manuscript as a whole have saved me from several errors and have enabled me to flesh out some aspects in more detail. A final word of thanks I owe to my partner, Dr. Nadia elMasry, who has been such a gentle critic and stimulating supporter throughout. To her I dedicate this book. Bert Roest Groningen-Basel, February 2000

CHAPTER ONE

STUDIA, STUDENTS, LECTORS, AND PROGRAMS Introduction Studies dealing with mendicant educational developments frequently start from two assumptions. First, it is postulated that the Friars Minor came to organise their school network only reluctantly. Driven by external circumstances rather than by ideological incentives, initially the order would not have embraced learning as an essential component of its religious life. Indeed, some scholars have claimed that Francesco d’Assisi himself saw learning as a danger to the ultimate evangelical simplicitas, and not reconcilable with the friar’s chosen idiocy and totally subservient position.1 Hence, from the beginning education was dealt with haphazardly. This lack of co-ordination resulted in substantial differences in educational developments between the various order provinces, especially during the first hundred years. Second, it is commonly thought that once a program of learning was reluctantly adopted, the Franciscans followed, albeit imperfectly, the Dominican set-up for their own educational system. The organisation and development of the Franciscan studia network is thus presented as a flawed copy of its Dominican counterpart.2 1 The friar was to be an idiota et subditus omnibus. This is a running theme in the vitae devoted to Francesco d’Assisi. Cf. THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Secunda S. Francisci, Chapter CII (De Humilitate) and Chapter CXLII (De Sancta Simplicitate); SPECULUM PERFECTIONIS, ed. Sabatier, 13 & Chapter 6. This anti-intellectual image of Francesco has been reinforced by, among others, the historians Carlo Müller and Paul Sabatier. Cf. MÜLLER, 1883, 104; SABATIER, 1931, 378 and the evaluation of their position in FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 313-314. Subsequent scholars, such as ESSER, 1976, 26-41 and MOORMAN, 1952, 3-4, also posit a conflict between the original Franciscan ideals and the pursuit of learning. FELDER, 1904, 1-31, 58-96, however, is as one of the few much more optimistic, maybe even too optimistic, as has for instance been argued by SEPPELT, 1906, 149-179, and again by MARANESI, 1999, 7-41. 2 Cf. BARONE, 1978, 221-222 and MULCHAHEY, 1998, xi: ‘As Dominic when compared to Francis proved to be the shrewder constitutional lawyer as he framed the life of his new order, so, too, he and his sons had the keener sense of the institutional possibilities for providing themselves with the training they would need to fulfill their

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Both assumptions contain some elements of truth. Francesco d’Assisi and many of his early followers did express strong misgivings about learning for its own sake, considering this contrary to the Franciscan ideals of humility and poverty. It was definitely not Francesco’s intention to create a community of scholars. In that sense, there might have been a fundamental difference between the early Friars Minor and the contemporary Dominicans. Francesco did not prevent the entrance of learned friars into his order, as can be gathered from the reports of Matthew Paris and other sources. 3 Among these learned friars were not solely theologians, but also Bolognese students and teachers of law, such as Pellegrino da Fallerone (d. 1233) Rizzerio da Muccia (d. 1236), and the Bolognese master Niccolò de’Pepoli (d. 1229).4 It is clear that Francesco wanted such friars to curtail their curiosity and he never approved of an unconditional pursuit of learning. Learned clerics joining the Franciscan order had even to abandon their ultimate possession, learning itself, so as to offer themselves naked to God.5 Nevertheless, whatever his qualms, Francesco did not frown upon theological knowledge per se. Francesco had a deep veneration for the priests who consecrated the body and blood of Christ and for the theologians who administered the Divine Word (ministrant sanctissima verba divina).6 Moreover, in his later years he openly acknowledged the necessity of doctrinally safe teachings, to prepare suitable friars for their pastoral tasks and missionary journeys, and to avoid charges of heresy.7 According to his Rules of 1221 and 1223, Francesco exmission. The Franciscans in particular copied the dispositions made by the order of Preachers. They found themselves in the same milieux and oftentimes confronting the same problems as their Dominican fellow-friars, but it was Dominic’s Preachers who devised most of the common-sense solutions to educational challenges, and the Franciscans, and others, readily absorbed their lessons.’ 3 MATTHAEUS PARIS, Chronica Maiora, 248. According to Matthew’s report, many priests and learned scholars would have joined the order before 1216. See also FELDER, 1904, 68. 4 FELDER, 1904, 129-130. 5 ‘Dixit aliquando magnum clericum etiam scientiae quodammodo resigare debere, cum veniret ad Ordinem, ut tali expropriatus possessione nudum se offeret brachiis Crucifixi.’ THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Secunda S. Francisci, Chapter CXLVI, in: Analecta Franciscana X, 241. Cf. LOMBARDI, 1982, 805, n. 40. 6 FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Testamentum, in: Opuscula S.P. Francisci Assisiensis (Quaracchi, 1941), 77-82; Cf. FELDER, 1904, 73; FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 314. See on the early priests in the order also BÖRNER, 1988. 7 FELDER, 1904, 20-21, 66-66, 111-112. He relates how from around 1216 onwards, Franciscan missionary activities began to move beyond the Italian peninsula.

studia, students, lectors, and programs

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pected new friars to engage into the life of evangelical perfection in accordance with their capacities. Those who were not learned before they entered the order should not try to become learned afterwards.8 Those who were, would be allowed to continue their studies, but only to the extent that these studies harmonised with the spirit of poverty, simplicity and prayer, and were otherwise in agreement with the rigorous life of evangelical perfection.9 He therefore respected learning, but only insofar as it was combined with humility, so that it could lead to vera sapientia. Hence his salutation of wisdom as a sister of sancta simplicitas in his Salutatio Virtutum.10 This viewpoint was also behind Francesco’s 1223 invitation to Antonio di Padova to teach the Franciscan friars in Bologna. 11 Soon thereafter, many convents had a lector of some description, as will be discussed later. Francesco’s immediate successors as general ministers of the order were highly educated men. They all stimulated the friars’ access to the schools. This was true even for friar Elia da Cortona who in many other respects championed the lay element in the Franciscan movement.12 Under their leadership the order quickly neutralised the The Pentecost chapter of 1217 would have seen a congregation of 5000 Franciscan missionaries, many of whom shortly thereafter would take the road to France, Germany, Hungary, Spain and elsewhere. In 1219, Francesco and some of his followers travelled to Syria to preach the Gospels to the crusaders and the Muslims. In 1220, five Franciscan missionaries were martyred in Morocco. By then, the Franciscan order was fully engaged in missionary exploits inside and outside the European sphere. This asked for proper preparation, and hence necessitated the pursuit of studies. 8 FELDER, 1904, 71. If these lay friars were illiterate (that is, not versed in Latin), he did not want them to pursue literacy. This is expressed in the 1223 Rule, which expressively states: ‘Et non curent nescientes litteras litteras discere.’ F RANCISCUS Assisiensis, Regula Bullata, X, 7, in: Écrits, 196. This was re-iterated in later constitutions. 9 FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula Bullata, X, 7 & 8, in: Écrits, 196. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 91-92; FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 57. 10 ‘Hanc [simplicitatem] in fratribus literatis et laicis requirebat pater sanctissimus, non eam contrariam sapientiae credens, sed vere germanam, licet pauperibus scientia faciliorem ad habitum, promptiorem ad usum; unde in laudibus, quas de virtutibus fecit, sic ait: Ave regina sapientia. Deus te salvet cum tua sorore pura sancta simplicitate.’ THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Secunda S. Francisci, Chapter CXLII, in: Analecta Franciscana X, 238. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 88-90, 129f. 11 See my section on the Bologna studium, later in this chapter. 12 The vicar general Pietro Catani (1221) was doctor of law in Bologna prior to his entrance in the order. The same was true of minister general Giovanni Parenti (1227-1232). Friar Elia da Cortona (vicar general in the 1220s and minister general between 1232-1239) was known for his wide knowledge of the natural sciences and Roman law. Salimbene accused Elia to have accepted too many lay friars in order to

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misgivings expressed by Francesco and some of his companions, and wholeheartedly embraced the pursuit of theological learning as long as it steered free from vana curiositas. Later generations of Franciscan Spirituals, looking back at a century of developments in which the order had witnessed a rapid clericalisation, in which scholastic methods and secular sciences had been introduced and in which Franciscan students and teachers had received numerous privileges, deplored the influx of learned friars and the pursuit of learning.13 This is expressed in the famous accusation by Egidio d’Assisi and Jacopone da Todi that Paris had destroyed Assisi. 14 To counter these developments these friars tried to fortify the image of the founding saint as a fanatical opponent of learning, an image that shines through in hagiographic collections such as the Legenda Trium Sociorum and the Fioretti. The historical Francesco of the 1220s, however, was rather more nuanced if not ambivalent in his attitude towards learning and the influx of learned friars than these radical spiritual sources make out. This was even acknowledged by some of the more cultured spiritual spokesmen.15 limit the influence of the clerical friars. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. HolderEgger, 99-103. Yet Salimbene also acknowledged Elia’s own scientific knowledge and his attempts to further the cause of learning in the order. Cf. ODOARDI, 1954; BERG, 1977, 69ff. During the vicariate of Elia, many study houses were established in Italy, France, and England. Alberto da Pisa (minister general between 1239-1240) also was a highly literate man, and his successor Haymo of Faversham (1240-1244) had been master of theology at Paris and lector in Bologna before his appointment. Crescenzio da Iesi (1244-1247) had studied law and medicine, and Giovanni Buralli da Parma (1247-1257), Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s immediate predecessor, had been lector at Paris, Bologna and Naples before his election in 1247. The appointment of the learned Bonaventura (1257-1273) shortly after his inception as master of theology at Paris therefore by no means signalled a novelty. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 107ff; BROOKE, 1959, passim. 13 On the clericalisation of the order in general, and the conflicts resulting from it, see BROOKE, 1959, LANDINI, 1968 and CONTI, 1982, 321-346. 14 Egidio d’Assisi would have cried out ‘Parisius, parisius, quare destruis ordinem sancti Francisci.’ CHRONICA XXIV GENERALIUM, in: Analecta Franciscana III, 86. The same lament was uttered by Jacopone da Todi: ‘Mal vedemmo Parisi che ha distrutto Ascisi.’ Cf. JACOPONE DA TODI, Laudi, trattato e detti, ed. F. Ageno (Florence, 1953), laude XXXI, 113. See on these statements and comparable utterances by rather learned friars such as Ubertino da Casale and Alvaro Pelayo also PIANA, 1982, 250. 15 UBERTINUS DE CASALI, Responsio, 75: ‘Non tamen despiciebat [Franciscus] sanctarum litterarum studium et scientiam, immo multum reverebatur et revereri mandavit sacros theologos; sed in spiritu praevidebat, qualiter sequeretur abusus.’ Cf. also IDEM, Rotulus, 127 & Arbor Vitae Crucifixae Iesu, I. 5, c. 5. Ubertino, just as Angelo Clareno after him, therefore did not frown upon the introduction of theological studies in the Franciscan order. However, both Ubertino and Angelo Clareno

studia, students, lectors, and programs

5

Likewise, the Franciscan adaptation of the Dominican model calls for careful consideration. Historians have signalled an apparent lack of Franciscan regulations for the early period (that is, until the Narbonne constitutions of 1260), interpreting it as a lack of interest in the development of an organised study system. The surviving Dominican regulations, on the other hand, make it possible to trace the developments of a Dominican study system from 1217/1220 onwards.16 To overcome the paucity of early Franciscan legislation and to fill in the gaps of the Franciscan picture, important historians of Franciscan education have made extrapolations from existing Dominican sources. Inadvertently, Dominican developments have thus become the standard by which to judge Franciscan advances in learning and study organisation. As later thirteenth-century Franciscan sources portray a studia network that might be interpreted as a ‘stripped’ and modified version of the Dominican study system, it seems only natural to modern scholars that the Franciscans followed their Dominican siblings and rivals, like the toddler trying to keep up with his more agile older brother.17 However, it is not necessary to approach the unfolding of the Franciscan studia network from this angle only. The initial point of departure for the Franciscans was different from that of their Dominican colleagues. The Dominicans had begun as an anti-heretical task force in Southern France and were eager to enlist adolescent university students. Systematic theological training was part of Dominican life from the outset. The Friars Minor, on the other hand, began as a movement that wanted to bring about a fundamental change in the hearts of all Christians (and soon also non-Christians). When, from the 1220s onwards, the Dominican and Franciscan orders for a variety of reasons became more similar, the educational needs and initiatives in the order of Friars Minor remained predomiobjected against the pursuit of learning detached from a life of poverty, humility and prayer. They also objected against the pursuit of profane sciences (logic, natural philosophy and metaphysics): ‘Non intendimus sanctum et ordinatum studium sacrae Scripturae reprehendere, ymo potius defectus et abusiones huius temporis demonstrare, a quibus, si bene pensetur, procedunt ut plurimum omnia nostra mala.’ Ibidem, 127. 16 MULCHAHEY, 1998, xiv, 3-71. 17 BRLEK, 1942, 25; MULCHAHEY, 1998, xi; BARONE, 1978, 225: ‘...per tutto questo periodo gli ‘studia’ francescani continuarono a vivere e a diffondersi senza poter seguire alcun modello prefissato. Ciò costrinse I Minori, con ogni probabilità, a copiare sempre più pedissequamente la quasi perfetta organizzazione domenicana.’

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nantly a function of inner pressures and mechanisms and should be presented as such. There is little evidence to suggest that the Franciscans tried to emulate the Dominican example. They had reasons of their own to gain access to the schools, and did so more quickly than is sometimes assumed.18 This chapter provides an overview of the developments of the Franciscan educational system between the thirteenth and fifteenth centuries, by exploring the surviving legislative texts and the corroborative evidence provided by a century of scholarship on medieval Franciscan learning and education. If need be, Dominican developments will not be discarded. Yet they will not be used as muster for the Franciscan educational situation. Special attention will be given to the emergence of Franciscan study houses or studia at different levels and to regulations concerning the lectorate and degree programs. Following chapters will deal in greater depth with developments in the Observant movement, the actual curricula, syllabi, and the literary production of lectors, the manifold forms of ‘para-academic’ schooling to which the majority of Friars Minor was exposed from the noviciate onwards, and the forms of pastoral education in which many of them were involved. The establishment of schools and the emergence of a studia network Initially, the organisation of studies was certainly not the most important concern of Franciscan leadership. The main ideals cherished by Francesco and his early companions were the renunciation of all worldly pride, and a life of apostolic poverty and humility. Not surprisingly, making detailed regulations concerning the organisation of studies did not have priority. Yet as has been said in the above, studies were not entirely discarded. The 1223 Regula Bullata subsumed studies under work in general. Just as handicrafts and begging were considered worthy occupations, so too were teaching and learning for those friars gifted with knowledge and talents. 19 During and shortly after Francesco’s final years, specific study houses were established in Bologna (1220-3), Montpellier and Toulouse (both between

18 19

SENOCAK, 1997, 33. FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula Bullata V, 1, in: Écrits, 188.

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1225 and 1227), Oxford (between 1224 and 1229), and Paris (c. 1224). Alongside these more important study houses, for the establishment of which the friars received strong ecclesiastical support,20 more elementary theological schools appeared in many of the larger friaries, especially in the Italian, Southern French and English provinces. In the German lands, developments appeared to have been slower. Arriving slightly later on the German scene, the Friars Minor had more difficulties in establishing a network of schools in the first half of the thirteenth century. Nevertheless, as early as the mid 1220s a study house may have been erected for the custody of Hildesheim, followed shortly thereafter by the study house of Magdeburg (1228), later a provincial centre of theological studies.21 Further scholarly developments began to gain momentum in the 1230s.22 Again with Felder as notable exception, nineteenth- and twentieth-century historians have seen the leadership period of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio (1257-1273) as a watershed. The Narbonne constitutions of 1260 compiled under Bonaventura’s guidance, as well as Bonaventura’s own writings on mendicant life and learning (e.g. the Epistola de Tribus Quaestionibus), are often presented as the first

20 It has been argued that the ecclesiastical authorities saw the emergence of mendicant study houses as an excellent instrument to fulfill the requirement of Lateran III and IV to erect schools for the theological formation of the clergy. This would explain the outright papal support of mendicant educational initiatives, as well as the fact that many mendicant study houses had an ‘open’ character. See FELDER, 1904, 115ff; MANDONNET, 1914, passim. More recently, scholars such as OEDIGER, 1953, 62ff, POST, 1954, 155-265, and ELM, 1983, 602-603 admit that many mendicant theological study houses to some extent had an ‘open’ character, in that members of the local secular clergy were able to follow lectures and forms of practical homiletic training. Yet these scholars maintain that the Franciscan theology training centres, like those in the Dominican order, were first and foremost geared to teach the friars. However ‘open’ the mendicant study network might have been (BERG, 1986, 414-425 is adamant about the participation of secular priests in mendicant theology courses, and provides several interesting examples), it normally did not provide courses to lay people. The formal schooling of the urban lay establishment was not a mendicant affair, but rather the concern of the urban authorities, which on a large scale invested in Latin schools and professional schools for the merchant elite. 21 Hildesheim’s first known lector is Konrad Holtnicker (mentioned for 1247). Magdeburg would have been the first studium generale for the German province, with as its first lector Simon Anglicus (1228). Cf. JORDANUS DE GIANO, Chronica, ed. Boehmer, 47; MEIER, 1958, 7-10. 22 BERG, 1977, 76. FELDER, 1904, 97 therefore remarks with reason that ‘die Gründung der Ordensschulen in den verschiedenen Ordensprovinzen sich wesentlich zwischen 1219 und 1250 vollzieht…’

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encompassing perspective on schooling as an integral part of Franciscan life as a whole. By giving the Narbonne constitutions undue weight and significance, the unfolding of a Franciscan study network is usually portrayed as a phenomenon of the later thirteenth century.23 Contrary to the picture presented in most surveys of Franciscan educational developments in the thirteenth century, the Narbonne constitutions are not the first to pay attention to studies, nor do they betray a new vision concerning the necessity of learning and its systematic organisation. Contemporary Franciscan chroniclers, such as Giordano da Giano, Thomas Eccleston and Salimbene de Adam, together with several other sources indicate that substantial constitutions were produced at several general chapters prior to 1260. This implies that the Franciscan order by then possessed an extensive body of legislation.24 The 1239 constitutions compiled under the new minister general Alberto da Pisa seemed to have been particularly encompassing. This is borne out by remarks of Salimbene, who reported that Bonaventura da Bagnoregio did not greatly add to these 23 As a matter of fact, Hilarin Felder did realise that the Narbonne constitutions were not the first legislative text that dealt with Franciscan education. Cf. F ELDER, 1904, 98ff, 319-322. More recent studies, however, tend to see 1260 as a veritable beginning. See for instance BARONE, 1978, 223: ‘Con lui [that is, Bonaventura] si afferma nell’Ordine una mentalità nuova, meno legata alle tradizioni degli inizi e più aperta ai problemi reali del momento.’ Barone argues that the space allotted in these constitutions to the organisation of studies is still very limited compared with previous and contemporary Dominican legislation. Ibidem, 224. As late as 1991, Bogdan Fajdek could write: ‘Nelle prime Costituzioni dell’ Ordine, quelle di Narbona di 1260, nella rubrica VI, si parla dello studio.’ FAJDEK, 1991, 527. To this, he adds: ‘L’Ordine dei Frati Minori ha acquistato con San Bonaventura la sua vera fisionomia religiosa, ben strutturata nella Chiesa, preparata a tutte le forme di apostolato, anche nuove, che le comunità monastiche prima di San Francesco ignoravano. Includendo nel lavoro lo studio e specificando le attività pastorali in relazione al ‘munus praedicandi’ e ad altri generi di apostolato, San Bonaventura mette in chiara luce l’importanza dell’attività scientifica dei frati.’ Ibidem, 527. 24 These sources indicate that, prior to 1260, several general chapters and general ministers paid serious attention to the organisation of learning. This seems to have been the case in 1224, when Francesco was still alive, in 1227 under Giovanni Parenti (who systhematically furthered theological studies), in 1239 under Alberto da Pisa, and between 1240-1244 under Haymo of Faversham. Giovanni Buralli da Parma’s refusal to add to the existing bulk of constitutions in the 1250s was not a sign of his spiritual or anti-intellectual inclinations. His decision was first and foremost motivated by his wish that the friars would abide by the regulations that already existed. See on this the revealing remarks of Cesare Cenci in CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES ( -1239), 50-95.

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older constitutions, but merely re-arranged them more systematically.25 This would suggest that many elements found in the 1260 Narbonne constitutions might have been put forward as early as 1239, or even earlier. Felder already reached this conclusion in 1904, and therefore decided to use the Narbonne constitution to describe the educational developments between 1210 and 1260. 26 Many later scholars, however, did not follow him on this path. The choice of these later scholars to single out the Narbonne constitutions as signposts of a new beginning with regard to Minorite education might derive from the circumstance that Bonaventura, wanting clarity and uniformity in the order after a period of turmoil, ordered all existing copies of earlier constitutions to be destroyed once the Narbonne constitutions were approved (just as he later would order the destruction of all older vitae of Francesco after the publication of his Legenda Major).27 Cesare Cenci’s new edition of the surviving ‘membra disjecta’ of these pre-Narbonne regulations (the bulk of which indeed seem to date from 1239) nevertheless provides us with a picture of these earlier legislative texts. Keeping Salimbene’s remarks in mind, we can postulate that at least some important elements of the Narbonne study regulations are much older than is frequently assumed. This is corroborated by those fragments of the pre-Narbonne constitutions that mention the number of students each province was allowed to send to Paris, and those that contain additional information on the use and the acquisition of books.28 Such information indicates that the Narbonne constitutions do not represent something new. On the contrary, they show a study organisation that is already in progress by the 1230s, at least in outline. This is confirmed by Bonaventura’s defences of Franciscan learning in the Epistola de Tribus Quaestionibus and other writings, which overtly attempt to legitimise an existing study situation against attacks from 25 ‘Et in illo capitulo [the 1239 chapter] facta est maxima multitudo constitutionum generalium, sed non erant ordinate; quas processu temporis ordinavit frater Bonaventura generalis minister, et parum addidit de suo, sed penitentias taxavit in aliquibus locis.’ SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. O. Holder-Egger, 158-159. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES ( -1239), 53. 26 FELDER, 1904, passim. 27 DIFFINITIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 502-4 (n. 1 & 17). 28 CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES ( -1239), 92-93. See in particular 93, no. 82: ‘Statuimus quod pro qualibet provintia possint esse duo studentes Parisius...’

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outside detractors. It is unwarranted to portray Bonaventura’s ministry as a break with earlier developments. The Narbonne constitutions were not much more than a systematic presentation of developments already well under way. Subsequent general constitutions up to 1336 tend to follow the outlines of the Narbonne regulations. Even though these later constitutions are rarely as detailed as contemporary Dominican sources, 29 they provide substantial additional information with regard to study regulations and the organisation of the Franciscan ‘studia-system.’ Aside from these general constitutions, there are several provincial statutes and other (narrative) sources that can be used for charting the educational developments in the Franciscan order.30 These more regional sources not only provide important additional information, but also give an indication of regional differences and the implementation of general rules at the provincial and sub-provincial level.31 The sources suggest that by 1316 (the year of the general chapter of Assisi) the educational organisation of the Franciscan order was practically complete. By then, a veritable hierarchically structured network of schools was functioning in nearly all areas where the Friars Minor were active. Many individual convents or friaries housed a lector,32 and nearly all provinces had so-called studia particularia at the custodial and the provincial level. These latter study After the Narbonne constitutions, the most important constitutions with regard to the organisation of studies in the order are the 1336 constitutions of Benedict XII (accepted on the general chapter of Cahors, 1337), which deal in more detail with studies and privileges. See CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 332-386 (Chapters IX, X and XI). See also SCHMITT, 1959, 21-32. Of predominant importance are further the constitutions of Assisi (1340), the constitutions of Venice (1346), the so-called Farinerian constitutions of 1354 and the Martinian constitutions of 1430, the Observant constitutions of Giovanni da Capistrano (1443) and the Alexandrine constitutions of 1500. See in general on these constitutions WAGNER, 1954, 47-61. 30 For a survey of provincial statutes and constitutions, see also WAGNER, 1954, 122ff. 31 All these regulations should not always be taken at face value. Both Jacques Verger and William Courtenay have drawn attention to the fact that regulations of this kind to some extent deal as much with exceptions and abuses as with regular practice (which often would not be articulated). Moreover, regulations tend to repeat previous ones (sometimes verbally), even though the actual situation in the field might have changed considerably. COURTENAY, 1994², 326-327; VERGER, 1986, 313332. 32 It will be clear that I use the words ‘convent’ and ‘friary’ as synonyms. I do not follow the modern English custom according to which a convent designates a female religious house and a friary a male (mendicant) religious house. 29

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houses can be categorised into studia grammaticalia, studia artium, studia philosophiae and studia sollemnia theologiae. Furthermore, every province was entitled to send a number of its friars to one of the studia generalia of the order for more advanced studies in theology. Some of these studia generalia had official connections with the university theology faculties at Paris, Oxford and Cambridge. Hence they were able to offer a select group of their students a university degree course, opening the road towards the magisterium theologiae.33 This is, in a nutshell, the development of the Franciscan school network up to the early fourteenth century. The following sections will depict various aspects in more detail. They will focus on the establishment of studia on different levels, signal regional differences, describe the study paths in the non-degree and degree programs, and stipulate further developments in the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The studia generalia: the emergence of a network The existing historiography about Franciscan learning has established the importance of the Parisian studium generale in the Franciscan school network as a whole. Historians point out that the Paris studium generale is normally the only one mentioned in the early general constitutions, and that throughout the thirteenth century the university of Paris was the most prominent centre of theological studies in Latin Christianity. Enough reason to begin this survey of higher centres of learning with a concise historical sketch of the Parisian Minorite school. From Vézelay, the Franciscan friars arrived in Paris at an early date, maybe as early as 1217.34 They came with a recommendation from the Vézelay Benedictines. Hence, they were able to stay for some time on the abbey grounds of the Benedictines at St. Denis, until they acquired their first modest accommodation near the uni33 BARONE, 1978, 242; COURTENAY, 1989, 146: ‘Dal 1336, e probabilmente da parechi anni prima, il numero di scuole ai vari livelli di studio era stato determinato. Estistevano tre principali studia generalia: Parigi, Oxford e Cambridge. Inoltre, i Francescani riconoscevano vari altri studia generalia: Bologna, Tolosa, Colonia, e la Curia Romana, o Avignone. Al disotto di questo livello stavano gli studia secundae speciei, o scuole custodiale...’ 34 Cf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 425.

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versity (maybe on, or near, Mt. St. Geneviève).35 At that moment in time, the Parisian Friars Minor, lead by the guardian Agnello da Pisa (the later provincial of the English province) most likely relied on outside teachers for their theological formation. They might have attended public courses of university masters or even have received assistance from the Dominicans.36 It is also quite possible that, at first, the friars were not heavily involved in theological studies. While at St. Denis,37 the young Minorite community was able to enlist the Englishman Haymo of Faversham (d. 1244), his companion Simon of Sanwyz, and two other university masters on Good Friday 1224. 38 The influx of these trained theologians and subsequent students of the arts and theology, several of whom continued their (theological) studies at the university (whereas others would move on to other Franciscan settlements),39 enabled the Parisian Franciscans to put their internal theological teachings on a more secure footing and to establish their own school. This was probably an initiative of the provincial minister Gregorio di Napoli, who was also well-known for his sermons held before the students and teachers of the university. It is quite possible that by this time the school already received external (non-Franciscan) students. Between 1224 and 1229, the friars began to build a better-equipped convent at Vauvert (in the present area of the Jardin du Luxembourg), ‘where they built a long and high house Fearing Waldensian groups, the bishop of Paris asked pope Honorius III as to whether this new group with this new rule was orthodox. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, no. 2, 1. Cf. JORDANUS DE GIANO, Chronica, ed. H. Boehmer, 4. 36 MURPHY, 1967, 167 mentions in this regard the Dominican master John Barastre. 37 Where at a certain moment around thirty friars were housed. T HOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, 47. 38 THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, 27; MURPHY, 1967, 162-163. One of these other masters maybe was Bartholomeus Anglicus, who allegedly taught Sacred Scripture in the Franciscan convent in 1225. Cf. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 94: ‘Horum animalium [Elephants, that is] in Ethyopia magna copia est, quorum naturam et proprietates frater Bartholomeus Anglicus ex ordine Minorum in libro, quem de proprietatibus rerum fecit, sufficienter posuit; quem etiam tractatum in XIX libellos divisit. Magnus clericus fit et totam Bibliam cursorie Parisius legit.’ Bartholomeus moved on to the Magdeburg convent in 1231. 39 ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Little, 7ff mentions the names of several Englishmen who had joined the order in Paris (probably when they still were arts students) before they went over to the English province. Among these were the later lector Nicholas Rufus, the preacher Radulphus de Rosa and Henry of Rereshby. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 169. 35

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that seemed to many friars to be contrary to the state of poverty of the order.’40 Whether or not as a result of pious objections to the new building, the church of the Vauvert convent collapsed on the day of its consecration, forcing the friars to look for a different dwelling in order to expand.41 Already in 1230, they received episcopal permission to start with a new building program, now on a new site intra muros received from the abbey of St. Germain-des-Prés. With the financial help of King Louis of France, the friars founded a new Minorite convent, which came to be known as the ‘Grand Couvent des Cordeliers.’ The intermittent building activities lasted until the 1260s.42 The influx of university trained masters of theology and the progress of studies did not automatically allow the Franciscan friars to align themselves with the university. The Friars Minor received the support of leading figures, such as Philippe le Chancelier and the bishop of Paris. Yet after the transfer of two university chairs to the Dominicans in 1229-1230 (when the regent masters Roland da Cremona and John of St. Giles joined the order of Preachers), the majority of secular masters was not overly enthusiastic about admit40 See THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Little, 47, 59: ‘Quando frater Henricus de Bureford fuit indutus Parisius non fuerunt in conventu ipso nisi circiter XXX fratres [For comparison: the Dominicans had c. 120 friars at Paris in the convent of St. Jacques in 1224]. Aedificant tunc temporis locum, qui appellatur Valvert, in quo domum longam et altam construxerant, quae multis fratribus videbatur esse contra statum paupertatis ordinis. Unde et beato Francisco supplicabant aliqui, et praecipue Angeler [friar Angelus] ut eum destrueret.’ Cf. CALLEBAUT, 1917, 293. 41 MURPHY, 1967, 166 maintains that the friars were already living in the neighbourhood of the university before 1230. This implies that the friars might have resided at two places for some time, both at St. Denis and at a spot closer to the university, maybe near the site that later became the College of Navarra. See also CALLEBAUT, 1928, 9. 42 The Abbey of St. Germain des-Prés had given the land and the buildings on loan, but with considerable constrictions concerning their liturgical use. In 1235, King Louis of France bought the buildings and additional lands from the Abbey for the friars, thereby clearing the way for fundamental building activities. Additional acquisitions followed in 1239. The building program was partly paid with the money provided by a 10000 pound fine that Enguerrand IV de Coucy was forced to pay to the French crown. See on the medieval history of the Franciscan Parisian convent FELDER, 1904, 159-165; CALLEBAUT, 1928, 5-30, 179-206; MURPHY, 1967, 161-203; EUGENE, 1968, 167-185; VORREUX, 1975, 4-9; BEAUMONT-MAILLET, 1975, 1-68. The work of Beaumon-Maillet is rather tendentious and sometimes not very accurate. See on this POULENC, 1976, 474-495. For late medieval developments, see also PIANA, 1956, 391-433.

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ting another mendicant group.43 Meanwhile, the internal Franciscan school flourished, certainly under the guidance of Jean de La Rochelle who seems to have been the leading lector of the internal studium before and after 1236. In that year, the regent master Alexander of Hales (d. 1245) joined the order and transplanted his cathedra to the Franciscan house.44 Alexander continued his public magisterial lectures after entering the order. As the rights pertaining to the university chairs of theology were connected with the regent masters who held them, henceforth the Franciscan studium at Paris had an official university chair of theology. From then on, Franciscans who were chosen to go up for a university degree would be able to do so in their own school. Alexander of Hales succeeded in advancing an impressive number of Franciscan pupils to the highest level of theological learning. In 1238, with the help of the Parisian bishop Guillaume d’Auvergne, Alexander was able to present Jean de La Rochelle (d. 1245) as acting co-regent (magister in actu) of the Franciscan studium at Paris.45 At their deaths in 1245, their places were filled by Eudes Rigaud and William of Meliton.46 Cf. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 364. Alexander of Hales had become master of arts before 1210, to reign as master of theology between 1221 and 1229. From this period derives his Glossa in Quatuor Libros Sententiarum, which became instrumental in establishing the Sentences of Peter Lombard as a standard text book in the Parisian theology faculty. Alexander resumed his regency in theology in 1232, to enter the Franciscan order in 1236, taking with him the chair of theology. During his years as regent master of the Friars Minor, he started working on his big Summa, which was finished after his death by a number of his Franciscan pupils. Cf. SILEO, 1996², 651-657. 45 Alexander of Hales apparently was able to receive permission to install Jean de la Rochelle as regent master alongside of himself. CHUP, I, 158. Up to 1253 the Franciscan studium at Paris therewith had de facto two chairs for the degree courses in the university (though not de iure, like the Dominicans). In 1253, the convent lost this privilege in the context of the burgeoning secular-mendicant conflict. See for more information FELDER, 1904, 211-223, 227-229 (whose chronology is not fully correct, as he takes 1231 as the date of Alexander of Hales’ entrance in the order). On Alexander and his early successors as regent masters (Jean de La Rochelle (d.1245), Eudes Rigaud (d. 1275), William of Meliton (d. c. 1258) and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio (d. 1274), see in particular EUGENE, 1968, SILEO, 1996², 651-672 and SILEO, 1996³, 699-767. Due to conflicts with the secular masters, Bonaventura was not able to assume the chair of theology as regent master until 1257, years after he had finished all the obligations necessary for his inauguration. Almost immediately after his appointment as regent master, he was asked to become minister general of the order. 46 For more or less complete listings of Franciscan regent masters at Paris during the thirteenth century and beyond, see GLORIEUX, 1933, 257-281; DOUCET, 1934, 531-564; GLORIEUX, 1951, 324-332. 43 44

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From its inception, the Franciscan school in Paris attracted many young friars from the various Minorite provinces, developing into the most important Minorite centre of learning. The pre-Narbonne constitutions edited by Cesare Cenci show that, probably as early as 1239, Paris was a full-blown studium generale for the entire order, in the sense that each order province was allowed to send two students to Paris for a so-called lectorate course. For such students, the provinces themselves were to provide the necessary books.47 That inter-provincial student travel by then would have become a routine matter is also corroborated by a remark of Salimbene. He relates how in 1249 friar-bishop Rainaldo, formerly lector of Rieti and Genoa, mentioned that he once (shortly after 1230) had been sent to Paris for a lectorate course.48 The Narbonne constitutions of 1260 and subsequent regulations indicate that in principle all provinces were allowed to send two students ‘de debito’ to the studium at Paris for a lectorate course at the expense of the Parisian convent. During the later thirteenth century, the order counted 32 provinces, a number that would rise to 34 in the fourteenth century (with some additional vicariates). This suggests that the Parisian convent routinely housed as many as 64 to 68 students ‘de debito’.49 Moreover, the provinces could send additional students ‘de gratia’ at their own expense.50 According to the general chapter of Stras47 ‘Statuimus quod pro qualibet provintia possint esse duo studentes Parisius. Provideatur autem missis ad studium pro lectoribus a provintiis suis in libris et necessariis scriptis (…)’, CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 93, n. 82. 48 SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, 325: ‘Et etiam fratres istius conventus qui sunt antiqui conversationem meam noverunt, quia pro isto conventu ad studendum Parisius missus fui.’ Cf. FELDER, 1904, 156. 49 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 72: ‘Possit autem quaelibet provincia habere duos studentes Parisius sine aliqua provisione; quibus provideatur in libris secundum arbitrium provincialis capituli et ministri’. This was reiterated on the chapter meetings of Assisi in 1279 and after. Ibidem, 72. The Paris convent guaranteed a living for these students, yet they had to provide for their own books. 50 Aside from these two students ‘de debito’, the general chapter of Paris also decided that two students ‘de gratia’ should be sent, for whom the native provinces or custodies should bear the expenses. CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 78. See also KURTSCHEID, 1930, 363 and BRLEK, 1942, 58-59. The 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII confirm this number of two students ‘de gratia.’ CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351. The 1346 constitutions of Venice made it possible for the provinces to send three students de gratia. The 1351 constitutions of Lyon reduced this again to two. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES VENETAE (1346), 103; CONSTITUTIONES LUGDUNENSES (1352), 160f.

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bourg (1282), every student ‘de gratia’ coming to Paris had to be provided by his home province with the required books and with twelve Parisian pounds for his living expenses (each year). Inflation (especially during the reign of King Philip IV ) made it necessary to raise this sum at regular intervals. At the chapter of Paris (1292), students ‘de gratia’ were expected to bring with them an amount of money equivalent to the value of twelve Parisian pounds in 1282. Ubertino da Casale mentioned in his Rotulus of 1310 that by then at least 24 Parisian pounds had to be provided annually for every student ‘de gratia’ at the Paris studium.51 To this sum an additional amount of money for books was to be added (see the chapter on Franciscan libraries). Expenses notwithstanding, several provinces (predominantly the French and Italian ones) made such abundant use of the privilege to send students ‘de gratia’ to Paris, that the general chapter of Assisi (1279) limited the number of students at the Parisian studium generale to 140.52 This meant that, in addition to the 60-odd students ‘de debito’, no more than 72 to 76 other students could be accepted (predominantly students ‘de gratia’, as well as friars who were following other forms of education at the Parisian convent). To provide this international body of students with intermediaries to whom they could turn for practical matters related to their studies, Bonaventura ordered in 1268 to install four assistants, one for each ‘eightfold’ of provinces (octavarium provinciarum). These four assistants, respectively for the ‘eightfold’ of Spanish, German, Lombardian, and Roman provinces, had to propose measures that were beneficial for the students, and try to procure these in a humble fashion.53 Felder suggests that this system might have been inspired by the figure of the procurator elected by the various nations of arts students in the university.54 In addition to these two groups of so-called lectorate students present at the Parisian studium generale, there was a small body of friars in the degree program. Only this latter group was actually matricu51 UBERTINUS DE CASALE, Responsio, 74. Cf. DIFFINITIONES ARGENTINAE (1282), 137; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 363; BARONE, 1978, 232; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 78. In 1382, lectorate students from Bologna had to bring no less than 50 Bolognese pounds for each year they studied in Paris. PIANA, 1970, 40*. For a listing of Franciscan friars from the Bologna province sent to Paris, see PIANA, 1970, 42*-44*. 52 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 363; DOELLE, 1927, 245. 53 CHRONICA XXIV GENERALIUM, III, 351. 54 FELDER, 1904, 235.

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lated in the university. The more numerous lectorate students were not university students in the strict sense of the word, although they would have benefited from the intellectual university climate and probably would have been able to audit several university courses (even outside their own studium). After 1236, when Alexander of Hales brought his university chair into the Franciscan fold, the Friars Minor annually could present a candidate to lecture on the Bible as Baccalaureus Biblicus, and one to deliver ordinary lectures on the Sentences as Baccalaureus Sententiarum. In the thirteenth century, according to university statutory rules, these lecture courses lasted for two years. After reading the Sentences, candidates for the magisterium had to fulfil a certain number of post-sentential exercises during an obligatory residence period of three or four years. The total number of bachelors (so-called biblici, sententiarii and formati) at the Parisian studium thus ranged between 6 and 10. In addition to this select group, the degree studium also housed the incoming regent master and the outgoing master, and maybe a small number of non-regent masters and bachelors engaged in extracurricular activities or other assignments pertaining to teaching, administration and pastoral care. A list of Franciscan residents in Paris recorded in 1303 by a royal scribe in the context of the dispute between the French King and Pope Boniface VIII shows that, at that time, the residents of the Parisian house numbered 173. Half of these were friars from the French provinces. In his analysis of this list, William Courtenay divides these residents into four groups. A first group consisted of twenty to thirty friars for whom Paris was their home convent. These friars were living there for other than educational purposes connected with the actual studium generale. For a second group of friars the Parisian convent was either their custodial school (providing them with elementary logical, philosophical and theological education), or their provincial studium generale (where they could follow a lectorate course, as well as preparatory courses). A third group consisted of 70 to 90 friars ‘de gratia’ and ‘de debito’ from outside the French province, for whom the Parisian house was the studium generale where they followed their extra-provincial lectorate course. A final, small group of eight to ten friars from different provinces was involved in the actual degree program.55 55 COURTENAY, 1994, 155-173; COURTENAY, 1996, 577-605. On the housing of the bachelors and masters, see also FELDER, 1904, 164; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 363.

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As the number of (non-degree) students from other provinces grew, Pope Benedict XII determined in 1336 that, henceforth, each province of the order was only allowed to send two friars ‘de debito’ and two to three students ‘de gratia’ to Paris and other designated studia generalia.56 The intention was to avoid extreme congestion and an excessive logistical strain on the Paris convent. To deal with the financial stress, it also had become necessary to ask for additional support from the provinces. 57 By this time, a sufficiently dense network of custodial and provincial studia particularia for grammar, logic and philosophy had come into being.58 Such a network made it possible to require that candidates for Paris had received a proper training in logic and philosophy prior to their arrival at the Parisian studium generale.59 This requirement created additional possibilities to control the influx of students and to assess their quality. However, all of these measures seem to have had but a limited effect on stemming the flow of students to Paris, especially in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Indeed, as late as 1467, the general chapter of Florence upheld that all provinces could send two friars ‘de debito’, two friars ‘de gratia’, and eight friars ‘de debito applicato.’60 If all the 34 provinces and additional vicariates would have sent such a number of students, the convent would have housed 456 students, a number well beyond its capacity (eventually, almost 200 cells for students and an additional twenty-two larger cells for masters and bachelors).61 Nevertheless, some provinces did fill their quota. AcCONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351. To support the studium of Paris, the provincial chapter of the French province had to request the help of other convents to provide additional funds, by transferring gifts and alms. See STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE 452: ‘Item fratres sint solliciti et attenti in testamentis et alibi, ut conventui Parisiensi alique elemosine erogentur.’ Such measures went back as far as 1266. Cf. DIFFINITIONES CAPITULORUM (1260-1282), 678: ‘Ministri dicant fratribus omnibus ut in testamentis et aliis consiliis recommendatam habeant domum Parisiensem, cum ibi fratres addiscant, unde alii fratres per totum mundum erudiuntur.’ 58 At least by 1316, see CONSTITUTIONES ROMANAE (1316), 368. See also the section on custodial schools. 59 MAIERÙ, 1994, 8. 60 ‘Ad studium Parisiense possunt mittere omnes Provinciae Ordinis duos fratres de debito, duos de gratia, et octo de debito applicato.’ SBARALEA (1908-1921), III, 322323. 61 The exact number of cells throughout the medieval period is not known. The Paris studium, with its adjacent dormitories and other convent buildings was expanded regularly. The studium or lecture hall itself received its final appearance during the reign of Charles V (1364-1380). In that same time period the convent also 56 57

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cording to a 1466 letter of complaint written by the provincial minister Niccolò Guiotelli to the minister general Francesco della Rovere, the combined French provinces (except for the Provincia Franciae in which the Parisian studium was situated) already had sent more than fifty students to the Parisian house. The province of Bologna alone had sent more than twenty students, well exceeding its quota.62 In the closing decades of the fifteenth century, to provide the burdened Parisian convent with additional financial means, papal privileges allowed the convent to issue special letters of indulgence, and provided it with the support of confraternities (in particular the confraternities of St. Francesco and St. Antonio) established for the sole purpose of raising money for the Paris studium.63 The sheer size of the Parisian convent (which caused logistical and financial problems), its predominance in the order, and its intricate double function as studium generale for the order and degree studium inserted in the Parisian theology faculty, called for separate convent statutes. The sources make clear that, between the early fourteenth and the late fifteenth century, several redactions of these statutes were made, so as to govern student life and to smooth the relations between the studium and the university. Letters of guardians, provincial ministers, and general ministers repeatedly refer to such statutes, and appeal to them when offering solutions for problems concerning management and discipline. Late medieval sources indicate that comparable statutes also existed for the studium generale of Toulouse

was substantially enlarged. The most detailed description of the convent, made by Francesco Gonzaga not long before convent and church burned to the ground in 1580, probably describes the convent as it was since this late fourteenth-century renovation. In his description, Gonzaga makes mention of 214 cells for students and teachers. Of these cells, eight larger ones were reserved for the masters and the most important lectors. An additional fourteen that came out on the garden of the cloister were reserved for the bachelors. The other cells, which on average measured fifteen by fourteen feet, housed the other students. In addition, there were some rooms for lay servants and guests. The convent had separate lecture halls for the internal studium and the public school where the regent master and the bachelors held their public lectures. This latter lecture hall, which apparently measured around 76 by 46 feet and was lit by eleven big windows, had a large cathedra for the regent master and a smaller lectern for the bachelors. Between the 1360s and the 1450s seats for the students were installed. Beforehand, they sat on the floor. FRANCISCUS GONZAGA, De Origine Seraphicae Religionis, 131ff. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 163f; MURPHY, 1967, 187. 62 PIANA, 1956, 408. 63 Cf. POULENC, 1976, 482-483. MURPHY, 1965, passim.

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(and maybe for all convents with a studium generale that also offered a degree program).64 The Narbonne constitutions (and perhaps earlier regulations) mention the desirability of maintaining studia generalia in each and every order province, so that students would be able to receive adequate higher education closer to home. This meant that in each province one of the existing schools had to be selected for such a purpose (insofar as they did not already exist), or that a new provincial studium generale had to be established. The Narbonne constitutions focus on Paris as the main international studium generale for the order as a whole. Other studia generalia that could receive students from abroad are only mentioned in an indirect fashion.65 More explicit statements about the reception of students ‘de gratia’ and ‘de debito’ can be found in the constitutions of 1279 and 1292.66 Yet it remains true that the Franciscan school at Paris was the order’s studium generale par excellence, to which all provinces were entitled to send students ‘de debito.’ Until the early fourteenth century, there is no indication that other studia generalia had the same universal position as Paris. Moreover, for a long time most of the other existing studia generalia did not offer a degree program, because they were not attached to a university. Provinces desiring friars with university degrees therefore had to lobby at the general chapter meetings for the privilege of appointing a candidate of their own to the few Sententiarii positions at the Parisian studium. When, in the course of time, a range of other schools began to offer degree possibilities to Franciscan students, Paris remained the most international studium in the order. In 1285, the province of Aquitaine received permission to send a friar to study for a degree at the studium of Oxford.67 During that same period, Cambridge also emerged as a degree school where friars could go up for their baccalaureate. Around 1300, therefore, as far as Franciscan

Thus far, I have not been able to find such statutes. Cf. PIANA, 1956, 404. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260): 73, n. 16. 66 Cf. BARONE, 1978, 224. The constitutions of Assisi (1279) make mention of students ‘de gratia’ who ‘extra suam provinciam ad Studia transmittuntur.’ The constitutions of Paris (1292) make mention of students ‘qui ad alia Studia generalia quocumque titulo transmittuntur.’ CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 78, n. 12; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 78, 12-12a. 67 LITTLE, 1917, 817; ACTA CAPITULI MEDIOLANENSI (1285), 273-291. It remains doubtful, however, whether the regulations themselves show the actual practice to the full! 64 65

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theological education is concerned, there were three studia generalia principalia (Paris, Oxford, Cambridge) that could accept students from other provinces for the lectorate program, and in addition offered some students the possibility of earning a degree.68 In actual practice, it was predominantly the studium generale of Paris that fulfilled this role for the order as a whole. Especially during the thirteenth century, Oxford and Cambridge seemed to have had a significantly less international student body. The Franciscan friars arrived in Oxford as early as 1224.69 They received hospitality from the Oxford Dominicans until they were able to rent a house from Robert le Mercer in the parish of St. Ebbe. A year later (1225), they rented a house with grounds from Richard Miller who, within a year, granted the friars the house with additional properties for subsequent use. Between 1227 and 1448 followed other bequests by individual citizens, urban authorities and the English crown, enabling the friars to expand their settlement.70 Shortly after their arrival the Franciscans started to attend lectures in the Oxford schools, and almost immediately welcomed several students and bachelors of Oxford University among them. A functioning public convent school – a separate building, described by Eccleston as a scholam satis honestam – was already in place in or shortly after 1229, thanks to the initiatives of the provincial minister Agnello da Pisa.71 Almost from the very beginning, the friars were able to BARONE, 1978, 231. A detailed account of the arrival of Agnello da Pisa and eight other Franciscan friars in Dover (in September 1224) and the successive establishment of convents in Canterbury, London, Cambridge, Lincoln and Oxford is given in THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum, ed. Little, 3ff. See also SENOCAK, 1997, 6-8. 70 See LITTLE, 1892, 13-17, 21-24, 295-300 on the building history of the Oxford friary, the various benefactors and the role of subsequent provincial ministers (such as Agnello da Pisa, Haymo of Faversham and William of Nottingham) in the Minorite expansion. 71 THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Little, 9. The first friars to arrive were Richard of Ingeworth and Richard of Devon. If we can believe the impressionist description of Thomas Eccleston, the early Oxford friars coupled a fervent desire for studies with an extremely frugal way of life, a sign that Franciscan learning and Franciscan poverty were not necessarily at odds with each other. See for further details esp. LITTLE, 1892, 1-11, 30; LITTLE, 1943, 56ff. According to Bartolomeo da Pisa, Agnello did not like the introduction of refined scholastic disputation techniques. When he witnessed some friars who discussed on the metaphysical question ‘utrum sit Deus,’ he exlaimed: ‘Heu mihi, heu mihi! Fratres simplices coelos penetrant, et litterati disputant, utrum sit Deus. Et ex tunc misit decem libras sterlingorum ad curiam pro emendis decretalibus, ut fratres studerent in eis, frivolis praetermissis.’ 68 69

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enlist the well-known theologian and scientist Robert Grosseteste (d. 1253) as their lector. Beforehand (from c. 1225 onwards), Grosseteste had been regent master of theology and chancellor of Oxford University.72 Grosseteste fulfilled his teaching obligations at the Franciscan school between around 1229 and 1235, when he became bishop of Lincoln.73 At his departure, he ensured that his public teachings at the Franciscan convent were taken over by another university master. After Grosseteste’s lectorate, three other secular masters taught in the Franciscan public school at Oxford until 1247: master Peter (later bishop in Scotland), Roger Wesham (Dean of Lincoln before 1239 and bishop of Coventry and Lichfield in 1245), and Thomas Wallensis (appointed bishop of St. Davis in Wales in 1247). In 1247, friar Adam Marsh, who had studied under Grosseteste and his secular successors, became lector principalis. He was able to take the chair as the first Franciscan regent. Thereafter, a continuous series of Franciscan regent masters held the public chair of theology at the Franciscan school of Oxford.74 SOUTHERN, 1992, 5, 70-75. LITTLE, 1892, 30ff. For Grosseteste’s continued support of the Friars Minor afterwards see also BOYLE, 1979, 3-51; SOUTHERN, 1992, 70-75. 74 Adam Marsh was succeeded by Rudolf of Corbrigge (1249-1252), Thomas of York (1253-1256) and Richard Rufus of Cornwall (from 1256 onwards). After his regency, Adam Marsh probably continued to teach to Franciscan friars in the internal school of the convent. With Thomas of York and Richard Rufus of Cornwall we see the emergence of a tradition that friars first read the Sentences in Oxford and later in Paris, and subsequently became regent master in Oxford, frequently followed by a regency in Cambridge. The installment of Franciscan masters after 1247 did cause some problems. The university of Oxford normally would not allow regent masters of theology to be installed who had not ruled in the arts. Yet after the midthirteenth century many Franciscan candidates for the theology degree program would not have received an education in a university arts faculty. By then, the order began to offer arts courses in its own internal schools. In 1253 the university of Oxford admitted Thomas of York’s ordinary regency, stating that Thomas could incept this time, but that a statute should be passed providing that for the future no one should incept in theology unless he had previously ruled in the arts in one of the existing universities, and in addition had read one book of the Canon (the Bible) and of the Sentences, and had preached publicly in the university. The chancellor and masters of the university reserved to themselves the right of granting dispensations. This issue ended in a compromise, but the problem remained, causing friction in the early fourteenth century, until a new compromise was reached in 1314. Thereafter, friars for the degree program only had to provide sufficient evidence to the chancellor and masters of the university that they had read philosophy for eight years and theology for at least six years. LITTLE, 1892, 30-31, 38, 40-41; FELDER, 1904, 277ff, 310f. See on the early history of the Franciscan studium at Oxford in particular 72 73

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By enlisting teachers such as Grosseteste and his university-trained successors, the Franciscan studium at Oxford was able to insert itself into Oxford’s theological faculty, greatly enhancing the school’s prestige. Already in 1254, Thomas Eccleston could boast that the Franciscan school at Oxford had produced no less than 30 licensed teachers as well as additional lecturers.75 Many of these graduates were sent out to become the principal lectors at other important convents in England, such as those in London, Canterbury, Hereford, Leicester, Bristol, Gloucester, Norwich, Northampton and Cambridge.76 The prestige of the Oxford studium stimulated the growth of the Oxford convent from 63 students and other friars in 1277 to 84 in 1317 and 103 in 1377. The majority of the students would have been enrolled in the non-degree theology program. 77 The increase in the number of friars coincided with substantial building activities after 1240.78 There seems to have been no definite rule concerning the number of friars from within the English province who might be sent to Oxford.79 Regulations pertaining to lectorate students from other provinces did exist, but differed from those regarding the Franciscan school in Paris. Only after 1467 did an official ruling state that all order provinces were entitled to send one or two students to the Oxford studium without providing for them.80 In this respect, Oxford seems to have had a subordinate position with regard to Paris during the medieval period. Yet several late medieval general statutes and

LITTLE, 1926, 803-874; LITTLE, 1943, 58ff; LITTLE & PELSTER, 1934, passim; ASHTON, 1977, 3-4; SHEENAN, 1984, 197-8; SILEO, 1996², 591-2, 684-5. All the first four secular masters of the Franciscan studium at Oxford afterwards were promoted to an episcopal position. This could be a partial explanation for the strong episcopal support in England for the friars as pastoral task force throughout the thirteeenth century. 75 THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. A.G. Little, 50. 76 LITTLE, 1943, 62. 77 The average number of friars (students, teachers, and others) living in the Oxford convent in the late thirteenth and early fourteenth century would have been c. 70-80. See for more information concerning Franciscan regent masters, students, as well as for information about the Franciscan involvement with other colleges (such as Balliol) LITTLE, 1892, 9, 43-44; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 364; LITTLE, 1926, 819f; LITTLE, 1943, 65; LITTLE & PELSTER, 1934, passim. 78 LITTLE, 1892, 22. 79 LITTLE, 1892, 43. 80 LITTLE, 1892, 66-67; LITTLE, 1943, 65.

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official documents81 as well as other sources82 show that some provinces did acquire such rights as early as the mid-thirteenth century. In addition, the Oxford studium received friars for the degree program. The 1336 constitutions of Benedict XII indicate that every third year a friar from outside the English province should be chosen for the ordinary Sentences lectures. Difficulties such as wars and the Great Schism frequently prevented a proper execution of this rule of succession. Nevertheless, enough evidence has survived to conclude that it was adhered to as much as possible.83 By the end of the thirteenth century, the number of foreign students in Oxford was already so large that the general chapter of Paris (1292) ordered to alleviate the burden on the Oxford convent during the summer vacation period. This was achieved by dividing the foreign students equally among the convents of Oxford, London, and Cambridge, at the discretion of the provincial minister.84 The third (and initially the least important) of the early Franciscan degree studia was found in Cambridge. Cambridge University was a fairly young institution when the Franciscan friars arrived there in 1225; having come into being in 1209, as a result of the dispersion of the teachers from Oxford University.85 Between 1225 and 1238, the friars first occupied half of a house that once belonged to a Jew 81 LITTLE, 1938, 205-209. The 1340 Assisi general chapter, for instance, permitted the province of St. Francis to send one student to Oxford ‘de debito.’ Furthermore, on the basis of a letter allowing an Irish student to take up residence as a student de ‘debito’ in the early fifteenth century, A.G. Little suggests that at least the neighbouring order provinces would have received the right to send students ‘de debito’ to Oxford. LITTLE, 1930, 267-268. He infers that this right went back as far as the late thirteenth century, and he also suggests that nearly all order provinces could send a student ‘de gratia.’ The latter would explain the presence of many non-English resident students at the Oxford studium in the course of the fifteenth century. See on such rights also the chapter regulations of Rome (1411) and Florence (1457). 82 In a letter from 1244 or 1250 the Oxford master Adam Marsh commends the student friars Hugo and Jordanus from the Upper Germany province to his superior William of Nottingham. Following the wish of the minister general, these students travelled to Oxford for their theological education: ‘Denique de mandato ministri generalis de provincia superioris Alemanniae, duos fratres, Hugonem et Jordanum, iuvenes benignos, idoneos, et bonae spei, ad vos ut in divinis proficiant eloquiis destinatos, attentius rogo provisiva benignitate suscipere, dirigere, promovere velitis in Domino.’ ADAM DE MARISCO, Epistolae, I, 314. 83 See LITTLE, 1938, 205-209. He mentions for instance Francesco de’Empoli, who came to Oxford to read the Sentences in the 1340s, Luigi Castiglione Aretino (in the 1350s?), and Guglielmo da Prato (1355). 84 LITTLE, 1943, 65. 85 MOORMAN, 1952, 1-8.

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named Benjamin (before his and other Jews’ expulsion from Cambridge). The other half of the building was used as a prison and, until 1238, gaolers, prisoners and Franciscan friars shared a common front entrance. Thereafter, the Friars Minor obtained the complete house with its adjoining buildings. In this somewhat humble setting, the friars were able to attract their first young postulants from the town and the university. From the late 1220s onwards, the Franciscan house had a lector to teach its convent population the basics of theology, and to provide instruction in additional preaching skills. None of the early lectors is known by name. The first known lecturer at the Franciscan school of Cambridge was Vincent of Coventry, who had studied theology at Oxford (probably without obtaining a degree) before his arrival in Cambridge, and later lectured in London (between 1236-1237). This was to become a pattern throughout the thirteenth century: no less than seven Cambridge lecturers, particularly between the regencies of Thomas of York (1259-1260) and Richard of Conington (1308-1310), had received their higher theological education at Oxford.86 After c. 1240, the Cambridge convent quickly rose in importance in the educational structure of the English province. Under the provincial minister William of Nottingham (1241-1254), the Franciscan school in Cambridge was elevated to the status of studium generale in the order. The fact that from the very beginning most of its regent lectors had studied in Oxford or Paris and frequently held university degrees testifies to its relative importance. Unlike the Oxford studium, however, the Franciscan school in Cambridge at that moment in time was only a studium generale within the Franciscan educational network, and therefore was not entitled to bestow degrees. A reason for this might have been that Cambridge University initially did not have a theology faculty. The formation of such a faculty probably took place shortly before the 1250s.87 Somewhere during the following decades, the Franciscan 86 THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum, ed. Little, 12ff, 58ff; LITTLE, 1943², 132-135; MOORMAN, 1952, 8-18, 94. Eccleston and these modern scholars provide a fairly complete listing of 74 Franciscan lectors until 1355. Moorman mentions five additional foreign lectors for the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Cf. LEADER, 1988, 51ff. 87 LEADER, 1988, 33 argues that the Cambridge theology faculty ‘could well date from the first decades after 1209.’ Yet not much is known about the activities of such a faculty prior to the second half of the thirteenth century.

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studium would have become attached to this new body. The late thirteenth-century university disputations found in Manuscript 158 of the Biblioteca Comunale of Assisi (in particular ff. 76-83) provide evidence for the active participation of the Franciscan friars in the faculty’s academic exercises and ceremonies.88 The inclusion of the Franciscan study house in the theology faculty would have enhanced the status of the Cambridge school in the overall studia network, a fact reflected in the building of a new convent with a separate school house or auditorium in the 1260s and 1270s (on the site now occupied by Sidney Sussex College). Throughout the Middle Ages (until the dispersion of the mendicants by Henry VIII after 1538), the auditorium housed the Franciscan university chair of theology. Both the auditorium and the convent church were further used for a variety of university ceremonies.89 Facilitated by the new building and the enhanced status of the studium generale, both convent and school grew significantly. Whereas the Cambridge friary probably housed 20 to 25 friars around 1240 and as many as 30 friars by 1277, numbers increased to 70 in 1290, a number that was reached again in 1325.90 This made the Franciscan house of Cambridge the third largest convent in the English province, behind Oxford and London. 91 In 1318, Pope John XXII finally conferred to the university of Cambridge and its theology faculty all the rights and privileges of a universal studium generale. Henceforth, Cambridge university degrees equalled those of Paris and Oxford with regard to teaching opportunities.92 The Franciscan studium itself profited from this privilege, to the extent that it was able to develop into a fully-fledged degree school. This development was accentuated by the 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII, which repeatedly mention Cambridge, Paris, and Oxford as the three most important Franciscan schools of theology within Europe, and declare that once in every three years a friar from either Italy or another continental province could be sent to the Cambridge studium to lecture as

LITTLE & PELSTER, 1934, 105-114; MOORMAN, 1952, 34-35. LEADER, 1988, 51-52; MOORMAN, 1947, 289-303; MOORMAN, 1952, 9-39, 54. 90 Overall, the numbers would have varied between 55 and 70 in the early fourteenth century. LITTLE, 1943², 138; MOORMAN, 1952, 78. For fifteenth century figures, see Ibidem, 120. 91 MOORMAN, 1952, 14-15, 64, 78. 92 MOORMAN, 1952, 94; RASHDALL, 1936, III, 283-284. 88 89

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baccalaureus sententiarum.93 Thus, the Cambridge studium had received a universal status within the Franciscan order, comparable to that of Oxford. This certainly stimulated a continuous influx of Franciscan lectorate and degree students, also in comparison with the number of other students at the Cambridge theology faculty.94 Nevertheless, at least until the mid-fourteenth century, the Franciscan study house in Cambridge remained more provincial than its more prestigious Oxford and Paris counterparts, deriving a relatively large number of its students and teachers from the English province (and the Norfolk custody in particular).95 Thereafter, and in particular during the fifteenth century, the Cambridge studium began to equal and even to outshine its Oxford counterpart.96 By the turn of the fourteenth century, the order had three studia generalia attached to a university. These studia provided non-degree and degree programs for an international body of Franciscan students. This would have enabled friars from many different provinces to follow a thorough education in theology, sometimes with the possibility of attaining the baccalaureate or the magisterium. However, notwithstanding general chapter regulations allowing provinces to send students ‘de debito’ and ‘de gratia’ to these studia generalia, the Franciscan schools at Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge drew primarily from the English, French, and Italian provinces. This was even more CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 346. Clark and Little argue that there is evidence to suggest that throughout the fourteenth century this decree was more or less observed. LITTLE, 1938, 207; CLARK, 1987, 8. The surviving list of Franciscan masters in Cambridge mentions for instance the ‘foreigners’ Giovanni da Casale, Giovanni di Penne, Pedro d’Aragon and Roger of Sicily. See also MOORMAN, 1952, 81-81, 94, 99-102. In 1457, the general chapter of Florence declared that all order provinces were allowed to send lectorate students to the English province (to Oxford and Cambridge, and other studia of the same province). LITTLE, 1926, 818-819. 94 Leader holds that of the 1136 known friars who absolved their university degree education at Cambridge, no less than 344 were Franciscan friars (compared to 281 Dominicans, 225 Carmelites, 224 Augustinians). LEADER, 1988. 95 Apparently, sixteen of the first 46 Franciscan masters at Cambridge came from the Norfolk custody. LITTLE, 1943², 12-14. Nevertheless, both Oxford and Cambridge did attract a fair number of foreign students (esp. for their non-degree programs). See MOORMAN, 1947, 289-303. For the regulation of the number of students to be send to Cambridge (and Oxford) from England and from the other provinces, see also the chapter of Florence of 1457. 96 Cambridge flourished, whereas Oxford suffered a comparative eclipse. Friars from abroad may have regarded the late medieval university of Oxford as a bulwark of Wycliffite and Lollard agitation. MOORMAN, 1952, 79, 112-113; RASHDALL, 1936, III, 285. 93

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true for the select group of friars able to enter the degree program. The Parisian regulation that once every three years a degree candidate had to be chosen from the French province, as well as the even more limiting regulations for Oxford and Cambridge regarding the acceptance of foreign students for the degree program, ensured that most bachelors and masters of theology came from England, France and Italy, and that these regions delivered the majority of high order officials.97 Aside from these degree schools, the thirteenth century saw the emergence of a series of other studia generalia and comparable provincial centres for the study of theology. There, students could receive advanced theological instruction, even though they could not earn a universally acknowledged university degree in such ‘secondary’ centres of learning. This development is testified by the constitutions drawn up between 1260 and 1336, which stressed the necessity to establish studia generalia in each and every Franciscan province.98 These regulations followed developments that were already well under way. In the core provinces of the Franciscan order an array of provincial studia generalia (at least thirteen) came into existence well before the beginning of the fourteenth century. Several of these schools were, in fact, very early foundations, and soon obtained a more or less general status. Among these were Bologna (which actually was the first studium generale within the order, dating from 1220/ 1223)99, Padua (established before or in 1231)100, Florence (after 1228)101, Perugia, Assisi, Toulouse and Montpellier (c. 1225-7)102, Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 66-67; COURTENAY, 1988, 87. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 327f, 346-349; COURTENAY, 1988, 82-84. 99 See, aside from the section devoted to Bologna in this study, in particular LOMBARDI, 1982, 797-819; PIANA, 1963; PIANA, 1966; PIANA, 1970 and, for the later period also PERGAMO, 1934, 3-61. 100 The Franciscan convent in Padua received a school of theology as early as 1227-1230. Antonio di Padova taught at Padua in 1231, as can be inferred from BARTHOLOMAEUS DE PISA, De Conformitate, 540. Cf. LOMBARDI, 1982, 818. The school seems to have received a general status in the mid-thirteenth century, and became a degree studium in 1363. BROTTO & ZONTA, 1922, 146-153. 101 Cf. PIANA, 1977. 102 LOMBARDI, 1982, 817. The Franciscan school in Toulouse was already a studium generale during the later thirteenth century, to which students could only go after at least two years of theological study at the custodial level: ‘Et mittendi Tholosam, studeant primo in aliis studiis theologie duobus annis, nisi ex causa evidenti sufficientia contingeret dispensari’, STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 97 98

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Cologne (between c. 1230-1248),103 Dijon (1246),104 Magdeburg (1228), and later Regensburg, Strasbourg and Erfurt,105 as well as the studium near the curia (Rome (c. 1250), and later Avignon).106 Whereas in Northern France and England the hegemonic position of Paris, Oxford and Cambridge made the difference between degree-schools, 474; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 367. The existing university of Toulouse might already have had a theology faculty of some sort in or after 1229. Yet if so, the faculty did not function properly. In practice there was no real universitary theology degree program leading to the master’s title with the ius ubique docendi. Most higher theological education took place in the schools of the mendicants. The final association of the local Dominican and Franciscan studia with the university of Toulouse to form a viable theological faculty did not take place before the early decades of the fourteenth century. Cf. VICAIRE, 1970, 170. On the early history of the Franciscan studium in Montpellier, see AMARGIER, 1978, 42. 103 The Friars arrived in Cologne in 1221 or 1222, as can be read in JORDANUS DE GIANO, Chronica, 28, although some traditions have it start in 1220. Soon thereafter there seems to have been a school, certainly after c. 1248, when the friars substantially extended their convent with a new church. By the end of the thirteenth century, shortly before Duns Scotus arrived as lector, the Cologne studium already had a general status. LAMPEN, 1930, 467-487. 104 FELDER, 1904, 240; BARONE, 1978, 218. Already in 1245-1246 the schools of the Friars Preachers and Friars Minor in Dijon received far-reaching privileges from Innocent IV, comparable to the privileges of the university of Paris. The Franciscan school in Bologna received such privileges in 1249. 105 The first lector of Magdeburg was friar Simon Anglicus, who had entered the order in Paris, and had been custos of Normandy before he was sent to lead the German province in 1227 by the minister general Giovanni Parenti. In 1228, Simon was asked to lead the newly erected minorite school in Magdeburg, where he arrived with additional preachers and theologians like Marquard von Aschlaffenberg, Marquard von Mainz, and Konrad von Worms. When Simon suddenly died in June 1230, the minister general Giovanni Parenti chose Bartholomaeus Anglicus as his successor. At that moment, Bartholomaeus was giving cursory lectures on the Bible to Franciscan lectorate students in Paris. Under the leadership of Bartholomaeus, Magdeburg developed into the most important higher study house of the Friars Minor in Germany. It was in Magdeburg that Bartholomaeus Anglicus finished his De Proprietatibus Rerum. Later, Magdeburg lost its predominance to Regensburg. On Magdeburg, Regensburg, Erfurt and neighbouring studia see for instance DOELLE, 1908, 65-96; MEIER, 1930, 157-202; MEIER, 1933, 261ff; MEIER, 1958, passim; FELDER, 1904, 245ff. 106 It is necessary to make a distinction between the Franciscan studium near the curia and the papal curia studium that developed into a studium generale with degree privileges shortly before 1312. A series of Franciscans taught at the papal curia studium (as so-called lectores sacri palatii), both before and after its transformation into a degree school. Aside from this papal curia school, the Friars Minor had their own studium in Rome (and/or Avignon), situated in the vicinity of the papal curia. By the fifteenth century, this Franciscan order studium had evolved into a studium generale. Its regent master usually was called the lector-regens curiae romanae. However, sometimes sources do not differentiate between these teachers and those working for the papal curia studium, calling them both lectores sacri palatii. Cf. CREYTENS, 1942, 5-83.

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non-degree studia generalia and more locally oriented (custodial) schools of theology (studia particularia) rather distinctive, several provincial studia generalia in Southern France and the German lands, as well as some schools on the Italian peninsula almost from the outset obtained interprovincial prestige (notably those of Toulouse and Bologna).107 The ‘non degree’ status of these schools derived not so much from their inferior curriculum, but was due to the absence of a public chair of theology attached to a university. Reasons for this varied: because there was no university in the neighbourhood, because the neighbouring university did not have a theology faculty, or because the Franciscan school in question was not able or willing to align itself with such an existing local institution. These provincial Franciscan study centres predominantly accepted advanced theology students from the custodies within their province, the reason why many sources refer to them as provincial schools. 108 Yet many of them also accepted students from abroad (although not necessarily from all provinces).109 Several of these provincial studia generalia theologiae thereby reached a de facto general status from the mid-thirteenth century onwards, whereas other provincial studia generalia or sollemnia reached such an elevated general status over a longer period, if at all. The surviving regulations confirm this. The general chapter of Milan (1285) points out that the provinces of Dacia, Austria, Cologne, Touraine, France, Strasbourg, Castile, St. James (Compostella), and St. Francis could each send one student to the studium generale of Toulouse.110 In 1340, Toulouse shared this international renown with a range of other Franciscan studia generalia, such as Salamanca, Bologna, Florence, Venice, Milan, Genoa, Pisa, and Lisbon. These were the studia to which the province of St. Francis according to the General Chapter of 1340 was entitled to send students ‘de debito.’111 Cf. ASZTALOS, 1992, 414, 417. The provincial chapter regulations give information with regard to the distribution of candidates from the various custodies of the province, who were to be send out for higher learning at studia generalia. Cf. BRLEK, 1942, 59. 109 Cf. COURTENAY, 1988, 82-84. 110 STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 474. 111 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1340), 256. In this list also figures the studium of Oxford, which does suggest that within the order itself the studium of Oxford did not rank much higher than the most prestigious non-degree schools. FELDER, 1904, 326f; BRLEK, 1942, 40-41. In 1381, the leadership of the order added Angers and Dijon to this list. Cf. PIANA, 1970, 50*, note 1. 107 108

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They also are among the larger group of non-degree studia generalia alluded to in the 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII. Furthermore, these studia generalia had the right to receive students ‘de gratia’. The actual number of students ‘de gratia’ that could be sent to these studia had to be decided by the general chapter, on the basis of the capacities of the convents in which these studia were situated.112 Moreover, as early as 1257 the mendicant orders obtained a papal privilege ensuring that friars who had followed the lectorate course at such a non-degree studium generale received the licentia docendi in all other mendicant non-degree higher theological schools.113 Especially in the German lands, where universities were absent until the midfourteenth century, this heightened the prestige of the higher nondegree theological schools of the mendicants. Unlike their Dominican contemporaries, Franciscan friars from the German provinces, exceptions notwithstanding, were unlikely to pursue higher learning in Paris, Oxford or Cambridge: ‘...as the careers of Berthold of Regensburg and David of Augsburg reveal, German Franciscans were sent to a studium generale ordinis in Germany. Initially this was Magdeburg, followed soon by Cologne and eventually by Strasbourg. When theological study outside Germany was sought, the Franciscan convent at the university of Bologna was chosen, even before the establishment of a theological faculty in 1364.’114 The Franciscan studia generalia in the German lands, like those of other mendicant orders, not only provided higher education for their own students, but also offered important theological training to the secular clergy. This would have led to a general transmission of ‘mendicant’ theology to the clergy at large. 115 The same was true in 112 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351. Concerning the reception of students ‘de gratia’ in these non-degree studia generalia, these ordinations indicate that: ‘Numerus autem studentium de gratia recipiendorum in singulis conventibus studia generalia habentibus taxetur in capitulo generali secundum statum et conditionem conventum eorumdem, ultra quem numerum nullum recipere teneantur.’ 113 Cf. BERG, 1986, 422-3. The bull Exultante Spiritu (28 March 1257) states: ‘…concedimus ut singuli fratres de ordine vestro, quos secundum constitutiones ipsius ordinis conventibus vestris deputandos duxeritis in lectores, sine cuiusque alterius licentia libere in dominibus praedicti ordinis legere ac docere valeant in theologica facultate (illis locis exceptis in quibus viget studium generale).’ BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, II, 208b, n. 317. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES ( -1239), 54. This privilege was re-iterated in 1265. 114 COURTENAY, 1988, 88. 115 BERG, 1986, 423.

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many other regions where the mendicant presence was strong (as certainly was the case in Italy, Southern France, and England). We therefore should not make too strong a distinction between these provincial and interprovincial studia generalia theologiae and ‘secondary’ studia generalia with degree possibilities like Cambridge. In any event, the great majority of friars attending one of the acknowledged degree schools was not pursuing an actual degree, but was engaged in a lectorate course, much like their fellow friars in Toulouse, Bologna, Salamanca, Cologne, and elsewhere. As is shown above, the ‘general’ status of these theology schools varied, and did not necessarily stay the same over the course of time. Several of these schools began as theological schools for their own custody, while others were more or less immediately granted the status of studia sollemnia theologiae for the students of their own province. The more prestigious schools from early on attracted students from further abroad. To a certain extent, this was promoted by the leadership at the provincial and general levels, in order to alleviate the pressure on Paris, and to battle the costs of sending students abroad to far away studia. Another important factor was the personal acquaintance between masters and their former pupils, who had been sent abroad during the rapid expansion of the order. Friars educated in core provinces at schools in Bologna, Florence, or Strasbourg, and who thereafter were sent further abroad (to the Eastern German lands, Poland, the Baltic, Reconquista Spain, or the Middle East) would have been inclined to send their own trainees back to their original study house for further training. The growing number of ‘general’ studia that were able to attract students from abroad,116 as well as the fluid development from a 116 The general chapter of 1411 stipulated that the province of Strasbourg was entitled to send students to Oxford, Cambridge, Erfurt, Orléans, Esztergom, Vienna, Pisa, Cologne, Rome and Assisi. The provinces of Cologne, Aragon, Castile, St. James, Saxony, England, Hungary, Burgundy, Rome, and St. Francis were entitled to send students ‘de debito’ to Strasbourg. See Analecta Franciscana II, 242. With regard to the studia generalia that did not bestow degrees, the following description of Lorenzo di Fonzo is interesting: ‘Erano praticamente Studi interprovinciali o meglio internazionali, in cui l’ensegnamento ‘superiore’, più vasto pure che negli Studi Provinciali [many of which can be identified with Courtenay’s custodial schools], e tutta la ‘ratio studiorum’ si svolgeva come negli Studi Universitari, con lezioni, dispute e altri esercizi scolastici, salvo la durata minore di corsi stessi. Non si potevano tuttavia conseguire i gradi accademici, sebbene il tirocinio dei Lettori ivi fatto valesse per proseguire il corso accademico negli Studi Universitari per il conseguimento del magistero da parte dei medesimi Lettori.’ FONZO, 1944, 173.

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regional to a more general centre of theological studies, indicate how erroneous it is to see the Franciscan study network as a rigid system. Depending on the circumstances, several studia within a province could each acquire a more general status. The provincial constitutions of Tuscany (1362), for instance, mention three studia principalia in the Tuscan province, namely Florence, Siena, and Pisa. To these provincial schools (which by that date would have evolved into degree schools) each of the seven custodies could send one student ‘de debito.’117 Some of these studia would have been designated as provincial studia generalia nearly from the very beginning (as seems to have been the case with Bologna, Toulouse, and Florence). They would attract students from all custodies of their own provinces, as well as from neighbouring provinces. Others would have started out as prestigious convent schools or as custodial schools of theology that gradually attracted students from other areas due to the reputation of their lectors, or the vicinity of other study opportunities (as was the case with Erfurt, where Franciscan students could take part in the public courses of canon law in the town). This flexibility of the study network makes it difficult to pin down the exact number of studia generalia at a given moment in time, or to evaluate their respective weight in the overall network of Franciscan theological schools. Nevertheless, historians dealing with the emergence of the Franciscan school network have tried to list Franciscan studia generalia during the later medieval period on the basis of statutes, university charters and chronicles.118 The most encompassing lists made thus far, by Lorenzo di Fonzo, present no less than 50 studia that in the course of the later medieval period (with or without a period during which they had a custodial or provincial status) and according to 117 ‘unum studentem de debito, et ipsi [namely those three studia] teneantur eum retinere per obedientiam salutarem.’ MEMORIALI, 40; 326-328; 331-333. 118 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 366; BRLEK, 1942, 42-43. Brlek comes with the following list of ‘real’ studia generalia: Bologna, Toulouse, Cologne, the curia studium, Rome, Milan, Padua, Florence, Lisbon, Roskilde, Barletta, Siena, Erfurt, Greifswald, Heidelberg, Prague, Valencia. At first, these study houses did not confer degrees. From the fourteenth century onwards, several of them would be inserted in faculties of theology, making it possible to offer degree courses. D’Alatri comes up with the following studia generalia (of theology) in Italy: Bologna (already before 1250), Assisi (1285), Milan (1307), Rome, Florence, and Padua (around 1310), Siena, Venice, Genoa, Perugia, Naples, Barletta, Asti, Pisa, Rimini, and Todi. ALATRI, 1978, 66-67. Many of them first and foremost seem to have been custodial or provincial schools, sometimes with some ‘general’ traits, in that they sometimes attracted students from abroad (predominantly from neighbouring provinces).

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official regulations attained the status of studium generale for the order.119 Further research, however, reveals that at the end of the fifteenth century more than 100 Franciscan theological schools had a general status of some kind, indicating that they regularly received students from outside their own province.120 Several of these general schools for the study of theology obtained the right to offer both a lectorate and a degree program, namely when these schools became attached to an existing or newly established local university. This happened, for instance, to the Franciscan schools in Coïmbra and Toulouse at the beginning of the fourteenth century (in 1309 and 1313 respectively).121 Hence, the general chapter of Bologna (1313) listed the studium of Toulouse as a place where Franciscan students from various provinces could obtain academic degrees; and after 1365, when Pope Urban V gave the University of Toulouse the same academic privileges as Paris, the international renown of this Franciscan degree school would have risen significantly.122 Many other studia generalia, however, did not receive the right to confer academic degrees throughout the Middle Ages. As a rule, both types of studia generalia were open to friars and secular clerics alike. The latter probably would have been paying students.123 From the second half of the fourteenth century onwards it became the deliberate policy of both the (Roman) Pope and the order to associate existing mendicant studia (important custodial schools and 119 FONZO, 1944, 173-174; TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 519, 534f. These 50 were the studia that between 1467 and 1488 were officially mentioned as places were students from other provinces could be sent ‘de debito.’ The tabulae of 1467 and 1488 mention 45 and 56 studia generalia respectively. However, the number of 56 studia in 1488 includes 6 general schools for the study of philosophy. For the difficulties in assessing the actual level of a Franciscan studium, see F. Rotolo’s attempts to pinpoint the status of the studium of Palermo in the fourteenth and the fifteenth century. ROTOLO, 1995, 19ff, 28-33. 120 TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 519f. Many of these additional general schools would have been custodial or provincial schools with some interprovincial prestige. Di Fonzo estimates that in 1467 no less than 1318 new students were assigned to the various studia generalia (these included candidates for the lectorate program as well as candidates for the degree program), which amounts to 25-50 students for each province. Ibidem, 524-525. As the information in these tabulae does not seem to be complete such calculations do not seem very dependable. 121 LUCAS WADDING, Annales Minorum, ad an. 1365, n. 7; Analecta Franciscana, II, 199; Analecta Franciscana, III, 560. Cf. BRLEK, 1942, 45. 122 Analecta Franciscana, III, 468; D. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraphicus, III, 74; SMITH, 1958. 123 BRLEK, 1942, 45-46; LITTLE, 1892, 36, n. 9.

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those theological schools that de facto or de jure already had a general status) with emerging or existing local universities. The degree graduates of these theological schools thereby obtained the licentia ubique docendi (not only at Franciscan schools, but also at other universities). Although the incentive to incorporate mendicant studia generalia into local universities already had lead to the attachment of the Franciscan studia in Toulouse and Coïmbra to the respective theological faculties in the same towns, the real watershed occurred with the foundation of the university of Prague in 1347-1348, replete with a theology faculty.124 From that moment, and in particular after 1378, Europe saw a rapid proliferation of new universities endowed with theology faculties in areas that lacked universities beforehand, as well as the establishment of theology faculties in many existing universities (predominantly in Spain and Italy, where many universities were thirteenth, and sometimes even twelve-century foundations, but where theology faculties sometimes were lacking until the later fourteenth century).125 This development, which broke the virtual monopoly of Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge, was no doubt facilitated by the policy of Roman pontiffs to diminish the influence of Paris, which became pro-Avignon in 1386.126 In Northern Europe, many new universities immediately received theology faculties to which the already existing mendicant theological schools were associated. A good example of this is Cologne, where the existing Franciscan studium became attached to the faculty of theology in 1389. In these universities, as in Paris, regular and secular masters made up the body of theology professors. In the South, particularly in Italy, Southern France and Spain, the situation was differ124 At the faculty of the recently founded university of Dublin, Pope John XXII reserved two chairs for the Franciscans (1320). Emperor Charles IV erected two Franciscan chairs of theology for the university of Prague in 1348. Already in 1245, Franciscan friars held chairs of theology at the newly erected studium generale of the Roman curia. FELDER, 1904, 326ff; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 365-6. 125 See on this in general RASHDALL, 1936, II, esp. 1-113; FRANK, 1992, 20ff; SEIBT, 406-426; VERGER, 43-66; MIETHKE, 1977, 240ff; SCHUBERT, 1978, 13-74. 126 In the North, many new centres did benefit from the exodus of (predominantly German) scholars from Paris in 1386, when the university turned pro-Clementine (Clement VII) and the supporters of Pope Urban VI had to leave. The universities of Vienna (where we find scholars such as Heinrich von Langenstein and Heinrich Totting von Oyta), Heidelberg (where Konrad von Gelnhausen and Marsilius von Inghen were active), and Cologne were all foundations of Urban. Erfurt was one of the few universities established by the Avignon Pope Clement in 1379. ASZTALOS, 1992, 435-436.

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ent. There, from the outset theology had more or less been abandoned to the mendicants. Existing universities traditionally focused on the arts, law and medicine. When these universities finally obtained a theology faculty, the regent lectors of the various mendicant schools (which continued to be separate entities as well) occupied nearly all of the university theology chairs, practically constituting the entire theological faculty. This happened for example in Bologna (after 1360),127 Padua (1363),128 Pavia (1363),129 Florence (1364), Perugia (1371), Montpellier (1421), Salamanca (1411), Parma (c. 1450), and probably also in Naples (c. 1302).130 Occasionally it is not very clear when the transition from a nondegree studium generale to a studium with degree options took place. For instance, it is not precisely known when the prestigious Franciscan school at Erfurt was able to associate itself with the theology faculty of Erfurt university, even though the university body itself came into existence between 1378 and 1392.131 The same holds for Cologne The university of Bologna did not have a faculty of theology until 1362. When the faculty was erected, it consisted in fact of the studia of the mendicant friars. As such, these were public schools of theology, replete with papal privileges. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 362; BRLEK, 1942, 45. It is unknown to what extent the friars were involved in the teaching of canon law, which was a big subject in the Bologna university to begin with. Like in many other ‘newly erected’ theology faculties of other Italian universities, the theology faculty of Bologna was and remained dominated by the mendicants. In Bologna only 24 of the 447 known masters of theology between 1364 and 1500 were secular. All the other magistri theologiae were regulars (many of whom mendicant friars). RASHDALL, 1936, I, 252. In fact, theology more and more was left to the mendicants altogether. Secular schools of theology became rare from the later fourteenth century onwards (in Southern France and Italy, that is). See VERGER, 1978, 203. 128 The Franciscan school in Padua became a degree school when the studium was incorporated in the local theology faculty in 1363. In 1373 the degree status of the Padua studium was officially approved by the general chapter of Toulouse (together with the degree status of Florence, Bologna and Perugia). CONSTITUTIONES TOLOSANENSES (1373), 174b, n. 13. See on the literary culture and the scholarly activities in the later medieval Franciscan friary and studium in Padua, SARTORI, 1966; MARANGON, 1997³; MARANGON, 19974. 129 The theology faculty of Pavia was founded in 1361 by emperor Charles IV, and received papal confirmation in 1389 by Boniface IX. Cf. VACCARI, 1957², passim. 130 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 364; ALATRI, 1978, 67; VERGER, 1978, 179-194. L. di Fonzo remarks in this context that the studia of the various religious orders were ‘…sezione distinte e come corpi ‘costitutivi’ (in Italia) o ‘associati’ (all’estero) della “Facoltà di teologia” delle pubbliche Università…’ FONZO, 1995, 177. 131 The 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII indicate that the Franciscan custodial school at Erfurt had gained in significance. Between that moment in time and its association with Erfurt university the Franciscan school at Erfurt gradually received the status of a studium generale for the order. After the juridical founding acts of 1378127

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(which appears as a studium generale with degree possibilities in 13881389), Heidelberg, Greifswald, and Ferrara. Heidelberg witnessed the founding of its university in 1386. Its constitutions were drawn up in the Franciscan convent.132 Greifswald university was erected in 1456 and in the later fifteenth century several Franciscan lectors are named in relation to it. Yet the question remains as to whether the Franciscan studia generalia of Heidelberg and Greifswald were actually incorporated from the very beginning.133 The same uncertainty exists with regard to the Franciscan school situation in and near Ferrara after 1292. In that year, the Friars Minor received a large testamentary bequest from Obizzo II d’Este, lord of Ferrara, for the construction of a large convent outside Rovigo. The new convent should have a studium generale to which each Cismontan Franciscan province could send one student. This Franciscan school would hereby have become one of the most important study houses in the Emilia province, ranking next to or slightly below Bologna.134 Aside from the study house near Rovigo, the Franciscans also had a study house in Ferrara itself. Yet these Franciscan institutions apparently were not involved with the official erection of the University of Ferrara (replete with a theology faculty) almost a century later (in 1391) by means of a papal 1379 and 1389 the university of Erfurt actually started in May 1392. Meier suggests that the Franciscan school at Erfurt became officially involved in the universitary degree program before 1395, during the regency of the Franciscan lector Johannes von Minden. MEIER, 1958, 12-15. The constitutions of Toulouse (1437) do not mention Erfurt as a place where Franciscan friars could go up for a master’s degree, yet Meier comes up with several friars who actually received a master’s degree at Erfurt before that date. During the 1420s Erfurt housed the leading Scotist theologian and anti-Observant polemicist Matthias Doering, who also had studied in Oxford. Cf. CATTO, 1992, 177-178. 132 In Heidelberg the Franciscans had a studium generale when, on 18 October 1386, the university of Heidelberg was erected. As the university did not yet have any buildings of its own, they enacted the ceremonial inauguration of the university in the mendicant convents. The choice of the first rector (Marsilius von Inghen) took place in the Augustinian monastery. The statutes of the university and the so-called ‘Matrikelbuch’ were confirmed in the Franciscan convent on 22 November 1386. Repeatedly thereafter, the rectors of the university were chosen in the Minorite friary. Likewise some university courses at first sometimes were held within the confines of the Franciscan convent. This only changed when Heidelberg university obtained buildings ‘of its own’ after the expulsion of the Jews from Heidelberg in 1391. STÖCKERL, 1926, 315-316. 133 Cf. NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, I, 285; MEIER, 1930, 57-94; 157-202; 333362; BRLEK, 1942, 46. Werner Vermann was the first magister regens of Greifswald in 1456, when the studium was incorporated into the new university. MEIER, 1958, 27. 134 BURR, 1989, 14.

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privilege. The first documents mentioning Franciscan masters and Franciscan members of the theology faculty date only from 1437.135 Even where formalised ties between local universities and mendicant studia did not exist from the outset, it was possible to maintain relations of a different kind. During the period that a Franciscan study house itself did not provide a course pro forma et gradu, Franciscan students and mature friars would occasionally visit the local university for specific lectures and could even obtain a university degree under a non-Franciscan master. Sources attest to this phenomenon occurring in Leipzig, Rostock, Frankfurt a.M., Louvain and Wittenberg.136 The internal studium or the convent as a whole could be closely involved with the university community in other ways as well.137 Even a non-aligned studium generale could attract university students for specific lectures. More frequently, the university used the mendicant convents and their churches for official meetings and for religious services beneficial to the university community. This was of course natural for convents with official ties with a faculty. But at Ferrara the convent apparently provided a venue for courses by professors and bachelors of the law faculty, as well as for solemn university elections during a period in which the convent did not seem to have official ties with the university.138 Particularly in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, Franciscan friars could also be enlisted as teachers at faculties other than that of theology.139 Indeed, from the thirteenth century onwards PIANA, 1968, 114, 116; PIANA, 1970, 34* & 393-396. Cf. also PARDI, 1901, passim. 136 STÖCKERL, 1926, 316f; MEIER, 1930, 472. In Louvain a theology faculty was present in 1432 and the Franciscan studium (which formed part of the Cologne province) was aligned with it in 1447, together with other mendicant studia. Apparently, Franciscan friars repeatedly matriculated in the theology faculty before the Franciscan studium was officially attached to it. Baetens for instance points to the matriculation of Heinrich von Bocholt in 1433. BAETENS, 1987, 97-98. 137 FRANK, 1992, 19: ‘Wenn auch zwischen den Mendikantenstudia und den lokalen Universitäten keine rechtlich-institutionellen Verbindungen bestanden, so gab es dennoch verschiedene formelle und informelle Kontakte zwischen beiden studia und ihren Angehörigen. So waren die Bettelordenskirchen und -konvente oft Orte akademischer Veranstaltungen.’ 138 At least, that seems to follow from the information provided by PIANA, 1968, 115. Several deceased university teachers were also buried in the Franciscan convent. 139 See in general on these practices PAPINI, 1933-34, passim; FONZO, 1944, 176; CICCARELLI, 1987, 183. The Florentine Franciscan bachelor Giovanni d’Ariminio was appointed teacher of natural philosophy at the arts faculty of Florence in 1439. 135

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it was not uncommon for lectors at Franciscan schools and for other Franciscan graduates or degree students to teach in other main urban colleges, nearby episcopal schools, collegiate churches and monasteries.140 During the later fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries several attempts were made to regulate study-related traffic and to keep in check the number of friars that could pursue a master degree; not in the least to uphold the significance of the master degree. The statutes of Toulouse (1373) very drastically tried to limit the number of degree schools, by excluding most Italian centres of learning.141 The early fifteenth century statutes of Forli (1421) were more lenient, stating that henceforth students from North of the Alps could only read the Sentences pro cursu magisterii at Paris, Oxford, Toulouse, and Cambridge. Cisalpine students were restricted to the Franciscan curia school in Rome, and to Bologna, Padua, and Perugia.142 The Cf. PIANA, 1977, 35, 89. Several Franciscan friars were enlisted as teachers in the arts faculty of Ferrara during the fifteenth century (for instance: Giovanni di Ferrara between 1441-50; Giovanni Riparolio de Piemonte in 1448; Francesco da Mozzanica in 1481, and Bernardino de Treviso in 1493). See for these and other Franciscan teachers in the arts faculty PIANA, 1968, 115-116. Franciscan outside teachers were required by the order to collect their fees. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 36, n. 9. In Florence, Pavia, Pisa, Perugia and Siena, Franciscan friars sometimes were paid lectors of the university studium generale as such: to provide supplementary courses in moral philosophy and theology to finishing students in other faculties. In the early sixteenth century, Sebastian Münster, who had entered the Observant wing of the order in 1503, became Professor of Hebrew at the arts faculty of Heidelberg (namely in 1524, before his transfer to Lutheranism in 1529). STÖCKERL, 1926, 318. 140 For nearly forty years, between 1275 and 1314, a succession of Franciscan lecturers taught theology to the monks of the Cathedral church of Canterbury. The first Franciscan lecturer there was William of Everel. LITTLE, 1892, 66; COTTON, 1924, 34-36. Between 1499 and 1503, King’s College Cambridge paid a Franciscan doctor of theology for ‘internal’ lectures on Scotus. LEADER, 1988, 182. See for more information on such practices in England LITTLE, 1943, 65-66. The Franciscan master Giacomo de Tederischis was regent of the studium in the Bolognese Benedictine monastery of St. Stephen in 1380. PERGAMO, 1934, 22f. The tabulae studiorum of 1467 and 1488 further indicate the presence of fifteen Franciscan bachelors who taught the Sentences as part of their degree courses (either pro exercitio or pro cursu) in various non-Franciscan colleges and schools in Bologna, Ferrara, Florence, Padua, Turin, and Caen. TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 521. 141 ‘Ne multiplicatio nimia magistrorum gradum magisterii venire faciat in contemptum, tenore presentium ordinamus, ut de cetero in nulla Universitate Italica Frater aliquis nostri Ordinis legere possit Sententias pro magisterio consequendo, aut in eis vel in aliqua earum secundum cursum eiusdem Ordinis magistrari, praeterquam videlicet Universitatibus Florentina, Bononiensi, Paduana, Perusina, hoc potissime prohibentes.’ CONSTITUZIONI INEDITE, 174. Cf. BRLEK, 1942, 46. 142 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 364-5; BRLEK, 1942, 46.

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increasing number of studia that were incorporated in newly established theology faculties made it difficult to uphold these restrictions. At the 1437 chapter of Toulouse, sixteen studia generalia (all of which were associated with or incorporated into theology faculties) were selected as places where Franciscan students could study for a master degree. In Italy, these were the studia of Rome (the Franciscan curia studium), Bologna, Padua, Perugia, Florence, Naples, Genoa, ‘et alio in loco [Italico] a Ministro generali determinando’ (probably Siena). Outside Italy, the studia of Paris, Oxford, Cambridge, Toulouse, Salamanca, Lérida, Cologne,143 and Montpellier were chosen.144 A further degree studium was admitted in the chapter regulations of 1467 and 1488, namely Lisbon (Lund, which in and after 1438 is mentioned as a degree school, disappears in later listings). This brought the number of official Franciscan degree schools between 1467 and 1488 to a total of seventeen.145 Yet this list of seventeen does not 143 CONSTITUTIONES TOLOSANENSES (1437), 562.The university of Cologne was established in 1388-1389 along the lines of Paris, and the Franciscan studium received one of its theology chairs. The rector of the university, who had to be chosen every three months, could not be a regular cleric, yet the election of rectors took place in the convent of each of the regular schools attached to the university in turn. The rector election on 8 October (St. Dionysius) normally took place in the Franciscan convent. It was also in the Franciscan convent that the charters with the university privileges were kept. Likewise, the ‘refectorium major’ of the Franciscan convent was the location where on 6 December 1392 the statutes of the university were presented, and where on 20 and 23 March 1398 the statutes of the law faculty and the arts faculty were approved. For the period between 1393 and 1538 Lampen mentions the names of at least 24 Franciscan regent masters, several of whom had obtained their master’s degrees at the same university. The most famous of them is Heinrich von Werl (regens between 1430 and 1461). Lampen mentions an additional 19 friars who were admitted to higher degrees (the bachelor’s or master’s degrees). Cf LAMPEN, 1930, 467-485. 144 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 364-365; BRLEK, 1942, 46. 145 FONZO, 1944, 174 suggests that around 1450 the order had 18 provincial studia theologiae that received friars from their own province alone, 23 non-degree studia generalia, and 16 studia universitaria that could bestow degrees. For the studia listings in the Tavole Capitolari of Florence (1467) and Cremona (1488), compiled respectively by the ministers Francesco della Rovere and Francesco Sansone, see SBARALEA (19081936), III, 322-325 and TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 503-578. According to the tabulae of 1467 and 1488, the seventeen official degree schools for the study of theology were found in the provinces of Genoa (Genoa), St. Anthony (Padua), Bologna (Bologna), Tuscany (Florence and/or Siena), St. Francis or Umbria (Perugia), Rome (Rome), Terra Laboris (Naples), France (Paris), Aquitaine (Toulouse), Provence or St. Louis (Montpellier), Aragon (Lérida), Santiago or St. James (Salamanca), Portugal (Lisbon), Cologne (Cologne), Dacia (Uppsalà and/or Lund), and England (Oxford and Cambridge). It seems that some of the acknowledged studia generalia were more international than others. During the later fifteenth century, the following studia

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match the number of Franciscan studia generalia with official ties to a local university, i.e. schools were in actual fact Franciscan friars and other students obtained higher degrees. In 1488, the total number of such schools was at least thirty five.146 It seems that late fifteenth century regulations did not fully reflect existing practices, but were unsuccessful attempts to control the learning process from above. 147 The studium of Ferrara, for instance, is not mentioned among the official studia pro cursu et gradu in the 1437 statutes, nor in the 1467 and 1488 tabulae. Nevertheless, the Ferrara studium seems to have produced Franciscan masters of theology at least as early as 1453. 148 The same holds for a range of other Franciscan study houses.149 The Franciscan leadership seemed to accept that in these study houses generalia theologiae were entitled to receive (lectorate) students from all order provinces: the studia of Assisi, Todi, Paris, Rome, Oxford, Cambridge and the other major English studia generalia (such as London and Norwich), Salamanca, Lisbon, Nantes, Bidegavense, Barletta, and Fano. FONZO, 1944, 175, n. 7. By that time, the studium of Rome mentioned in these matters was the Studium SS. Apostolorum, as in 1444 the Aracoeli convent and studium had gone over to the Observants. The Conventuals then transferred their studium generale in Rome to the new convent near the Basilica dei XII Apostoli. 146 These 35 studia generalia associated with or incorporated in local universities were Genoa, Turin, Padua, Bologna, Ferrara, Florence, Siena, Pisa, Perugia, Rome, Naples, Paris, Angers, Toulouse, Montpellier, Avignon, Lérida, Salamanca, Lisbon, Heidelberg, Frankfurt a.M., Freiburg in Breisgau, Cologne, Trier, Erfurt, Rostock, Greifswald, Leipzig, Lund (a studium generale from 1438 onwards), Uppsalà, Prague, Vienna, Oxford, Cambridge, and Dublin. TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 535. Cf. RASMUSSEN, 1998, 15. 147 The attempts to control the number of degree schools were not solely dependent upon Franciscan initiatives. At Parma, for instance, the university was repeatedly closed, due to financial problems and the almost permanent opposition of the Visconti family. When, all the setbacks notwithstanding, a true theology degree program began to take shape after the mid-fifteenth century, a program in which the local Franciscan studium must have participated, neighbouring universities started to conspire against it. Friars from various orders, who had completed their baccalaureate work at the universities of Bologna, Padua, and Ferrara, apparently took the magisterium at the university of Parma for its better conditions and cheaper fees. The forementioned universities appealed to the Pope, who eventually (in 1476) enticed the minister general of the Franciscan order, Francesco Sansone, to forbid Franciscan friars to accept a master degree from Parma university. This rule may have been in force between 1476 and 1490. PIANA, 1963, 310-325. It did not, however, stop the regent lectors of the Franciscan studium in Parma from participating in the Collegium Theologiae Facultatis, and from repeatedly filling the office of dean of the theology faculty. Ibidem, 325-331. 148 PIANA, 1968, 117. 149 Such as Turin, Pisa, Trier, Erfurt, Rostock, Greifswald, Leipzig, Freiburg i.Br., Lund, Uppsalà, Prague, Vienna, Avignon, Heidelberg, Frankfurt a.M., Angers, and Dublin.

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Franciscan bachelors could work towards a higher degree, notwithstanding the fact that these studia were not counted among the order’s official degree schools.150 The proliferation of degree schools was instrumental for the relative decrease in importance of Paris as the pre-eminent studium generale of the order. Throughout the fourteenth century, it remained fashionable for lectors to finish their studies with a baccalaureate and/or a magisterium at Paris, prior to their appointment as leading lector at one of the other important Franciscan studia generalia.151 Yet the proliferation of universities where students could obtain degrees, as well as the alignment of many mendicant studia to these newly established bodies, caused increasing regionalisation. This facilitated the emergence of local doctrinal schools of thought and a notable decline in the international character of the student population at individual universities.152 It also resulted in the diminution of Franciscan students at certain studia generalia (such as Cologne and Erfurt). These schools could no longer attract the same number of students from abroad, as they faced competition from study centres with degree opportunities in other provinces. In some cases, accepting more external non-Franciscan students might have stopped the decline. Some exemplary cases: Bologna, Florence, and Naples Di Fonzo’s listing of 50 or more studia generalia for the late medieval period shows that most provinces of the Franciscan order were 150 In the German provinces, there was much circulation of degree students. Johan Bremer, who appears in the sources as lector secundarius in Leipzig in 1420, matriculated at Leipzig university to read the Sentences pro gradu. In 1427, he matriculated at the university of Erfurt, to fulfill his post-sentential obligations. There he received the doctor title in 1429, to become ordinarius at Rostock university in 1434. See for more information MEIER, 1928, 161-162. 151 PIANA, 1970, 43*; FONZO, 1944, 175, n. 7. Paris remained very popular as a study destination for friars from the Bolognese province. See PIANA, 1970. 38* for information on several friars who went from the Bolognese province to Paris. 152 Franciscan studia associated with German universities did have an international pull, but derived the majority of their students from the German areas. Thus Cologne, which traditionally was a provincial study house for North-West Germany, had a particular appeal to students from its custodies in the Low Countries. LAMPEN, 1930, 472-3 & 483 mentions several Franciscan students from Holland, Groningen and Gelderland (a.o. Wyardus van Groningen (d. 1472), Jacob van Amersfoort, Cornelis van Deventer, Willem Hoygelant, Gerard Groyt van Delft, Hendrik Stoerman van Groningen and Johannes Henrici van Zutphen).

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equipped over time with one or more of these centres of higher learning. The direct primary sources are not overwhelmingly rich for many of these centres. While statutes of such study houses are repeatedly referred to in other sources, such documents do not seem to survive. For studia generalia that did not develop into degree schools, more often than not we are dependent on accidental references in chronicles, city archives, and administrative materials pertaining to the management of towns, churches and individual convents. A painstaking survey of such sources, complemented with a careful scrutiny of the many surviving Franciscan manuscripts containing information about Franciscan transcription and/or ownership, no doubt would increase our knowledge regarding such non-degree centres of learning. Studia generalia that over time were incorporated into or associated with local universities have left a larger trail of documentary evidence, if only because the university statutes and the university matriculation books shed additional light on the associated mendicant schools. Here we will briefly sketch some major developments with regards to the Franciscan study houses of Bologna, Florence, and Naples. The Friars Minor came to Bologna as early as 1211, and the establishment of a Minorite friary in this town was soon followed by several other foundations in neighbouring urban centres.153 The history of the Bologna study house goes back as far as 1219-1220, when Pietro Giovanni Strachia, doctor in law and provincial minister, had an ample study house built and started courses in (predominantly) canon law and theology. According to the Franciscan hagiographic tradition, Francesco d’Assisi harshly condemned this initiative, first and foremost because Strachia did not consult his superiors beforehand, because he engaged into the study of law, and did not take heed of the Franciscan poverty rules in the building process of his study house.154 Shortly thereafter, however (in 1222), Francesco adIn 1211, Francesco sent Bernardo de Quintavalle to Bologna. Shortly thereafter, Caesarius von Speyer already found several Minorite establishments in the region. CHRONICA XXIV GENERALIA, III, 36f; JORDANUS DE GIANO, Chronica, no. 119. 154 THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Secunda S. Francisci, 166; ANGELUS CLARENUS, Historia Septem Tribulationum, ed. Ghinato, 46; ACTUS BEATI FRANCISCI ET SOCIORUM EIUS, ed. Sabatier, 183f; D. GUBERNATIS A SOSPITELLO, Orbis Seraphicus, I, 99. For an extensive treatment of the condemnation of this provincial, see FELDER, 1904, 123-131. Pietro Giovanni Strachia may have had the support of cardinal Ugolino. When Francesco wanted to destroy the new building altogether, the cardinal-protector declared it to be his property, after which Francesco apparently consented to its use by the friars. 153

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dressed more than once the students and masters of the University of Bologna, acknowledging the fruitfulness of science as long as it was undertaken in the right spirit; a sign that Francesco did not condemn the Bolognese study atmosphere altogether. As a result of these addresses and the example given by the life of the Franciscan friars in Bologna, several law teachers and law students entered the order. 155 To provide these promising new members with additional theological training, Francesco found them a teacher. According to many sources he asked for this position the learned friar and acclaimed preacher Antonio di Padova. Antonio would have taught these Franciscan friars as well as local secular clergymen in S. Maria della Pugliola, outside the town gates (1223-1224).156 Apparently, this was not a very convenient place, so in 1236 the friars transferred their studium to their new convent (S. Francesco di Piazza Malphigi), which contained separate study quarters.157 There, the school expanded FELDER, 1904, 129-130. FELDER, 1904, 131 rightfully remarks that Antonio was not the only available friar with the right theological credentials. The recent influx of learned scholars would have given Francesco some choice in the matter, even though at that moment in time many of the learned Italian friars would have been more versed in canon law than in theology. Antonio, who had entered the order in 1220 and already was a renowned preacher and theologian when he started to teach the Franciscan friars, taught in Bologna between 1223-1224. Thereafter he was active as Franciscan lector in Montpellier and Toulouse between 1225-1227. The letter with which Francesco invited Antonio to teach his friars, and which since ESSER, 1949, 135-151 is almost generally accepted as being authentic, has survived in several versions. The bestknown versions are found in the Avignon Compilation edited in SABATIER, 1903, 76; the CHRONICA XXIV GENERALIUM, Analecta Franciscana, III, 132; NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, Analecta Franciscana, II, 34; RUDOLF DE TASSIGNANO, Historiarum Seraphicae Religionis Libri Tres (Venice, 1586), f. 78r-v; and LUCAS WADDING, Annales Minorum, II, 57 (ad. annum 1222, no. 33). For a presentation of these various versions and additional information on Francesco’s views on learning and Antonio’s teachings, see aside from FELDER, 1904, 58-96 also MESINI, 1956, 2-25, ABATE, 1947, 265-294, and in particular LOMBARDI, 1982, 797-818. An almost verbatim copy of Lombardi’s article was published as a new article by ZAVALLONI, 1995, 287-305. Abate probably is right to see Francesco’s letter not so much as an initial invitation but rather as a confirmation of Antonio’s teaching position at the convent S. Maria della Pugliola, outside Bologna, where he taught both friars and secular priests. In this early period, Antonio would have needed first and foremost the approval of the bishop of Bologna. Only later privileges would emancipate Franciscan study houses from such episcopal control. 157 FELDER, 1904, 149; PIANA, 1970, 11*-12*; LOMBARDI, 1982, 809f. These authors provide additional information about the involvement of the Bolognese urban authorities and Pope Gregory IX in the transfer of the friars to this new spot. Building started as soon as 1235, to continue until 1260. 155 156

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under subsequent lectors such as Haymo of Faversham (lector between 1233 and 1238)158, Tommaso da Pavia (lector between 1240 and 1258),159 and Giovanni Buralli da Parma (lector before 1247).160 The Bolognese studium was a public school from its inception, open to the secular clergy of the diocese, as well as to the friars. By the 1240s, it had obtained a general status of some kind. This can be inferred from a 1249 papal bull directed to the provincial minister Rufino Gorgoni da Piacenza, which granted the alumni of the nondegree Bologna studium many of the same privileges as comparable students in Paris.161 This would imply that by then the Bolognese study house of the Friars Minor had evolved into a studium where friars as well as other clerics could complete a lectorate course. From early on, the Franciscan studium of Bologna had an important place in Northern Italy. By the mid-thirteenth century, the studium probably was allowed to accept students from all Italian provinces, and possibly from some French provinces as well.162 The privilege to accept students from all Italian provinces was in any case officially confirmed in the early fourteenth century.163 As such, the 158 Haymo, who entered the order in Paris after studying theology, was lector in Tours prior to his Bologna appointment. Later he lectured in Padua (before his election to the position of minister general). THOMAS DE ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Anglam, 35; PIANA, 1970, 3-4. 159 Tommaso lectured in Bologna after long travels in the German lands and after holding a teaching post in Parma. He subsequently taught in Ferrara. Cf. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, 429-430; LONGPRÉ, 1923, 3-33; PÉANO, 1991, 867-868. 160 After studies in Paris, Giovanni taught in Naples and Bologna, where he stayed only for a short period (already in 1247 he became minister general). SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 551; PIANA, 1970, 4. 161 CF. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 529. Secular priests attending the studium therefore received dispensation from residing in the area where they had their benefice. As we have seen above, this privilege was extended to all Franciscan non-degree studia generalia in 1257, further enabling the Minorite schools to develop their public character. 162 That Bologna was able to accept students from different provinces can be inferred from the angry remarks addressed by provincial minister Rufino Gorgoni to Salimbene in 1249, when he encountered the latter in Lyon instead of Paris: ‘Ego te misi in Franciam, ut studeres pro provincia mea, et tu ivisti ad conventum Ianuensem, ut habitares ibi? Noveris quod valde habeo pro malo, quia pro honore provinciae studentes de aliis provinciis facio venire Bononiam.’ SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 322. The remarks themselves show that Bologna did accept students from other provinces. The presence of Rufino in Lyon might imply that he was inviting students from those areas as well. 163 COURTENAY, 1988, 84. Letters from the minister general Michele da Cesena (c. 1320) indicate that the Bologna studium held a predominant place in the Italian provinces, from which it drew the majority of its outside students (that is students

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Bolognese study house delivered many of the lectors that taught in other Italian Franciscan houses. Until the later fourteenth century, the Bolognese studium had not the same renown as the great studia generalia of Paris and Oxford, which accepted students from all provinces and were also able to provide a selected group of students with higher degrees. Yet it is interesting to note that Bologna from the very beginning attracted German friars, a phenomenon that would continue until the closing decades of the fifteenth century.164 During that century, the Bolognese Franciscan studium seems to have housed on average 70 students.165 Although Bologna could boast to have the oldest university in Europe, it was not granted the privilege of opening a faculty of theology until 1360, by means of a papal bull. In July 1364, the faculty was finally inaugurated. Its core was formed by the existing mendicant studia: those of the Dominicans, the Augustinians, the Franciscans, and the Servites of St. Mary. They filled most of the faculty chairs of theology, and their regent and non-regent masters formed the core of the Collegium Facultatis Theologiae, which was responsible for the proper proceeding of the graduate program and the accompanying public solemnities. The masters chose from their midst the dean of the theology faculty, a function that circulated every three months among the members of the Collegium. Hence the theology faculty was periodically headed by a Franciscan friar. Aside from the Collegio di Spagna, the secular clergy had a limited role in the activities of the theology faculty. In Bologna, only 24 of the 447 known masters of theology between 1364 and 1500 were secular clerics. All the other magistri theologiae were regulars, most of whom from other provinces than the Bolognese province): ‘de sollemni lectore nostro generali Studio bononiensi, quod ex causis diversis inter Italiae Studia singulari solemnitate praepollet.’ FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA, 145-146 (no. 7). See also FELDER, 1904, 149-159. Around 1300, the teaching staff of the Bolognese theology studium would have consisted of a lector and a baccalaureus or secundarius. In 1312, these were lector Pierre d’Auriole and bachelor Thomas de Storlitis. After around 1350, and probably much earlier, the studium also housed a lector bibliae, a magister studentium and a magister studii. PIANA, 1970, 48* and 9f. 164 Bologna remained an important studium generale for German friars and for friars from the Saxon province in particular, witness the presence in Bologna of later Erfurt theologians like Jakob Adam von Breslau (c. 1460) and Heinrich Kun (who promoted in Bologna to the doctorate in 1486 and later became regent master in Erfurt). MEIER, 1958; PIANA, 1970, 12*ff. 165 Cf. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, n.s. III, 64.

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were mendicant friars.166 Seculars tended to be far more prominent in the faculties of law. Not all (new) masters of the Franciscan studium automatically became members of the Collegium, which was a costly procedure. This included a substantial fee (20 Bolognese soldi), an obligatory feast meal, and new clothes for all the other members. The privilege of adopting a full faculty member eventually depended on the decision of the Collegium (which also safeguarded a certain equilibrium in the number of masters from the various religious orders). Regent lectors who wanted to present new candidates for the degree program and to act with full authority in other university matters, needed to be full members of this governing body. In the period before 1506, at least 33 Franciscan masters were members of the Collegium, including the prolific author and prominent Scotist John of Anglia (John Foxal). 167 Again thanks predominantly to the labours of Piana, we also do have a great deal of information concerning the Franciscan school in Florence. After a decade of residing in the hospice of St. Gallo, the Franciscan friars moved to the site of the present St. Croce convent in the 1220s (the first official act in which the St. Croce convent is mentioned dates from 1228). Shortly after moving to this new site, the convent would have housed a school, although the names of its first lectors are unknown. The pastoral and literary careers of thirteenth century Minorite preachers and authors such as Caro da Firenze and Servasanto da Faenza suggest a thriving intellectual community. The first lector mentioned by name is Giacomo del Mugello (1284). Shortly thereafter, the Florentine study house was lead by the famous theologian and biblical scholar Pietro di Giovanni Olivi (1287),168 under whose direction Ubertino da Casale apparently

RASHDALL, 1936, I, 252. Most of this information is derived from PIANA, 1963, 4-5, 13ff, 39-43, 258-274 (deans), 276-281 (listing of Franciscan members of the Collegium), 303ff (listing of friars who received their master’s degrees in Bologna); PIANA, 1966, 306ff (additions to the list of deans and masters); PIANA, 1970, passim (which provides an almost complete list of Franciscan lectors before 1364 and of regent masters from 1364 onwards). In the fifteenth century, the importance of Bologna as studium generale was reconfirmed by Martin V and Pius II. Cf. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, VII, 525b; BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, n.s. II, 556a; PIANA, 1970, 13*. On Foxal see ETZKORN, 1989, 17-24. 168 Pietro di Giovanni Olivi was invited to this position by the Franciscan general minister Matteo d’Acquasparta, shortly after Olivi was cleared from advertising heretical doctrines. See on the persecution of Olivi in general BURR, 1976. 166 167

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followed a lectorate course.169 Between 1299 and 1300, we find as lector Giacomo de Tresantis (whose abbreviated Sentences commentary might be an indication of actual teaching practices). 170 Somewhat later, between 1310-1311, the prolific author Guglielmo Sarzani di Genoa held the St. Croce lectorate position.171 The 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII suggest that, by then, Florence together with Bologna and Padua belonged to the group of studia ‘quae in Ordine dicuntur generalia.’172 According to a statement by Ubertino da Casale, Florence was already counted as a studium generale ‘quoad Ordinem nostrum’173 during Olivi’s lectorate. Further supporting evidence is provided by the regulations of the general chapter of Padua (1310), which stated that students from the province of Milan were allowed to go to Florence for their lectorate course.174 By 1340, the province of St. Francis was also allowed to send students ‘de debito’ to Florence.175 Later in the fourteenth century (by 1379), the studium of Florence had become a studium generale for no less than nineteen provinces.176 In 1467, further six provinces were added to this list.177 Sometime after 1349, when Florence obtained a theology faculty (where Franciscan friars received master degrees from at least 1364 onwards), the Franciscan studium was included among the study houses of the order where friars could pursue 169 At that moment in time, the study house already had two theology teachers. KILMER, MARMURSZTEJN & PIRON, 1998, 39. 170 CENCI, 1993. 171 See in general PIANA, 1977, 62ff. For a further list of lectors up till the late fifteenth century, see Ibidem, 62-109. 172 CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 327f, 349. 173 EHRLE, 1886, II, 389. Cf. PIANA, 1977, 62-63. 174 Just as that province could send students to Oxford, Montpellier, Padua and Rome. MEMORIALI (1933), 316. 175 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1340), 256. 176 Namely the Roman province, and the provinces of St. Francis, the March of Ancona, Genoa, Bologna, Milan, Slavonia, St. Anthony, Cologne, Saxony, Bohemia, Strasbourg, Austria, Hungary, Dacia, France, Aragon, Terra Laboris and the Holy Land. 177 Namely the provinces of Apulia, Sicily, St. Bernardine, Dalmatia, Burgundy and Calabria. See the statutes of Esztergom (1379) and Florence (1467). D. GUBERNATIS A SOSPITELLO, Orbis Seraphicus, III, 76b; SBARALEA (1908-1936), III, 322b; PIANA, 1977, 64. Cf. also TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 515. Calabria did already figure in a listing of 1373, but was left out in the listing of 1379. This might indicate that such assignments were regularly re-evalued at general chapter meetings. It might also indicate that it was not deemed necessary to mention all provinces that had received such rights at earlier occasions.

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the complete degree program. This was officially confirmed at the general chapter of Toulouse (1437), where Florence figured among the sixteen centres chosen for higher degree courses.178 The Florentine university or studium generale, established by papal privilege in 1349 and confirmed by imperial privilege in 1364, appointed its own lectors ‘to read theology in the schools of the Florentine studium’ for a set time period (eight months, a year, or longer), in return for a financial remuneration. Several Franciscan doctors of theology functioned in this way as paid lectors of the Florentine university studium generale. There, they taught (moral) philosophy and theology, or were hired ‘ad lecturam Dantis.’179 The same arrangement was found with less frequency at other late medieval Italian universities, like Pavia, Pisa, Perugia, Parma,180 and Siena (where, in 1420, the town hired the Franciscan master Angelo Salvetti to teach theology and ‘philosophia moralis’ for 50 florins). Piana remarks that this kind of paid lectorate ‘…non fosse considerato come propria attività della Facoltà teologica, ma piuttosto come insegnamento complementare nella Facoltà di Arti.’ 181 In other words: these Franciscan (and other) theologians were providing additional courses in moral philosophy and theology to advanced students of the arts faculty, probably seculars who needed an immersion course before they could start an ecclesiastical career, or move on to the study of canon law. Such intermittent teaching activities by Franciscan theologians for the Florentine university studium generale were, in principle, independent from the degree theology program offered by the Florentine theology Faculty (and also from the still existing lectorate courses at the mendicant studia). The courses offered in the degree program of the theology faculty were the responsibility of the faculty’s regent masters, the majority of whom would have been the lectores principales of the various mendicant studia. The Florentine mendicant studia were CONSTITUTIONES TOLOSANENSES (1437), 562. Piana mentions several Franciscans in such university posts. Among others he lists Francesco d’Empoli (1359), Luigi Castiglione Aretino (1364), and Gabriele da Volterra (1365). PIANA, 1977, 24ff. The lectures on Dante’s Comedia would have amounted to courses in moral theology, Cf. PIANA, 1977, 36, 133, 249. 180 In 1448, Giovanni da Tivoli, a graduate from Bologna (where he obtained a bachelor’s degree in 1436), is mentioned as the first paid lecturer of ‘sacra theologia et moralia’ at Parma university. PIANA, 1963, 324. 181 PIANA, 1977, 32. 178 179

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associated with the theology faculty, and most of their leading lectors were members of the faculty Collegium. The mendicant regent masters and the subordinate mendicant bachelors were responsible for most of the higher theological education at the University of Florence.182 The Franciscan friars arrived in Naples before 1230. Shortly thereafter, in 1234, they received the Basilica S. Lorenzo as a gift from the bishop and the cathedral chapter of Aversa. This basilica was reconstructed between 1280 and 1300. At the same time a spacious convent was built. Between the later thirteenth and late fifteenth centuries it housed on average more than 60 friars. The history of the Franciscan studium of Naples has been clarified enormously by Pio Ianelli, who has devoted a complete monograph to the history of Franciscan learning in Naples until the mid-nineteenth century.183 His work demonstrates that a substantial studium was established before 1240, in spite of the difficulties between the friars and emperor Frederick II. The Franciscan study house would have reached a general status in the second half of the thirteenth century, when (after 1266) it profited from the patronage of the new Anjou dynasty. The first known lector of the Franciscan studium was Giovanni Buralli da Parma (lector between 1240 and 1245), the later minister general.184 From 1302 onwards, the ‘rex praedicans’ Robert of Anjou granted the studium an annual subsidy. By then, it was a public school attached to the newly founded Neapolitan theology faculty.185 182 PIANA, 1977, 34-60. On the participation of Franciscan friars in the Collegium Facultatis, the number of Franciscan deans and vice-deans, see Ibidem, 132 and 284ff. Deans apparently were in charge for a whole year. The function circulated among the mendicant orders. For a listing of Franciscan bachelors between 1442 and 1507, see Ibidem, 435-437. See also GHERARDI, 1881, 287. 183 IANELLI, 1994. For the following I also have relied heavily upon FONZO, 1995, 174-188. 184 The sources do not allow one to provide a complete listing of Franciscan lectors for the medieval period, even though L. di Fonzo mentions several regent lectors up to the year 1482. From that moment onwards a more continuous listing is possible. See for that the work of Ianelli mentioned earlier. Interesting is the lectorate of the theologian and mathematician Luca Pacioli da Sansepolcro, who taught mathematics at the university of Naples in the closing years of the fifteenth century. 185 Frederick II had founded Naples university in 1224. The connection between the existing mendicant schools and this new institute needs further clarification. In the 1240s the relations between the mendicants and the emperor became rather strained. We do know, however, that Frederick asked the Franciscan friar Ruggero da Palermo to translate the Book of Sydrac. It seems feasible that during the reign of King Robert the Franciscan convent and its study house were deeply involved with the religious culture at the royal court. Robert not only sponsored the Franciscans

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Although the Franciscan study house in Naples was a studium generale within the order since the late thirteenth century and attached to the university of Naples in 1302, it is only mentioned as a degree school for the magisterium in the constitutions of Forlì (1421), Toulouse (1437), and in the tabulae studiorum of 1467. As the study house by then had been associated with the university for more than a century, it is likely that these various constitutions simply confirmed a wellestablished situation. By the end of the fifteenth century, the Franciscan studium of Naples was furthermore allowed to receive students for the lectorate and higher degrees from thirteen different provinces.186 The mendicant-secular controversy The history of the mendicant-secular controversy at the universities is part of a larger rivalry between the (mendicant) religious orders and the secular clergy, which ultimately resulted from a fundamental difference in opinion about the role of the regular clergy in the Church. Secular masters at the universities, as well as many other secular priests and bishops, objected to the active participation of regulars in the fields of public education and organised pastoral ministry. Secular spokesmen held that only the secular clergy had a truly apostolic ministry that reached back to the apostles. The regulars, on the contrary, whether they were monks or friars, had not been instituted for that purpose. On the contrary, seculars could argue that the regulars had originated as movements that fled the world, to fight the devil and to contemplate the Divine in solitude, far from the madding crowd. According to these secular spokesmen, it was the secular clergy that traditionally and legitimately engaged in pastoral care and public education, and in return was entitled to the tithes, prebends and other remunerations that enabled the clergy to fulfil its tasks.187 financially, but also acted as patron and maecenas for Franciscan intellectual endeavors. See on these matters in particular PRYDS, 1993; GHINATO, 1951, 57ff; ROEST, 1996, 277-280. 186 The Tabulae Studiorum of Francesco della Rovere (1467) mention the seven Italian provinces, and the provinces of St. James (Compostella, Spain), Castile, Bohemia, Hungary, Strasbourg and Provence. TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 516ff. 187 See on the difference between this ecclesiology of the secular masters and the more hierocratic views of the mendicants and the thirteenth-century papacy CONGAR, 1961, 35-155; KÖHN, 1976, 1-37.

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From this perspective, the efficacious pastoral ministry of the mendicant friars, their promotion of public schools, and their claim to mendicant chairs of theology at the universities was highly problematic. At first, many seculars were willing to acknowledge the necessity of mendicant initiatives in these fields, insofar as these initiatives had a supplementary character, supporting the secular priests and alleviating their burden. They began to raise their voice against intrusions upon their privileges, however, when mendicant pastoral and educative activities became more ambitious, backed by unflinching papal support. Hence the attempts to curtail mendicant preaching, confession and burial activities by many non-mendicant bishops, a topic to which I will return in my chapter on Franciscan preaching. At first, the mendicants were received quite cordially in the field of higher education. Mendicant schools helped to teach the secular clergy at the parochial and diocesan level, and seemed to provide the proper instruments to stem the spread of heresy. Soon, however, the apparent success of the mendicants in drawing university students and new postulants was bound to provoke some misgivings. Not only was the success of mendicant teaching a threat to the income of the secular masters (masters normally were paid by students attending their lectures), the mendicants also proved to be obstinately independent with regard to established university regulations. Mendicant schools were, after all, not simply a part of the universities to which they were officially attached. These mendicant schools formed part of much wider mendicant study networks with their own rules and objectives. Repeatedly, mendicant masters and students did not want to comply with measures proclaimed by the university authorities. Hereby they affronted a body that was zealous to maintain its independence and claimed authority with regard to its masters and students, whether they were members of international mendicant orders or not. These constituting factors that shaped the history of the mendicant-secular controversy at the universities can be traced in several academic institutions where mendicant friars became a prominent force and where they faced a body of secular masters of arts and theology eager to maintain their academic autonomy, their status, and their financial position. As mendicant prominence was not reached everywhere at the same time, and as secular masters did not everywhere interpret the mendicant presence at their university in the same way, the chronology and intensity of the mendicant-secular

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controversy differed from university to university. The controversy was most outspoken in the universities of Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge, where the mendicant friars in the course of the thirteenth century succeeded in obtaining chairs of theology and soon became redoubtable rivals to their secular colleagues, thanks to the quality of their teaching and the example of their evangelical stamina. Ample reason, therefore, to devote some attention to the development of the conflict in these three centres of learning. a. The controversy in Paris In Paris, initial misgivings about mendicant behaviour came to the fore in 1229-1331, when the Dominican masters refused to abide by a university strike, showing thereby their disrespect to the university body as a whole. At that moment in time, the Friars Minor did not yet have a university chair of theology and therefore did not pose a threat to the secular masters. It was the Dominicans who, therefore, took the brunt of secular discontent. The conflict ended in a compromise, but matters were soon to escalate again, leading up to a major showdown in the 1250s.188 Between c. 1230 and c. 1250 mendicant orders overtook several chairs of theology. At first only the Dominicans had theology chairs, thanks to the entrance into the order of the masters Roland de Cremona (1229) and John of St. Giles (1231). By 1253, however, other mendicant orders had followed suit. By then the regulars (mendicants and regular canons together) occupied the majority of chairs in the Parisian theology faculty. The seculars felt that the regulars were encroaching upon them. Not only did these regulars, and the mendicants in particular, attract many of the more promising students, therewith reducing the income of the remaining secular masters, they also limited the possibility for seculars to be promoted to the theology regency. Once a mendicant friar occupied a theology chair, the order to which he belonged ensured that this chair henceforth was not handed over to a secular master again; reserving the possibility of regency to candidates from their own order. In addition, the mendicants by the 1250s also offered a theology education pro188 See on the overall development of the secular-mendicant controversy in Paris SEPPELT, 1905, 197-241; SEPPELT, 1908, 73-139; BIERBAUM, 1920; HIRSCHENAUER, 1935, 221-236; DOUIE, 1954.

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gram in their (sub-) provincial study houses and non-degree studia generalia. Insofar as these schools were open to outsiders, this too began to be felt as an intrusion by secular masters. With these study centres, as well as with their university schools, the mendicants were taking students away from the secular masters, depriving them of income, and providing teaching opportunities almost exclusively to their own mendicant teachers, who could teach in all mendicant schools without any further university licence. There were several attempts to curtail mendicant influence. In 1250, the chancellor of the university no longer automatically granted the licence to teach to approved mendicant candidates for the magisterium. From henceforth, the mendicants explicitly had to ask for this licence with a formal petition.189 Shortly thereafter, the university tried to get rid of the second Dominican chair, arguing that a religious college should have no more than one school with one regent master.190 It was in 1253, however, that the relations between the mendicants and the seculars totally broke down. In that year, the university of Paris suspended its lectures in reaction to the maltreatment of four university students by the town authorities.191 To the outrage of most regent masters, the mendicants did not want to abide by the university suspension, and continued the lectures in their schools, just as the Dominicans had refused to stop teaching during the great dispersion of 1229-1230. When asked, the mendicants refused to swear allegiance to the university statutes that would entail their allegiance to the suspension. In April 1253, the university passed a statute that no master of any faculty should be admitted to the consortium magistrorum and that no candidate should be admitted into the degree program unless they had sworn allegiance and obedience to the statutes of the university, and promised to keep its secrets and to observe university cessations.192 When the friars refused to submit to this statute, they were expelled from the consortium and the university, and theology students were forbidden to attend mendicant lectures. In the mean time, mendicants began to be harassed in the streets by students who supported the secular cause. In reaction, the 189 Cf. RASHDALL, 1936, I, 376. In 1252, the secular masters took up the issue again. 190 CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, 226-227. 191 One of the students actually died in prison. 192 CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, 243.

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mendicant friars appealed to the Pope, who ordered the university to re-integrate the mendicant friars and to end the conflict.193 In the process of this conflict, the mendicant ranks began to split. The Franciscans, lead by the minister general Giovanni Buralli da Parma, were not keen to hide behind papal privileges, as that was not in agreement with Franciscan humility and simplicity. The Friars Minor therefore made a separate peace with the university. This apparently ended the expulsion of the Friars Minor de facto, yet formally the case was not settled until 1257.194 When, in February 1254, the secular masters presented their grievances against the mendicants in an open letter, they vilified the Dominicans in particular, accusing them of false machinations and slander in order to keep their two theology chairs and to force the seculars into retreat.195 Eager to end the conflict and not wholly unfavourable towards the seculars, Pope Innocent IV re-affirmed the inviolability of the Parisian university statutes in July and August 1254, and endorsed the right of the university to raise money for its proctor in Rome, Guillaume de St. Amour, who was to plea the secular cause before the curia.196 To further abate secular criticism, Innocent IV restricted mendicant preaching and mendicant burial and confession rights in the month of November of the same year.197 Yet Guillaume de St. Amour did not want to accept a half-hearted compromise. He thought the time right to undermine the mendicant presence at the university in a more fundamental way. He argued not only that the regulars had to leave the ministerium (the care of souls) and the magisterium (teaching) to the secular clergy, but also that mendicant life itself was counter to evangelical doctrine, and that the mendicant orders harboured heretical thought. For this allegation, Guillaume could point to the unlicensed publication of the Introductorius in Evangelium Aeternum by the Franciscan lectorate student Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino. In this work, Gherardo presented the mendicant orders as the new spiritual men announced in the prophetical writings of Gioacchino da Fiore. These spiritual men would take the place of the existing clergy and would teach a new 193

226.

194 195 196 197

CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, no. 219, no. 222, 223, 224, 225, Cf. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 299-300. CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, no. 230. CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, no. 237, 265. The papal bull Etsi Animarum of 21 November 1254.

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eternal Gospel, namely the writings of Gioacchino, that would replace the Bible in the coming third age of the Holy Spirit. For Guillaume de St. Amour, this avowedly heretical treatise of Franciscan origin proved the dangerous nature of mendicant life and thought. He was quick to expose the danger of such teachings in his Liber de Antichristo et Eius Ministris and extracted 31 doctrinal errors from Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino’s Introductorius, presenting them to the curia in order to obtain papal condemnation of the book and of the mendicant doctrinal and eschatological positions.198 Yet the new Pope Alexander IV was not inclined to condone all of Guillaume’s radical allegations. A strong believer in the importance of mendicant ministry and teaching, Pope Alexander IV revoked the bull Etsi Animarum of his predecessor in December 1254, and in April 1255 ordered the university of Paris to re-instate the mendicant professors in the university as full members of the consortium magistrorum. Furthermore, he forbade the university to pose limitations on the licensing of friars and the number of their regent masters.199 To settle the problem of the Introductorius in Evangelium Aeternum, the Pope gave the work in the hands of a special committee, who subsequently condemned the work in October 1255, without compromising the Franciscan order as such. The papal support for the mendicants was met by a further radicalisation of Guillaume de St. Amour and his fellow travellers. The secular masters did not want to give in. The most radical among them would rather dissolve the university altogether rather than to accept the papal decisions. Guillaume now launched a full-scale attack on mendicant life and thought in his Tractatus de Periculis Novissimorum Temporum (March 1256) and several other polemical works. These writings vilified the mendicants as instruments of Antichrist, who with their new way of life and heretical eschatological doctrines undermined the apostolic Church.200 DENIFLE, 1885, 49-142; BENZ, 1932, 415-455; TÖPFER, 1960, 156-163. Quasi Lignum Vitae, BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, II, 32-36; CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, 232-247. Cf. LEFF, 1975, 42. In practice, this meant that the friars could promote their own candidates to the magisterium with only token approbation of the university chancellor. 200 THOUZELLIER, 1927, 69-83; CLASEN, 1941, 80-95; GLORIEUX, 1957, 364-372; FLEMING, 1965, 132-138; DUFEIL, 1972. The secular cause was also voiced by nonacademic literary figures. Cf. RUTEBOEUF, Oeuvres complètes, I, passim, who devoted several poems to main issues of the secular-mendicant controversy (e.g. Li diz de l’Université de Paris; De sainte église; La descorde de l’Université et des Jacobins; Li 198 199

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With the publication of his Liber de Antichristo and the Tractatus, Guillaume clearly overplayed his hands. Mendicant spokesmen such as Tommaso d’Aquino and the Franciscan friars Thomas of York and Bonaventura were quick to denounce Guillaume de St. Amour’s own works as an attack on the Papacy and on genuine evangelical ideals.201 The Pope reacted with strong disciplinary measures against Guillaume and his fellow travellers Eudes de Douai, Nicolas de Bassur-Aube and Christian de Beauvais. He ordered them to be deprived of their benefices, he had them excommunicated and expelled from the body of university masters. The French king was asked to bring Guillaume into custody and to ensure that the other three were leaving Paris. Shortly thereafter, they were all summoned to appear before an ecclesiastical council to answer charges of defaming the mendicants. Guillaume’s writings were condemned, and Pope Alexander ordered the Tractatus de Periculis Novissimorum Temporum to be burned.202 With the removal of their ringleaders, the secular university masters of Paris were subdued. They submitted to the papal demands and accepted the installation of two new mendicant masters in the theology faculty in 1257, namely Tommaso d’Aquino for the Dominicans and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio for the Franciscans.203 After the installation of Tommaso and Bonaventura the conflict gradually abated. At regular intervals, core-issues of the secular-mendicant conflict re-emerged in classroom discussions, quodlibetal questions, and polemical statements.204 Yet the conflict did not result again into such an acute crisis. During the pontificate of Urban IV diz du Maître Guillaume de Saint-Amour) and also attacked the mendicant way of life and mendicant pastoral privileges (e.g. Les ordres de Paris; Renart le bestourné; L’estat du monde; Des Jacobins; La chanson des ordres; Des beguines; Li diz des Cordeliers; Li diz des règles; Du Pharisien; La bataille des vices contre les vertus; Les lections d’ypocrisie et d’umilité). 201 See for instance Contra Impugnantes Dei Cultum of Tommaso d’Aquino, the Manus quae contra Omnipotentem Extenditur of Thomas of York, and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Quaestiones Disputatae de Perfectione Evangelica. Cf. DOUIE, 1974, II, 585-612 (on the participation of Bonaventura in this conflict). 202 LEFF, 1975, 45. Guillaume was able to escape to his home region in the Franche-Comté, where he continued to fulminate against the mendicants, receiving support from partisans such as Gerard d’Abbéville and Nicolas de Liseux. Cf. CLASEN, 1938, 76-329; CLASEN, 1939, 89-200; TEETAERT, 1947, 347-387. 203 LEFF, 1975, 43. 204 See for instance the 1269-1272 discussions between Tommaso d’Aquino and the secular master Gerard d’Abbéville on the acceptance of boys in the religious orders, and Bonaventura’s defence of Franciscan mendicancy and teaching in De Tribus Quaestionibus.

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(1261-1264), who was inclined to favour the university and did not blindly support mendicant teaching and preaching privileges, the friars themselves became more cautious. By then, it had become common practice for secular students to study under secular masters. The Parisian schools of the friars gradually evolved into study houses for their own mendicant students only. With the relative decline of papal power in the closing decades of the thirteenth century, and with royal backing of university autonomy, the university as a body gradually strengthened its position. By 1318, the university was strong enough to ask from all its members an oath of full obedience to its statutes. The friars conceded without much demur.205 b. The controversy in Oxford Throughout the thirteenth century, the relationship between the mendicant and secular masters in Oxford and Cambridge was, on the whole, less strained than in Paris. In Oxford, the main area of conflict resided in the question as to whether mendicant masters could incept in the theology faculty without a master’s degree in the liberal arts. This question became urgent in 1253, when the university of Oxford officially re-asserted that new masters of theology previously should have been masters of arts. In February of that year, the Franciscans formally petitioned the chancellor and the masters of the university of Oxford to allow friar Thomas of York, ‘…a man of high repute among the great and the many, on account of the eminence of his character, ability, learning, and experience, to ascend the chair of ordinary regent in Holy Scripture.’206 Some secular masters objected, arguing that Thomas, in contrast with several previous (predominantly secular) regent masters of the Franciscan school, had not ruled in the arts prior to his theological studies. His admittance would contradict university regulations. 207 The problem was referred to a committee of seven masters, who concocted a compromise. It was declared that Thomas of York Cf. MURPHY, 1967, 196-197. Citation taken from LITTLE, 1892, 38. 207 ASZTALOS, 1992, 416 has pointed out that the 1253 regulation came after the Franciscan school had begun to push friars to become regent masters (after 1246), and apparently was becoming a serious rival to the schools of the secular masters. The contemporary problems in Paris also might have stirred emotions among the Oxford secular masters. 205 206

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should be allowed to incept and to rule, but that in the future only those who previously had ruled in the arts would be allowed to pursue a theology degree and to incept as master of theology, unless the body of masters and the chancellor would decide otherwise by special dispensation. Therewith, the succession of mendicant masters was at the mercy of the university. This compromise gained statutory force, notwithstanding the fact that the Franciscans, represented by the former Franciscan regent master Adam Marsh, refused to sign it. Yet neither party wanted a serious conflict. Throughout the later thirteenth century, the statute remained in force, but mendicant candidates for the magisterium normally received automatically the needed dispensation necessary to incept and to rule.208 At the end of the thirteenth century, due to belated echoes of the conflicts in Paris and stimulated by the papal bull Ad Fructus Iuberes (1281) of Martin IV, which gave the mendicants far-reaching pastoral privileges at the expense of secular control, the relations between the mendicants and seculars at Oxford lost some of their former cordiality. Serious conflicts flared up after 1303, between 1311 and 1314, and again after 1358. The seculars, exasperated by the growing mendicant domination of the theology faculty and by the mendicant success in recruiting young arts and theology students, accused the friars of stealing children and luring innocent youngsters into their folds, with and without parental consent. In 1303, the university therefore passed a statute forbidding the friars in Oxford to enlist candidates under eighteen. The same year, the university required that the friars performed their obligatory academic sermons in the Church of St. Mary, and no longer in their own churches. When the friars objected to these measures, the seculars responded by vetoing the acceptance of new mendicant masters, with recourse to the 1253 statute. As in Paris, the Dominicans were the most aggressive. They tried to get rid of the new obstacles and also of the 1253 statute, appealing first to the English King (1314), and thereafter to Pope John XXII (1317). The Franciscans apparently did not follow suit, unwilling to antagonise the university through litigation.209 208 LITTLE, 1892, 38f; FELDER, 1904, 298-300. Cf. ADAM DE MARISCO, Epistolae, ed. Brewer, 346-348. 209 LITTLE, 1892, 39; LEFF, 1975, 105-106. See on the acceptation of younger children and oblates in the Franciscan order also my section on the noviciate in chapter six.

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Once again, the controversy ended in a compromise. In 1314, arbitration did not lead to the demise of the 1253 statute, but every master of the faculty had to swear on the Gospels not to refuse (mendicant) candidates for the magisterium out of malice, hatred or rancour. In the context of this compromise, another decree was passed, determining in more detail the qualifications of those candidates for the baccalaureate and the magisterium who not previously had ruled in the arts. Such candidates had to prove to the university chancellor and the proctors, that they had been exposed to philosophy for eight and to theology for six years (partially as auditors, partially as lecturers). As these requirements concurred with the average preparation of Franciscan friars selected for the degree program, the Friars Minor were willing to accept them. The Dominicans finally had to submit to the compromise in 1320.210 For more than a century, the compromise was more or less maintained. After 1447, the friars apparently were able to secure its abolition, in return for a set fee of forty shilling for every mendicant inception candidate. 211 In the second half of the fourteenth century, in the aftermath of the Plague epidemics, mendicant recruiting practices became more aggressive. In the same period, there was a renewal of hostilities. The fiercest onslaught on mendicant life and learning came in and after 1356, when Richard FitzRalph, Archbishop of Armagh, previously fellow of Balliol College and chancellor of Oxford university, denounced the practice of mendicancy, the friars’ usurpation of pastoral rights, and their acceptance of young children. The latter practice would make parents afraid of sending their sons to university. The friars therefore were indirectly responsible for a decline in the number of secular students in every faculty, whereas the number of their own students and friars increased. Among the Franciscans, the mendicant cause was defended first and foremost by the London friar and theologian Roger of Conway, who in 1357 published his Defensio Religionis Mendicantium, a defence of Franciscan preaching, teaching and mendicancy.212 In the wake of these attacks by Richard FitzRalph, the university of Oxford once again (in 1358) passed a statute, forbidding the adLITTLE, 1892, 40-41. LITTLE, 1892, 41. He did not find much evidence to suggest that this new arrangement was actually carried out. 212 LAVERY, 1930; HAMMERICK, 1938. 210 211

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mission of boys under eighteen in the Oxford friaries. The friars appealed to the Pope and to the English King, this time with some success. In 1366, the statute was withdrawn, on the condition that the friars dropped all law suits against the university. The university itself, outraged by the mendicant opposition refused degrees to the friars in 1363, 1366, and apparently again in 1376, during a period in which it sought itself to obtain Royal support against mendicant recruitment policies.213 Eventually, the secular masters and bishops were somewhat successful, as in 1402 the King ordered that no friary was to admit an infant under fourteen years of age without the explicit consent of parents or other legal guardians.214 By then, the seculars and mendicants had found additional ammunition to act out their antagonism, namely the teachings of John Wyclif. Wyclif started out as a criticaster of mendicant abuses. Yet in the final phase of his literary career he broadened his criticism to a wide gamut of religious practices, calling into question the Church’s doctrine on the Eucharist, as well as the mendicant pastoral ministry. He accused the mendicants of usurping the theological and pastoral discourse. This lead him to attack mendicancy as such, the ways in which mendicant friars monopolised theological truth and the access to theological sources, as well as the mendicant exploitation of indulgences and confraternity letters in their role as pastoral middlemen. Wyclif’s ever more radical allegations brought about ever more vehement denunciations from his opponents, such as the Franciscan friar John Woodford. Between 1382 and 1392, both sides repeatedly tried to condemn members of the opposite party as heretics.215 The subsequent Lollard agitation, in which people under Wycliffite inspiration fought for more direct access to biblical truth through translation into the vernacular of the biblical text and the production of vernacular catechetical works (such as the Lollard Floretum), also brought about Franciscan reactions.216 The controversies around Wyclif and the Lollard agitation brought many old grievances against mendicant privileges and expansionist behaviour into the open. As the friars at that moment in Cf. LITTLE, 1938, 209. LITTLE, 1892, 81-85. 215 CATTO, 1992, 187ff. 216 Well-known is the 1401 Quaestio of the Friar Minor William Buttler, in which lay access to the Scriptures was denounced: the ‘feet’ and ‘hands’ of the Church should not aspire to do the work of the ‘eyes’. CATTO, 1992, 221-240. 213 214

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time were no longer able to enlist strong papal support, and as the English King tended to be even-handed in the conflict between mendicants and seculars, the mendicant position in Oxford remained very much under the constraints put up in and after 1314. On the whole, the friars were able to promote their own candidates to their own theology chairs. But as shown by the incidents in 1363 and 1366, the obligation to ask the university’s permission was not a dead letter. By the later fourteenth century, the Franciscan school in Oxford gradually lost much of its former prestige, and thereby also its threat to non-mendicant colleges. c. The controversy in Cambridge As Cambridge’s theological faculty took longer to take shape than those of Paris and Oxford, conflicts between mendicant theologians and their secular rivals were slower to evolve, coming to the fore in the early fourteenth century. In Cambridge, as elsewhere, the roots of the conflict went back to the mendicant successes in theological teaching, the sometimes aggressive ways in which they recruited young arts and theology students, their expansionist ministry and fund-raising activities, and their reluctance and sometimes outright refusal to fully submit to the corporate rules of the university while benefiting from its rights and prestige. The latter in particular was frowned upon by the secular masters. In their eyes, the friars wanted the benefits but not the burdens of academic participation.217 In Cambridge the conflict became serious when the regent masters of the Franciscan and Dominican schools refused to consent to the new university statutes drafted by the chancellor Stephen of Hasingfeld (1303). The mendicants first of all did not want to accept that henceforth matters of common interest to the university would be decided by the majority of all regent and non-regent masters, which in actual fact placed the legislative powers in the hands of the (more numerous) masters of arts, who were not always well-disposed to the friars. In addition, the friars did not like the new obligations to hold all inception sermons, as well as the sermons on the first Sunday of Advent, on Septuagesima Sunday, and on Ash Wednesday in other churches than those of their own convents.218 217 218

RASHDALL, 1936, I, 378-379; LEADER, 1988, 54. LITTLE, 1935, 687; LEADER, 1988, 55.

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The Franciscan and Dominican masters refused to accept the statutes and filed a protest with the papal curia. In turn, they were expelled from the university.219 Due to the death of Pope Benedict XI in July 1304 and the migration of the papal curia to Lyon and later to Bordeaux, the friars’ appeal suffered severe delay. This proved to be beneficial for the emergence of a more conciliatory atmosphere in Cambridge. When, in April 1306, the friars finally were able to appoint proctors to plea their case before the papal court, they already realised that arbitration might be a better way to proceed. Hence, they dropped the appeal and negotiated the appointment of an arbitrator, the Dominican cardinal Thomas of Jorz. The fact that the university of Cambridge was willing to accept such a mendicant peace-broker suggests that the university and its new chancellor Stephen of Segrave were also eager to come to an understanding. A final agreement was reached in the Minorite convent of Bordeaux, in June 1306. This agreement did not lead to the annulment of the problematical new statutes, but allowed for the insertion of amendments and explanations by which existing rights and privileges of the friars were safeguarded, including the right to preach academic sermons in their own churches. The expulsion of the friars was revoked, and by special privilege the next three candidates for inception of both orders were to be licensed by the chancellor without further examination and official consent of the other masters of the faculty. In return, the friars acknowledged the validity of all legal decisions of the university made during the conflict. 220 Peace remained intact until 1359, when, in the wake of the antimendicant campaign of FitzRalph, Cambridge followed Oxford in prohibiting the acceptance of young boys in the Cambridge mendicant houses. This prohibition was followed by additional restrictive measures, aimed to ensure that only one friar from each order could take a degree in a given year and that only one bachelor of each order at any given moment could read the Sentences pro gradu. Exceptions could only be granted with unanimous consent by the body of university masters. Once more, the mendicants appealed to the 219 It would seem that the other mendicant masters did not object to the new statutes. 220 LITTLE, 1935, 689-696, which also provides the Latin text of the final agreement, the Instrumentum de Concordia Facta inter Universitatem et Conventus Fratrum Predicatorum et Minorum Cantebrigensium.

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Pope, who in 1364 ordered the Archbishop of Canterbury to summon all parties and to have them revoke these recent anti-mendicant statutes. The case dragged on until 1366, when the issue was finally settled by King Edward III in Parliament. It was declared that all parties involved should behave courteously towards one another. The age limit on recruiting friars had to be repealed, and Cambridge university, like its Oxford counterpart was to refrain from passing anti-mendicant statutes without good cause. The friars, in return, should renounce all papal court decisions made in their favour during the dispute. The rule that each order only could present one candidate for the licentiate each year remained intact, but exemptions to this rule would be granted by grace. In addition, friars and monks continued to enjoy a limited exemption from inception and licentiate fees.221 From 1366 onwards, it was the English King and the Parliament and not the Pope who settled the disputes between the mendicants and the secular masters at the English universities, and would hold accountable all those who infringed upon Royal verdicts in these matters. Both in Oxford and Cambridge, this proved to be a stabilising factor, preventing the outbreak of further crises during the later medieval period. d. Late medieval developments In universities other than Paris, Oxford and Cambridge, conflicts between mendicant schools and secular pressure groups normally did not reach such acute levels of crisis. In many of the other universities, theology faculties were a late addition. North of the Alps, new universities emulated the Parisian model, but without the legacy of conflict that had characterised the relationship between the mendicants and the seculars in Paris for such a long period. The (urban) authorities involved with the establishment of new universities had no reason to alienate the friars, whose pastoral ministry and educational facilities they had learned to appreciate. In their turn, the mendicant schools 221 LEADER, 1988, 56-58. In Cambridge, friars were better off than in Oxford after 1366. In Oxford, degree candidates had to pay ten pounds to take the doctorate. In Cambridge, this varied between two and eight pounds. In 1478, the King finally forced Oxford university to lower its fees to mendicant candidates to six pounds, thirteen shillings and four pence.

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involved with the establishment of theology faculties in these newer centres of learning were on average not in the position to challenge the statutes or to appeal to the Papacy. South of the Alps, in Italy and Spain, the new theology faculties were more or less completely left in the hands of the regulars. Secular teachers and students were much more likely to pursue a career in (canon or Roman) law. In such situations, conflicts between mendicant and secular masters were not likely to result in spectacular exclusions, expulsions or excommunications. This was not to say that mendicant-secular rivalries did not exist. Yet they did find other outlets, predominantly in the field of pastoral care. Custodial and provincial schools Friars sent to studia generalia for a lectorate course did not go unprepared. They were supposedly well-versed in Latin and, to some extent, would have been grounded in the introductory disciplines of the liberal arts. In the early years of the order, when predominantly adult friars and university students were being recruited, it was not necessary to worry too much about preparatory schools. Those friars who came into the order as clerics or literate men were expected to have acquired this preparatory background beforehand, and non-literate friars were not supposed to engage into further learning.222 In the university towns, several of the younger novices would already have been students of the arts. Such promising postulants would have been well-prepared for further theological study. Other men, on the other hand, would have joined the order as theology students. Thus the order did not need preparatory arts schools for adolescent friars, so much as further training facilities to further the theological knowledge and forensic skills of adult friars. For this, the order had to train teachers who would be able to instruct the adult friars at the convent level. Hence the quick establishment of studia generalia and provincial study houses where friars could follow lectorate programs and comparable training courses designated for this purpose. Due to the ongoing influx of younger postulants, the educational situation began to change. The acceptance of friars and oblates un222

FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula Bullata, Chapter X, 7, in: Écrits, 196; CONSTIPRENARBONENSES (-1239), 75; CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 39.

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der fourteen or even twelve years of age, which can be charted from the 1240s onwards, forced the order to take the noviciate period more seriously and to establish a grid of elementary arts schools.223 Schools for the liberal arts began to make their appearance at roughly the same time as more detailed regulations regarding the noviciate and more specific treatises (and even a special Rule) devoted to the training of novices.224 Felder declares that the Franciscans founded schools for the arts during the leadership period of Crescenzio da Iesi (1244-1247), even when there was some resistance.225 But only the chapter of Paris (1292) ruled that provincial ministers should provide for studia artium for the instruction of the young at the custodial or (sub) provincial level. 226 By then, the rising number of increasingly younger novices would have made the problem acute. The intake of novices from the early decades onwards had MAIERÙ, 1994, 6, 9; BRLEK, 1942, 24, 27-28; COURTENAY, 1989. In the constitutions of Narbonne (1260), it still is assumed that only grown-ups (eighteen years and older) enter the order. But the constitutions of Assisi (1316) speak about fourteen as a minimum age. Thereafter (Lyons, 1325) oblates are officially accepted as well. This probably reflected a rather common practice. See on these matters also chapter six of the present volume. The necessity to establish schools to train young friars in Latin grammar is also reflected in ROGER BACON, Compendium Studii Philosophici, ed. Brewer, 425f: ‘…ubique [juvenes] recipiuntur ad ordines, passim a decimo anno usque ad vicesimum, qui nihil dignum possunt scire propter aetatem, simul cum hoc, quod causae errorum humanorum praedictae tenent eos; et ideo nihil sciunt, quum ordines intrant, quod valeat theologiae. Unde plura millia intrant, qui nesciunt legere Psalterium nec Donatum; sed statim post professionem ponuntur ad studium theologiae.’ Comparable complaints are found in ADAM DE MARISCO, Epistolae, 361363. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 345-346. 224 See my chapter on the context of studies. 225 FELDER, 1904, 466-469; ALATRI, 1978, 65. According to ANGELUS CLARENUS, Historia Septem Tribulationum, tribulatio III, arts schools began to make their appearance for the first time when Crescenzio da Iesi was minister general, hence between 1244 and 1247. There were fears that the study of the arts would be detrimental to the Franciscan religious life, a fear that according to later spiritual spokesmen was born out by subsequent developments. Cf. UBERTINUS DE CASALI, Rotulus, 118. Comparable concerns were expressed by Pietro di Giovanni Olivi in his work De Perlegendis Philosophorum Libris. In 1259, following some experiments in the Provence and Spain, the Dominicans also came out with an official regulation to ensure the establishment of schools for the arts in every province. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 221-227. From the 1270s onwards, specific studia naturarum began to appear in the Dominican order. Ibidem, 252ff. 226 ‘Ministri in suis Provinciis ordinent studia in Artibus pro iuvenibus Provinciae instruendis.’ MEMORALI (1933), 28. Such rulings were repeated in later provincial regulations. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES ROMANAE (1316), 368: ‘Idem ordinentur per ministrum studia grammaticalia, logicalia et philosophica, in locis diversis, ad que gradatim mittantur iuvenes secundum capacitatem et aptitudinem ipsorum.’ 223

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predominantly been a custodial affair. Normally one designated convent in each custody received and trained incoming friars. Hence, it was appropriate to establish the preparatory schools at the custodial level, in the convents that were also responsible for the training of novices. These convents would provide many young friars after their noviciate with a basic training in the arts and theology. For some of these young friars, this training would be an initial step to more advanced theological studies at a studium generale. Thus we see the emergence of a network of custodial schools, referred to in many sources as studia particularia for the study of grammar, logic, philosophy, and theology. It was the task of the custodian to oversee the implementation and progress of these schools and to report on this to the provincial chapter. Moreover, as documents from Upper Germany (1303) and Umbria (1316 and 1338) make clear, the custodian (with consultation of the respective guardians and novice masters) was the first to decide i.) who was suitable for further studies in logic and philosophy in the more prestigious studia physicae and philosophiae, as preparation for a lectorate course at a studium generale; ii.) who was to be elected for more elementary studies of the arts (predominantly advanced grammar, rhetoric, and logic) as preparation for further theological and pastoral training within the province; iii.) and who was to be selected for more practical functions at the custodial and convent level.227 In all of these matters the provincial minister had to give his consent.228 The guardians of the convents in which the custodial schools were situated were directly responsible for matters such as study discipline, and had to exhort all members of the convent to assist the lectors in their courses whenever possible.229 Some provinces (such as the Provincia Romana) established separate schools for the study of grammar and logic; these appear in the sources as separate studia grammaticalia and studia logicalia. In 227 STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 251; CONSTITUTIONES UMBRIAE (1316), 28; DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 525-526: ‘…custos (…) disponat et ordinet, qui fratres de sua custodia ratione tam vite quam scientie et aptitudinis ad profectum micti debeant ad Asisinas et extra custodiam ad physica studia, qui etiam infra custodiam legere debeant artes et audire, qui quoque pro familiaribus officiis, puta sacristie, infirmarie, coquine, refectorii, debeant conventibus et locis seu custodie deputari, qui etiam pro predicationum et confessionum audiendarum offitiis ministro debeant presentari. 228 Cf. DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 536. 229 DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 526; STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 18 (1925), 358.

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Umbria (1338) and in the German provinces, grammar and logic apparently were dealt with in one and the same school.230 Friars who entered the order between the age of fourteen and eighteen often would have some degree of literacy. If deemed proficient enough, such friars would be assigned to study advanced grammar, rhetoric and logic in the studia grammaticalia and logicalia. Those who came in the order as mere children or oblates (sometimes not older than seven years) would likely have received a basic instruction in Latin grammar before or during the period in which they were being admitted to the noviciate. It is quite possible that, in contrast with more advanced studia artium, such elementary grammar courses could also enlist non-Franciscan pupils, as was the case in the Dominican order.231 It is feasible that a large group of friars would never go beyond basic courses at the custodial arts and theology schools. It is also quite probable that a number of incoming friars would never be enlisted in a custodial arts school. After their noviciate, whether these friars would stay in the convent where the custodial school was situated or were sent to another convent in the custody or the province, they would throughout their religious lives continue to receive supplementary training in moral theology and in preaching and confession techniques by their own convent lectors and designated convent preachers on a day to day basis. They would be enlisted in the large body of rank-and-file Franciscan friars (to become active as priests and preachers, or be enlisted for other, more mundane convent activities). Only those friars who were deemed proficient, literate, and mature enough to engage in the study of the liberal arts would, after their noviciate, be enlisted in the studia logicalia for two or three years. In BERG, 1986, 423. BRLEK, 1942, 31. The Dominicans began to erect pre-postulancy grammar schools for boys at least from the 1250s onwards. These schools were often separate from the convent. They were frequently erected in collaboration with local city governments, with a Dominican friar as grammar teacher. In the fourteenth century, such pre-postulancy grammar schools became more common, when vocations became fewer and incoming candidates became younger. At the same time, Dominican control over these schools tightened. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 85ff. The Dominican grammar school in Florence at one point in time made use of a Franciscan grammar teacher. Ibidem, 95. The Franciscans, like the Dominicans and other mendicants (such as the Friars of the Holy Cross in England), also erected such pre-postulancy schools, yet not much is known about their public character. See for such mendicant grammar teachings in England the work of MINER, 1990, 193-226. 230 231

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the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, most Franciscan pupils attending such logical courses would be around fifteen years old. Functioning above the (either or not combined) studia grammaticalia and logicalia were more advanced schools for the arts, the so-called studia physicae or studia philosophiae. These latter schools began to make their appearance in the 1270s, notwithstanding serious opposition.232 These study centres provided two-year (and later three-year) courses in advanced logic, natural philosophy, metaphysics and moral philosophy for the selected group of friars destined for higher learning.233 Such schools would not have been present in each custody throughout the order. Neither did these schools have the same character in all geographical regions. Especially in the early period, a comparative lack of teachers, a limited need, and some apprehension concerning the study of the profane sciences would have limited the number of these more advanced schools to one or a few in each province. According to the Franciscan provincial statutes of England, Provence, Tuscany, Upper Germany, Umbria, and Rome, many provinces apparently had several of these more elevated studia artium, studia physicae or studia philosophiae around 1300 (often in the same convents hosting the custodial and provincial schools of theology). 234 Some of these studia artium (in particular those for more advanced logic and philosophy) were open to students from different provinces, and hence had a certain ‘general’ status.235 This seems to have been a predominantly Italian phenomenon. In 1320, Perugia was menSee on this the remarks in BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 67ff. Cf. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 253, who tells us that probably less than a third of the Dominican friars who had followed courses in logic would thereafter be allowed to advance to the study of natural philosophy. 234 CANNON, 1987, 108; BRLEK, 1942, 35-39; BARONE, 1978, 230-231; ALATRI, 1978, 64ff; CONSTITUTIONES PROVINCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 423-4; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 76: ‘Iura vero et philosophica in scholis theologiae’; STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 238f & 250: ‘…in singulis Custodiis ad minus unum studium artium a Custode in Capitulo ordinetur cum consilio suae Custodiae discretorum, et Lectoribus quibuscumque hoc competierit quatuor ad hoc apti iuvenes applicentur, quibus ab exitu ad civitatem et ad terminos parcatus tempore lectionis.’ This would suggest that every custody had an arts school of some sort. The same is suggested by the Umbrian provincial chapters of the fourteenth century. Cf. DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 525. There is no evidence that such Franciscan custodial schools circulated among the various convents of the custody, as was the case in the Dominican order. 235 BRLEK, 1942, 37, 39, 41 postulates the existence of studia generalia for the study of logic and philosophy in the order from the later thirteenth century onwards. 232 233

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tioned as a convent with courses ‘in grammaticalibus, et loycalibus et naturalibus scientiis,’ and around 1346 several studia generalia had been established for the study of philosophy proper.236 For the later fourteenth century, there is additional documentary evidence for the establishment of such studia generalia philosophiae in the convents of Barletta and Brescia (between 1340 and 1379), Viterbo (1370/1379), Ancona (1372/3), Pavia, Piacenza, Como, and Lecce (all in 1379). Finally, the 1467 Tabulae Studiorum mention six studia generalia for the arts in Italy (namely Pinerolo, Brescia, Cesena, Piacenza, Forlì and Rimini). It is unlikely that all such general studia philosophiae had the same general status.237 These studia were not to confer degrees, but to prepare the more promising order students for their higher theology courses at the studia generalia of theology and for future teaching assignments at the other arts schools. The general chapter of Venice (1346) established that Franciscan students from the Italian provinces should not leave their own province for their immersion course in the arts, except for the studia generalia philosophiae that had been erected in various places of the Italian peninsula.238 There is reason to believe that several of these custodial and inter-provincial arts schools were established in the same convents where the more important custodial or provincial studia theologiae were found. In such multidisciplinary study houses more advanced students of philosophy and theology would frequently act as supplementary teachers of logic before they went up for their lectorate course. In the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the number of these higher studia philosophiae seems to have been limited consciously.239 In contrast to the theological schools, there was great concern not to admit outsiders to them.240 After the crises at the universities of Paris and Oxford between the theologians and the masters of arts in the 1260s and 1270s, the study of philosophy was in fact approached with circumspection. Franciscan students selected to FONZO, 1944, 172. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 366. 238 ‘Nullus ad studium artium extra provinciam suam mittatur, exceptis studiis Philosophiae generalibus in Italia ordinatis’ CONSTITUTIONES VENETAE (1346), 703. This is also confirmed for Paris by FRANCISCUS GONZAGA, De Origine, I, 128 & 132; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 369. 239 ALATRI, 1978, 66/67. 240 CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 76: ‘Saeculares autem ad huiusmodi lectiones nullatenus admittantur.’ 236 237

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study at these schools (as preparation for their higher studies) were not allowed to exhibit an unchecked enthusiasm for philosophy.241 The creation of a network of studia philosophiae was intended to ensure a doctrinally safe immersion in the profane sciences, so that friars destined for higher studies at a prestigious custodial school of theology or a studium generale for a lectorate course (and later for a degree course) did not have to attend courses at the university arts faculties (although exceptions could be granted to those who opted for the Franciscan life during their years as university arts students). Yet from the mid-fifteenth century onwards, Minorite friars did appear as students at the arts faculties of German and Italian universities (such as Heidelberg, Erfurt, Ferrara, Parma, Venice, and Florence).242 Thanks to the proliferation of universities, an increasing number of convents had an arts faculty near by, and occasionally with Franciscan teachers. Therewith it became more feasible for Franciscan superiors to control the philosophical education of their friar-students sent to such external centres. Custodial and provincial theological schools (studia particularia theologiae) formed the top of the sub-provincial educational system. Contrary to the arts schools, which came into being when the average age of new postulants dropped and the pursuit of university degrees asked for a proper grounding in the profane sciences, these intermediate theology schools sometimes can be traced back to the late 1220s and early 1230s. Several of these theological schools were prestigious centres of learning, as is attested to by Redemptor Noster of Benedict XII (1336). Here, the twenty-one most prominent custodial and provincial schools of theology appear in a list, alongside of the major studia generalia of the period.243 Benedict had singled out these 241 The Chapter of Périgueux of 1290 states: ‘Item iuvenes insolentes, si moniti non se correcterint, ab omni philosophie studio amoveantur et theologie studio assignentur.’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 481. For a comparable initial distrust of the secular sciences in the Dominican order, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 59ff. 242 See FRANK, 1992, 53-56; PIANA, 1963, 326, 400f. 243 CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 327-329, 349. The ordinations of Benedict XII mention Rouen, Reims, Metz, Bruges, London, York, Norwich, Newcastle, Stamford, Coventry, Exeter, Bordeaux, Narbonne, Marseilles, Asti, Nagy Varad, Prague, Pisa, Erfurt, Rimini, and Todi. These twenty-one important theology schools just under the degree schools and the studia ‘quae in eodem Ordine dicuntur generalia’ were not equally divided among the provinces. Four were found in the French province, seven in the English province, two in the Provence, and one in the provinces of Aquitaine, Genoa, Hungary, Pologne and Bohemia, Tuscany,

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schools, together with other studia generalia, as those centres where future candidates for an academic degree course had to lecture on the Sentences as training practice to adult friars and to students who followed (or were about to follow) a lectorate course. Whether these theological schools of theology were depicted as custodial schools or as studia provincialia very much depended on the regional educational situation. Many of these schools would have started in the early thirteenth century as local study houses offering theology courses to friars and other clerics. Gradually, depending on their recruitment area, the prestige of their lectors and the decisions made by provincial order superiors, these schools would have obtained a more or less identifiable position in the Franciscan educational hierarchy. From the later thirteenth century onwards, the English province seems to have had a higher public school of theology in each of its seven custodies, namely in London (for the London custody),244 Norwich (for the custody of Cambridge),245 Stamford (for the custody of Oxford), Exeter (for the custody of Bristol), Coventry (for the custody of Worcester), York (for the custody of York), and NewSaxony, Bologna, and Umbria. However, there is no indication that Benedictine’s listing was exhaustive. The list therefore does not imply that such custodial theology schools were missing in other provinces. Cf. COURTENAY, 1988; SENOCAK, 1997, 38. 244 The first friars arrived in London in 1224. THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum, ed. Little, 7. The first 14 days they stayed with their Dominican colleagues, before they were able to rent a house. In 1225 the London mercer John Iwyn bought them a plot of land in Stinking Lane, in the butchers’ quarter. Serious building on this site started as early as 1229. By 1242 the number of friars had risen to 80, which was a motivation to start building a larger convent in the closing decades of the thirteenth century. The London convent already had a well-established convent school in 1236, when Vincent of Coventry acted as lector. According to Eccleston, the foundation of the school came about under the influence of the provincial minister Alberto da Pisa, who also stimulated the establishment of a study house in Cambridge. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 308. Shortly thereafter, London was already noted for its important custodial school of theology, which was counted as inferior only to Oxford within the province. This elevated status was confirmed in the 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII. In the 1370s the convent received large study buildings. By then, the school also attracted foreign students from Italy. For more information on the London convent, the school buildings, lectors etc., see KINGSFORD, 1915, 1523, 42, 53, 61. 245 The Friars Minor came to Norwich in 1226. A proper studium was founded there at least by 1250. Cf. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, II, 216 (a 1257 papal letter sent to the Norwich lector Bartholomew of Bruno); MOORMAN, 1968, 124. By 1320, the Franciscan studium of Norwich was the second important theological school in the Cambridge custody. Among its lectors can be found Adam Woodham & Ralph Pigaz. DOUCET, 1953, 85-98; CATTO, 1992, 177.

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castle (for the custody of Newcastle).246 In the case of the English province, it therefore makes sense to speak about custodial schools of theology, which were lower in rank than the studia generalia of Oxford and Cambridge, even though several of these seven custodial schools recruited students from a far wider area than their custody alone. By the end of the thirteenth century, these custodial schools as well as the studia generalia dealt with in the previous sections normally would offer various levels of education in the arts and theology. In the French province during the fourteenth century, we find, aside from the Parisian convent, such theological schools at least in five out of seven custodies, namely in the custodies of Champagne, Normandy, Reims, Lotharingia, and Flanders.247 At that moment in time, comparable numbers of custodial theology schools would have been present in the other French provinces, such as Aquitaine,248

The friaries of Stamford and York were established by 1230. Between then and c. 1250 these houses also received a school. The friary of Coventry was probably established before 1233, whereas the Minorite house of Exeter was first mentioned by 1240. See in general on these English custodial schools CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 327-330, 349; LITTLE, 1943, 63; COURTENAY, 1989, 146; SENOCAK, 1997, 12-15, 69. In the older literature, such as FONZO, 1944, 173, these schools are referred to as studia provincialia. This is, in a way, correct, insofar as these custodial schools could attract students from all the custodies in the province. 247 LITTLE, 19434, 227. In these custodies we find the custodial schools of Provins, Rouen, Reims, Metz, and Bruges. The important commercial town of Bruges in particular had a large Franciscan convent. Mid-thirteenth-century sources mention up to 100 friars. Such a number of friars can be explained by the presence of various school levels. Aside from these four custodial schools mentioned in the Benedictine ordinations of 1336, there is also evidence for a custodial school in the convent of Ghent. This would imply that the important and rich custody of Flanders alone had at least two custodial school centres. Cf. HOUBAERT, 1977, 119-127; LIPPENS, 1930, 169. Cf. also RIBAUCOURT, 1978, 82, which contains information on Dijon, Lyon, Strasbourg, and neighbouring custodial/provincial schools and studia generalia. 248 The late thirteenth century provincial constitutions of Aquitaine mention two provincial studia generalia, namely Toulouse and Bordeaux. Toulouse was pre-eminent. Students could only be sent there after they had at least studied theology for two years in other theology schools of the province. This in itself suggests that there were several custodial schools inferior and subservient to the school in Toulouse, and that there was a veritable hierarchy between various custodial or provincial schools: ‘Quelibet custodia possit habere duos fratres studentes Tholose et duos Burdegale, secundum morem hactenus observatum, qui de consilio discretorum custodie transmittantur. Et mittendi Tholosam, studeant primo in aliis studiis theologie duobis annis, nisi ex causa [vel] evidenti sufficientia, contingere[t] dispensari.’ In addition, it was possible for very proficient students to be sent to Paris for a lectorate course. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 474. 246

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Touraine,249 the Provence,250 and Burgundy.251 If we can believe the travel reports of Salimbene, many of these study houses went at least as far back as the 1230s and the 1240s. In the Spanish provinces of Castile (with important Franciscan centres in Sevilla, Toledo, Burgos, Murcia and Segovia) and Aragon (with important settlements in Barcelona, Lerida, Zaragoza, Valencia, and Pamplona) the situation might have been similar. More is known about the custodial and provincial school situation in several of the Italian provinces. The province of Tuscany, for instance, would likely have had custodial schools in at least the custodies of Pisa, Lucca, Florence, Siena, and Arrezzo (and maybe Chiusi), whether or not integrated into more elevated studia generalia (such as St. Croce in Florence). Salimbene’s chronicle252 as well as modern

The most famous early school in the Touraine province was that of Tours, which was established before 1230, with Haymo of Faversham as one of its first lectors. THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Little, 28: ‘Unde primo custos Parisius, postea lector Turonis est positus et Bononiae et Paduae.’ 250 Aside from the studium of Montpellier, which soon became a studium generale, there existed theological schools of renown in Narbonne (where Pietro di Giovanni Olivi taught in the late thirteenth century), Digne (where Hugues de Digne gave his public lectures on the Bible in the 1240s), Avignon (which would have drastically gained prestige during the years of the Avignon papacy), Arles, Marseilles, and Hyères. 251 Lyon already had a well-known studium theologiae during the administration of Elia da Cortona (1232-1239), with the English lectors Filip of Wales and Adam of York. THOMAS ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum, ed. Little, 49. Dijon apparently fulfilled an important role as public school for the clergy of the diocese of Langres. In 1246, duke Eudo III of Burgundy was able to obtain from pope Innocent IV special privileges for this studium. Henceforth, all clerics of the duchy of Burgundy and neighbouring regions who studied at the Minorite theology studium of Dijon would have the same benefices and exemptions as those who studied in Paris. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 416. By then these two studia would already have obtained a more general stature. 252 Aside from many schools in the Bolognese province, about which Piana has more information (see the next note), Salimbene also mentions study houses in the province of Milan (Milan and Vercelli), the March of Ancona (Fano), Terra Laboris (a.o. the studium generale in Naples), Rome (Rome and Rieti), Apulia, Sicily, Genoa, and in the oriental provinces (for instance Constantinople). See on these houses listed by Salimbene ALATRI, 1978, 62/63; GATTO, 1978, 417-436. For the situation in Southern Italy and Sicily in particular, see ROTOLO, 1995, 11-47, 146-157. On the existence of study houses in the March of Ancona during the 1240s and 1250s, see also ANGELUS CLARENUS, Historia Septem Tribulationum, ed. Ghinato, 112 (Quarto tribulatio). It is not always clear as to whether we are dealing with convent schools or with custodial schools. 249

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studies concerning the school situation in the Bolognese province provide information that corroborates this picture for North and Central Italy.253 U. Nicolini has sketched a fairly detailed picture of the Umbrian school situation. From at least 1316 onwards the province of Umbria was divided into nine custodies. Its oldest studium was located in Perugia and was open to non-Franciscan students. For this reason, the aula of the studium was situated outside the confinement of the convent. At the beginning of the fourteenth century, the convent of Perugia apparently had a custodial theological studium of some renown. There was a lector principalis as well as a baccalaureus for lectures on the Bible and the Sentences. By the late fourteenth century, it had reached an inter-provincial general status, and appears to have had a lector principalis, a baccalaureus, a magister studii, and a lector bibliae (and, in addition, a magister noviciorum & iuvenorum). The lectors not only taught the arts and theology, but canon law as well; the first teacher of the Decretum mentioned in the sources is Alvaro Pelayo. Aside from Perugia, there is documentation from the early fourteenth century concerning studia of comparable weight in Todi and Assisi (which eventually would also become a studium generale with, in 1408, a lector principalis, a baccalaureus, and a biblicus). Indirect information attests to a less-elevated custodial studia artium in Gubbio, and more direct evidence suggests the existence of custodial schools of arts and theology (with more than one lector) shortly after 1400 in Città del Castello, Spoleto, and Borgo Sansepolcro.254

253 Alongside of the studium generale in Bologna and the many convent schools in the Bologna province, there seem to have been at least ten custodial schools or comparable study houses. Calderara (in the Bologna custody) is known for its arts and theology courses from 1281 onwards. PIANA, 1970, 23*. Rimini is mentioned as a custodial school for philosophy and theology in 1336 and after. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE, 328, 249. In 1379, the provinces of Milan and Tuscany, shortly thereafter followed by Umbria and St. Anthony, were entitled to send their students to it. In 1467, Rimini had become a studium generale philosophiae. DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 523; PIANA, 1970, 24*-25*. Caesena also is mentioned as an important school for theology and philosophy, where, in 1467, all provinces could send their philosophy students. PIANA, 1970, 25*f. Forlivi eventually became a studium generale in the fifteenth century. PIANA, 1970, 27*. Imola was already a solemne studium theologiae in 1258. GADDONI, 1911, 187; PIANA, 1970, 30*. See also PIANA, 1970, 31*-38* for information concerning the study houses in Ravenna, Ferrara, Modena, Rovigo (near Ferrara) and Parma (both of which later became studia generalia), and Piacenza. 254 NICOLINI, 1982, 119-122, 119.

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Developments in the German lands are harder to track down. According to the early fourteenth-century provincial statutes of Upper Germany (1303), that province (with six custodies and around 55 convents) seems to have had (or planned to have) at least one school for the arts (predominantly grammar and logic) in every custody, but maybe only two custodial or provincial studia theologiae. Proficient students could continue their studies beyond these two theological schools at the studium generale of Strasbourg, or at one of the other, more prestigious studia generalia of the order outside the province (in which case students had to be scrutinised in the usual fashion).255 In Upper Germany, therefore, the two studia theologiae known for the province besides Strasbourg are not surprisingly described as studia provincialia theologiae.256 Accessible sources for the other German provinces provide a lot of diachronical information, but make it difficult to assess the exact number of custodial schools at any particular moment in time before

255 The studium generale of Strasbourg did receive students from the various custodies of the province as well as from other provinces. Nevertheless, the surviving election procedure for candidates for the lectorate program at a studium generale outside the province indicates that Strasbourg held a somewhat intermediate position. Cf. STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 238. 256 STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 238, 250. Cf. the statement of Courtenay that in this province can be discerned several custodial study houses, namely Mainz (for the custody of the Rhine), Strasbourg (for the custody of Alsace), Basel (for the custody of Basel), Würzburg (for the custody of Swabia), Constance (for the custody of Constance), Regensburg (for the custody of Bavaria). Aside from these six custodial schools, several convents might have had a theological studium and/or grammar schools of some sort. COURTENAY, 1988, 89-90. ELM, 1983, 591 asserts the existence of more than 20 Franciscan studia particularia in the Strasbourg province between 1352 and 1362. This might seem to be an exaggeration. However, if we assume that every larger convent had a school of some sort, it might not be completely of the mark. Elm suggests that in Westfalen, during the fourteenth century, there were not many ‘kontinuierlich betriebene Partikularstudien.’ ELM, 1983, 593. He concludes: ‘Man gewinnt dennoch den Eindruck, daß die Mendikanten in Westfalen darauf verzichteten, einzelne Konvente zum dauernden Sitz von Partikularstudien zu machen, diese vielmehr von Fall zu Fall dort einrichteten, wo ein entsprechendes Bedürfnis bestand bzw. geeignete Lehrkräfte vorhanden waren.’ This refers to studia artium, philosophiae and theologiae. It is unclear to what extent Elm extrapolates from Dominican and Augustinian sources or also has Franciscan exemples in mind. He refers to DOELLE, 1927, 244-257, which mentions next to the studia generalia of Magdeburg and Erfurt the Franciscan studia particularia/ custodial schools of Hildesheim (Konrad Holtnicker taught there until 1247) and Görlitz (which became a studium generale in the fifteenth century (after 1458).

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the fifteenth century.257 However, a survey of local studies does provide us with some interesting additional information. In the Saxon province, the presence of custodial schools can be suspected in the custodies of Stettin (Prenzlau), Halberstadt (Halberstadt), Brandenburg (Berlin), Saxony (Hildesheim), Bremen (Bremen and Hamburg), Thüringen (Erfurt), and Hannover.258 It seems likely that in the densely populated province of Cologne, custodial schools of the arts, philosophy and theology were present in the majority of its seven custodies, at least from the beginning of the fourteenth century onwards.259 A further scrutiny of specialised studies on individual convents and individual Franciscan authors will greatly help to clarify the custodial and sub-provincial school situation in other provinces, such as Ireland, Dacia, Slavonia, Austria, Bohemia and Hungary.260 In these somewhat more ‘peripheral’ provinces, and in particular in the giant vicariates and provinces of Middle and Eastern Europe, custodial 257 MEIER, 1958, 10-33 provides a wealth of information about the studium particulare of Erfurt, and gives an almost full history of Erfurt lectors in the medieval period. In addition, he provides a lot of information concerning studia particularia in the other custodies of Saxon province. A lot of this information is indeterminate and late (dealing with the fifteenth century). FELDER, 1904, 242ff shows that the absence of schools and studia during the early period did not imply the absence of learned and well-educated friars, many of whom came from Italy, France, and England (via Paris). 258 Documentary information is often scarce, even though some facts have been established with regard to the friaries of Prenzlau and Halberstadt in the 1440s, and with regard to Berlin, Hamburg and Hannover. Cf. DOELLE, 1927; MEIER, 1958, 27; NICKEL, 1994, 1-26; GUTOWSKI, 1994, 93-110. In Bremen the exegetical activities of Alexander Minorita point to a high level of biblical teaching in the mid-thirteenth century. This could be evidence for the existence of a custodial school of theology in the Bremen convent. Cf. SCHMOLINSKI, 1991. 259 The Cologne province consisted of the custodies of Cologne, Trier, Westfalen, Hessen, Deventer, Holland, and Brabant. The custody of Brabant alone had in any case custodial schools of philosophy and theology in Louvain, Tienen, and Brussels. Cf. CEYSSENS, 1993, 129-142; BAETENS, 1987, 81-137. The Franciscan school in Louvain was deemed important enough to be incorporated in the university in 1447. It seems highly unlikely that custodial schools were totally absent in custodies (with large convents) like Deventer, Holland, Cologne, Trier and Westfalen. 260 At this moment, there is already some knowledge of the school situation in the neighbourhood of higher educational centres as Roskilde, Lund, Uppsàla and Copenhagen (in the province of Dacia), Dublin, Kilkenny, Nenagh and Cork (in the province of Ireland), and Prague, Nagy Várad and Esztergom (in the provinces of Bohemia and Hungary). See in particular TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), passim; RASMUSSEN, 1998, 14-15. Further research no doubt will unveil additional information on other provincial and custodial centres.

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schools were of tremendous importance. In these areas, the density of schools throughout the later medieval period remained much lower than in France, Italy, Spain, and England. It was a general rule that every province had a studium generale – either a prestigious international studium generale or a more modest provincial study centre that received students from within its provincial boundaries.261 In Middle and Eastern Europe, only a few studia received a general status in the course of the medieval period. The custodial level thereby became the actual breeding place for future lectors and other order dignitaries. Only after several years of studying, teaching and service in their home province could these friars (hope to) finish their own studies at a studium generale in the West, before embarking upon distinguishing teaching and administrative careers after their return.262 The 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII make clear that the distinction between a prestigious custodial school and the average (nondegree) studium generale was not always straightforward. The main difference would have been that the latter provided recognised lectorate programs, whereas the former were primarily geared to provide preliminary arts courses as well as theological training to young friars (and other clerics) who would never be singled out for further studies at a studium generale. In the course of time, several custodial schools of theology developed into studia generalia, and sometimes into fullfledged degree schools, as described in previous sections. 263 In such 261 If only study houses that receive students from outside the province can rightfully be called studia generalia, then provincial centres that receive students from their own province alone are not ‘general’ but provincial. However, it seems to have been a fluid distinction. Several studia predominantly received students form their own province, but sometimes also enlisted friars from other provinces. 262 KLOCZOWSKI, 1978, 127-149; KLOCZOWSKI, 1993, Ch. IX, 94-108. 263 The custodial schools mentioned by the 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII did accept students from outside their own custody. Courtenay maintains that there is little evidence that students from outside the province were admitted regularly to these studia particularia. Prague and Erfurt did accept students from outside their respective provinces, but that was later in the century, when the system was expanding and changing. COURTENAY, 1988, 83-85. Courtenay remarks that Magdeburg had already a studium in 1228. This study house would quickly evolve into a studium generale for the province and for the order as a whole. Yet in the fourteenth century it started to lose ground, to become more or less a studium particulare in the fifteenth century. In the second half of the thirteenth century, Cologne was already a studium generale for the order as a whole, and also for the province of Cologne. See also FONZO, 1944, 167-195; BOEHM, 1978, 281-310. ELM, 1983, 590 argues that the boundaries between (provincial) studia generalia and custodial schools/studia particularia, as well as the boundaries between these studia particularia and the larger individual

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centres, different curricula would be offered to students of different levels. The theological education of more proficient students in the better custodial schools could approach a university level education. The Sentences lectures of Adam Wodeham and Ralph Pigaz in the 1320s in the custodial school of Norwich, the lectures of William of Ockham and Walter Chatton in the custodial London between 1322 and 1324, as well as those of William Woodford in the same school of London around 1383 attracted students from abroad (Franciscan and non-Franciscan students alike).264 It was quite common for renowned masters from Cambridge and Oxford to teach in such custodial schools after their regency period. It seems likely that such teachers would have tried to keep their standard of teaching as high as possible.265 Nevertheless, these custodial or intercustodial schools of theology acted predominantly as theological training centres for the students of the custody in which the school was situated, and for students from the other custodies in the province (and neighbouring provinces). These schools provided a thorough theological training to friars, many of whom would not study at a studium generale beyond their province, or only do so after years of service and additional study closer to home.266 The cursores bibliae and sententiarii for these custodial schools would be chosen in rotation from the various custodies of the province (out of a pool of candidates who had completed their lectorate course). The lector principalis, responsible for in-depth biblical courses, disputations, and the supervision of the teachings of other lectors would normally be appointed by the provincial chapter.267 In the early fourteenth century, the more prestigious custodial schools would have had an educational structure comparable to that of the non-degree studia generalia. They would have had at their disposal a lector principalis (frequently a formed bachelor or someone with a comconvent schools were rather fluid. These schools could evolve and decline, and change status in the process, depending on the presence of certain masters and other circumstances. 264 GUILELMUS DE OCKHAM, Summa Logica, 53*-56* (introduction by G. Gal). 265 LITTLE, 19434, 227. 266 Salimbene relates that he had studied for no less than ten years in Fano, Lucca, Pisa, and Parma before he was sent to Paris for a lectorate course in 1247. Salimbene did not go to Paris, however, but travelled around in Southern France instead, much to the annoyance of his provincial minister. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. HolderEgger, 300-322. 267 LITTLE, 19434, 227.

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parable status), a lector secundarius (who gave lectures on the Sentences ‘pro exercitio’) and sometimes a lector tercianus. Aside from these teachers, we can identify one or more reading masters for the instruction of novices and younger friars. 268 By the late fourteenth century, we see the emergence of an even more stratified series of teachers in the more prestigious custodial schools and the non-degree studia generalia alike. This was a period in which many custodial schools of theology were gravitating towards a general status, and in which, thanks to the foundation of a local faculty of theology, several developed into degree schools. As said before, it was normal for the larger convents that housed such important custodial schools of theology and/or a studium generale, to also harbour other school levels. We therefore can find in one and the same location a convent school or a convent lector, studia grammaticalia, artium/philosophiae and a studium theologiae, with different study paths serving different groups of friars.269 This explains the existence of regulations to ensure that the teachers for these different study paths were not the same and that the lectures for each level were not given simultaneously. This should also ensure that as many clerical friars as possible could attend the lectio communitatis of the convent lector.270 We do, however, have evidence that the same lectors could be involved in different courses and taught different subjects to different groups of students. In places with larger groups of students, requiring different levels of teaching, we find from the early fourteenth century on several categories of teachers. Convents with custodial arts schools had, in addition to the novice master, one or more lecturers for logic and physics (a lector or baccalaureus logicae/physicae), as well as one or more magistri studii and magistri studentium (responsible for the organisation of exercise disputations and rehearsals for philosophy and theology students), and a biblicus (responsible for introductory theology courses in DOELLE, 1927, 246. LITTLE, 1892, 43; COURTENAY, 1988, 85; PIANA, 1970, 50*. L. di Fonzo has come with an (avowedly incomplete) listing of studia where the different levels of philosophical and theological education could be found side by side in the closing decades of the fifteenth century. TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 520-521. 270 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 76: ‘Iura vero et philosophica in scholis theologiae ab eodem lectore et eodem tempore non legantur, sed alibi et alias, ubi fuerit opportunum. Saeculares autem ad huiusmodi lectiones nullatenus admittantur.’ BARONE, 1978, 230-231. 268 269

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the custodial schools of philosophy). It was customary for such teaching positions to be held by advanced students, shortly before or shortly after they were sent out to complete their own lectorate course. For their theology courses proper, the custodial schools of theology normally had a lector Bibliae/baccalaureus Bibliae (responsible for cursory or slightly more advanced lectures on the Bible), a baccalaureus Sententiarum (the lector secundarius, who, at the custodial level, often was a bachelor ‘pro exercitio’), a magister studentium (for rehearsals and the organisation of disputations) and the lector principalis or regens. The latter would have given in-depth biblical lectures and presided over internal school disputations. Whereas the schools for the study of philosophy (maybe in contrast with the grammar schools of the order) were usually not open to nonFranciscan students, several of the custodial and provincial schools of theology did provide instruction to outsiders. 271 Already by 1254, secular teachers protested that the many open mendicant schools caused a decline of students in secular schools.272 The (sub-) provincial network of theological schools apparently constituted an important supplementary training facility for the local clergy. Convent schools Thus far we have been looking at studia generalia and the infra-provincial or custodial school network. Together these different school levels provided the study paths of higher education for many young friars after the noviciate. Aside from these different school levels, there was in many convents also a convent school, or rather a lector or study leader responsible for the lectio communitatis and for the teaching of preaching skills. Early on, it seems to have been a normal requirement that at least all adult clerical friars not engaged in other pressing activities should attend the lectures of the convent lector, which could last up to two hours on work days.273 The question is, of BRLEK, 1942, 34; ELM, 1983, 586ff; COURTENAY, 1988, 81ff. Mendicants had open schools ‘in civitatibus et aliis locis maioribus universis.’ CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, 253-254. 273 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 76; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 76. In a studium generale such as Paris, the person responsible for the lectio communitatis would be chosen from the body of advanced students and teachers active in the studium generale. See on this PIANA, 1956, 411. 271 272

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course, whether each and every Franciscan house actually had a school or a lector to hold lectures on a regular basis. Early Franciscan sources are not always very forthcoming about the necessity to have a school in every convent. Moreover, the Franciscan order did not start out as a movement of clerics. Some scholars, therefore, have argued that in particular before c. 1260 it was not customary for each Franciscan convent to have a lector. Ribaucourt, dealing with Franciscan schools in some of the French provinces, has concluded that, contrary to the Dominicans, the Franciscans did not care to create a school in every convent. He maintains that the Franciscans during the thirteenth century only created studia in a limited number of convents in each province for the purpose of educating their young friars. Yet Ribaucourt seems to confuse the custodial studia – which indeed would not have existed in every convent and in many cases only begin to make their appearance from the mid-thirteenth century onwards – with the convent schools for the daily instruction of all clerical friars. 274 It has been argued that until the 1230s the predominantly itinerant character of many friars and the non-dogmatic form of Franciscan hortatory preaching did not yet make it necessary to provide for the schooling of friars in each and every convent.275 In the 1230s, however, things seem to have changed rather quickly. Several (predominantly narrative) sources provide us with valuable information concerning the lector situation in various regions and provinces. The famous chronicle of Salimbene supplies evidence for the existence of a school of some sort in most of the important Franciscan convents in Northern Italy and Southern France for the period after 1240.276 The province of Bologna in particular could boast to have 274 For the early fourteenth century, Ribaucourt discerns several of these studia in the French province of the order (Metz, Rouen, Reims, Bruges), to conclude: ‘En dehors des principaux studia, des convents plus ou moins nombreux pouvaient arbitrer un studium sans doute pas toujours public.’ RIBAUCOURT, 1978, 79-80. The provincial statutes of the French province (1250) actually stipulate that all well-established convents would have had a school, and that all clerical friars were obligated to take part in the lessons. CONSTITUTIONES PROVINCIAE FRANCIAE (1250), 516. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 325f. For a listing of Franciscan houses in France (the provinces of Touraine, Burgundy and Francia) and a panoramic overview of its convent schools (and higher studia) in the fourteenth century, see EMERY, 1962; RIBAUCOURT, 1978, 91. 275 Cf. BERG, 1979, 11-33, 106-156. 276 See ALATRI, 1978, 61-62, who concludes on the basis of information from Salimbene’s chronicle pertaining to 1261: ‘Dunque, almeno nel 1261, ogni convento della provincia di Bologna aveva un suo lettore…’

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schools in every larger Franciscan settlement, among which were several prestigious centres of learning that we encountered in previous sections.277 The chronicle of Eccleston is even more adamant about the existence of schools and lectors in the English province from the very beginning, listing at least seven lectors for the year 1238 and 34 lectors for the 43 English Franciscan convents in 1254 (during the provincialate of William of Nottingham).278 The situation might have been different in some German provinces, where the Franciscans began to make headway from 1221 onwards. There is evidence to suggest that the Friars Minor initially had difficulties finding sufficient lectors for their schools. According to the chronicle of Giordano da Giano, there was no properly equipped lector of theology in the entire German province until 1228. Then we encounter friar Simon as lector at the provincial study house of Magdeburg.279 Soon thereafter, the German province was split up into the provinces of Cologne, Saxony, and Upper Germany (or the Strasbourg province). In the Saxon province, early developments concerning the appointment of convent lectors are not very clear.280 However, several individual convent schools, like that of Lüneburg, appear in later

277 PIANA, 1970, 23*ff; ALATRI, 1978, 62-63; GATTO, 1978, 417-436. Among such larger settlements we count convents with on average more than thirteen friars. 278 Both William of Nottingham and his predecessor Alberto da Pisa systematically appointed lectors to the larger convents of the English province. For more details concerning the establishment of convent schools in friaries (without custodial schools or studia generalia) like Northampton, Leicester, Nottingham, Reading, Bedford, Grantham, Aylesbury, King’s Lynn, Bury St. Edmunds, Ipswich, Colchester, Yarmouth, Dunwich, Walsingham, Canterbury, Salisbury, Southampton, Winchester, Lewes, Chichester, Winchelsea, Ware, Hereford, Bristol, Gloucester, Bridgwater, Bodmin, Dorchester, Cardiff, Carmarthen, Plymouth, Worcester, Lichfield, Chester, Bridgnorth, Llanfaes, Shrewsbury, Preston, Stafford, Lincoln, Grimsby, Scarborough, Beverly, Boston Doncastle, Berwick, Carlisle, Roxburgh, Hartlepool, Haddington, Richmond, Dunfries, and Dundee, some of which apparently had schools by 1236, see FELDER, 1904, 311; MOORMAN, 1952, 21-22; COTTON, 1924, 32ff; CANNON, 1978, 116-121; SENOCAK, 1997, 13-14. Eccleston speaks of 30 lecturers who solemnly disputed, and a further three or four who lectured without disputation. THOMAS DE ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. A.G. Little, 49-50. Cf. LITTLE, 1943, 62; CANNON, 1978, 102. By 1300 the English friars had 53 houses (to which three more would be added in the course of the fourteenth century). Most of these houses could boast one or more lectors. LITTLE, 1943, 217-229; KNOWLES & HADCOCK, 1971. 279 JORDANUS DE GIANO, Chronica, ed. Boehmer, 49-54. 280 BERG, 1977, 114, 142.

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thirteenth-century and early fourteenth-century sources.281 Studies were sometimes threatened in smaller convents, as lectors were burdened with other tasks as well. As late as 1337, the provincial minister of the Saxon province (at that time, Werner von Appenburg) wrote to the custos Rodiges von Goldberg that on his travels through the province he witnessed almost everywhere that young friars were not appropriately schooled, as the clerical friars and lectors did not teach them properly.282 The implications for the presence of convent schools remain unclear, as such remarks deal primarily with the theological training of young friars, which since the 1250s was predominantly a custodial affair. It may be impossible, however, to distinguish properly between convent lectors and those responsible for the custodial studium particulare in the Saxon province at that moment in time. In the provinces of Upper Germany (Strasbourg) and Cologne, developments seem to have been quicker. A good indication of this is the school situation in the Westfalen custody of the Cologne province. Several local studies provide evidence for the presence of convent lectors in Dortmund, Paderborn, and Münster. There is no reason to assume that they were lacking in other convents, such as Soest and Osnabrück.283 Kaspar Elm therefore concludes that in Westfalen soon almost every mendicant convent had a lector, and was able to provide its adult friars with a continual schooling of some description,284 Whatever the regional differences, the general chapter of Assisi (1279) already assumed that there were schools or active lectors in all

281 The first known Franciscan lector in Lüneburg is the reading master Conrad, who appears in 1318 as a witness in a court case between the Bishop of Bremen and the cathedral chapter of Hamburg. LOGEMANN, 1996, 23. At the end of the fourteenth century Heinrich Hollen is mentioned as lector principalis, which implies that by that time the convent school had at least two lectors. This is corroborated by the mentioning of Luder Massow as lector secundarius in 1405. In the mid-fifteenth century we find as lector principalis Johannes Hagen, who had studied in Erfurt and England before his appointment in Lüneburg. Ibidem, 24-25. See there also for more information on late medieval Franciscan lectors. For other convent schools in the province of Saxony, see GUTOWSKI, 1994, 97; GUTOWSKI, 1994², 111-146; NICKEL, 1994, 1-26. 282 DOELLE, 1927, 245-7. 283 NICKEL, 1994², 167-210; NICKEL, 1994³, 229-252; HUNECKE, 1994, 27-46 (provides evidence for a reading master in 1315 in the Dortmund convent). 284 ELM, 1983, 593.

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well-established Franciscan convents. Roger Bacon’s boast that, from the 1230s onwards, the mendicants had brought learning ‘in omni civitate, in omni castro et in omni burgo’ points in the same direction.285 The lectures of these lectors were meant to educate all clerical friars. Friars who were otiosi in attending these lectures could expect to be punished.286 Comparable formulations can be found in the constitutions of Paris (1292), Assisi (1316), and the Farinarian constitutions of 1354.287 Likewise, the early fourteenth-century Umbrian provincial constitutions assumed that each and every clerical friar would attend the lectures of the convent lector on a regular basis.288 These lectures could consist of formal or non-formal lectiones, simple expositions of a biblical book, the Sentences, or a readily available Summa de Casibus, supplemented by a training in pastoral activities, depending on the envisaged need and the qualifications of the lector.289 The situation in the Umbrian province sheds some additional light on the distribution of convent schools. Aside from the more important studia in Perugia, Assisi, Todi, Gubbio, Città del Castello, Spoleto and Borgo Sansepolcro mentioned before, the province seems to have had a range of convent schools with only one lector each by the early fourteenth century.290 285 ROGER BACON, Compendium Studii Philosophiae, 398. Guillaume de St. Amour provides us with the same information. Yet he was prone to exaggerate. CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, I, 253. 286 : ‘…non solum et praecipue clerici juvenes, sed etiam guardiani, praedicatores, confessorii et alii illo tempore circa iniuncta sibi officia non occupati. Ob negligentiam vel superiorum vel lectorum vel propter otiositatem fratrum diversae sanctiones poenales statuebantur (…) Arctentur autem omnes fratres clerici ad ingressum scholarum, cum non fuerint circa iniuncta sibi officia occupati. Et qui otiositati dediti fuerint, gravi subiciantur disciplinae vel de loco studii emittantur.’ CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 76; STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 451. These statutes also mention that ‘cessante lectore aliquis extraordinarie legat.’ See also FELDER, 1904, 326; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 366; BRLEK, 1942, 25-26; FONZO, 1944, 171. 287 CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 76; CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1316), 291;CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES/CONSTITUTIONES FARINERIANAE (1354), 109. 288 DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 526. The general chapter of 1292 had stipulated that only the lay friars did not have to attend (all of) these lectures. The frequency of such lectures would have varied from several informal lectures a week to daily two-hour conferences. 289 BRLEK, 1942, 26. 290 There is concrete evidence concerning at least 21 additional convent schools of this kind. Namely in the Porziuncola (Assisi), Spello, Bettona, Amelia, Gualdo Tadino (where presence of an anonymous Franciscan chronicler/hagiographer suggests a substantial literary activity in the early fourteenth century), Nocerna,

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An even more complete listing of convent schools can be deduced from the Tuscan Tabula diffinitionis of 1394. It shows that the Tuscan province at that time – alongside its custodial and provincial studia in Florence, Siena, Pisa, Lucca, S. Miniato, and Pistoia (some of which would by then have evolved into general degree schools) – had lectors in all but seven of the 44 remaining convents.291 This would suggest that 86% of all the convents in the Tuscan province had a school of some sort. If we exclude the small hermitages, it would appear that nearly every ordinary convent over around thirteen friars would have had a lector. While it is difficult to extrapolate from this kind of information, it is probably safe to assume that at least from the early fourteenth century onwards up to 70% of the Franciscan convents in the Franciscan core areas housed a lector who was entitled to give lectures on a daily basis.292 In Italy alone, 669 Franciscan convents can be traced for the year 1282, 587 convents for the year 1316, 567 convents around 1340, and 616 convents around 1384.293 This would imply that the Italian peninsula housed more or less 420 Franciscan ‘schools’ at the convent level throughout the fourteenth century. It is in the conventual school context that nearly all adult friars were immersed in straightforward lectures on dogmatic and moral theology, where they would hear a countless number of sermons, and

Montone, Umbertide, Foligno, Bevagna, Trevi, Narni, Terni, San Gemini, Norcia, Cascia, Visso, Vallo di Nera, Amatrice, Montereale, and Leonessa. TABULAE CAPITULARIS UMBRIAE (1408 et 1431), 302-310. See for this also NICOLINI, 1982, 119. On the anonymous chronicler and hagiographer of Gualdo Tadino, known in most existing studies as Fra Paolo da Gualdo or the Anonymus Umber, see GUERRIERI, 1933, 198-241; VAUCHEZ, 1990, 274-305. 291 TABULAE CAPTULARIS TUSCIAE, 416-423. 292 For other areas more research is needed. RASMUSSEN, 1998, 14ff and ROELVINK, 1998, 139 make mention of various convent lectors in Visby and Stockholm (in the Dacia province). Basing himself on the house diary of Stockholm, Roelvink mentions four convent lectors from the fifteenth century who had followed a lectorate course (or other higher studies) in Germany, namely Lars Jonsson, Per Homgersson, Knut Jönsson (all of whom had studied in Greifswald), and Lars Nilsson (who studied in Erfurt). One other convent lector (Bernardine Kempe) had studied in Bologna. We do not have information about the study career of the other known Stockholm lectors from that period (Ingemund, Jacob Håkansson, Lars Edbersson, and Lars Pålsson). Roelvink assumes that they also had studied in Germany, yet they also might have completed their lectorate course in more nearby centres such as Lund, Copenhagen, or Roskilde. 293 HOLZAPFEL, 1909, 144; ALATRI, 1978, 64.

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would receive additional training in forensic skills on a daily basis. Together with the custodial schools, the convent schools provided by far the most important context for the regulated permanent education of the friars, most of whom would never leave their province for higher studies at a studium generale. This is reflected in provincial statutes and related documents, which show an ongoing concern for the continuity and the quality of the lectures on the conventual and the custodial level, and the proper attendance of young and adult friars.294 The lectorate program The chapters of Narbonne (1260), Assisi (1279), and Paris (1292) already stipulated that students going to Paris (or another studium generale) should have sufficient background. They should have been trained for two or three years in a studium in their home province, or in a neighbouring province. Only when candidates for higher theological studies were proficient enough to forego this preparation could they be sent immediately after their noviciate.295 The study path of Salimbene shows that, at least before c. 1250, when there was not yet a standardised program of preparatory studies at the custodial Cf. DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 526: ‘Custos autem quilibet anno quolibet in provinciali capitulo ministro et diffinitoribus de singulis sue custodie lectoribus relationem facere et minister ipsam teneatur exigere, an videlicet quilibet huiusmodi lectorum illo anno legerit lectiones, guardiani et fratres alii audiant assidue lectorum principalium lectiones. Si quis autem guardianus audire et alios ad audiendum inducere neglexerit ita, quod lectoris et aliorum scolas sequentium iudicio fuerit negligentia notabilis, in provinciali capitulo a sui guardianatus offitio debeat ammoveri et illo anno ad nullum officium possit assumi. Custos autem de diligentia vel negligentia guardiani ministrum et diffinitores debeat anno quolibet reddere certiores. Ipse quoque custos in conventu quolibet diebus aliquibus scolas intret, lectiones integras audiat theologie, physice, loyce atque gramatice. Porro legentes loycam vel gramaticam faciant per auditores suos sibi assidue repeti lectiones et circa materiam lectionum interrogent auditores et obiciant eis et per coauditores alternatim obici faciant taliter, quod per huiusmodi exercitia auditorum excutiatur torpor, acuatur ingenium, acquiratur scientia et memorie artius imprimatur. Custos autem huiusmodi exercitia se interdum fieri faciat taliter, quod de aptitudine iuvenum in profectu experientiam possit habere.’ 295 ‘…exerceantur tribus vel duobus annis post novitiatum in aliquo Studio suae provinciae vel vicinae, nisi adeo fuerint litterati, quod post novitiatum possint mitti.’ CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 72, 78. Cf. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 474; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 369; BRLEK, 1942, 60; BARONE, 1978, 224. 294

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school level, this preliminary training could well exceed a three-year time span.296 Several provincial chapters of the early fourteenth century came up with more specific stipulations, asking either for an explicit period of logical, philosophical, and theological training in custodial or provincial schools, or an initial examination before a provincial chapter.297 The latter condition illustrates that the provincial chapter had the final word in the selection process of students ‘de debito’ and ‘de gratia’ for studia generalia such as Paris298 That is, the selection process for students ‘de debito’ was in the hands of the provincial chapter. Those sent ‘de gratia’ needed an additional licence from the minister general on top of the provincial selection. 299 Depending on the prov296 Salimbene himself was sent to Paris in 1247 to enter the lectorate course for the Bolognese province, after nearly ten years of theological preparation. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, 300ff. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 235-236. 297 The statutes of Umbria of 1338 state that: ‘Ad Studium vero Parisius nullus frater huius provincie possit micti, nisi prius ordinarie legerit physicam vel loycam et theologiam.’ DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV): 528. The same was true in Tuscany. The 1360 constitutions of this province also declare: ‘Studentes vero Parisius transmittendi in provinciali capitulo coram fratribus de una quaestione debeant respondisse.’ MEMORALI(1933), 326b, 333a. Comparable stipulations are found in fourteenth-century rulings of the French province and the provinces of Umbria and St. James in Spain. Cf. the provincial statutes of France (1337): ‘…nullus studens (…) mittatur Parisius pro studio nisi prius in sua custodia probatus fuerit in lectione philosophie vel logicalium, et eciam moribus et conversatione…’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 497; DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 528: ‘Ad studium vero Parisius nullus frater huius provinciae possit micti nisi prius ordinarie legerit physicam vel loycam et theologiam (…)’. 298 Notwithstanding the fact that the final letter of approbation had to come from the minister general, as can be deduced from Little’s edition of such a letter to an Irish student. 299 ‘…quod illi qui ad huiusmodi studia extra suas provincias de debito transmittuntur, per sua provincialia capitula eligantur; electores autem meliores et magis ad hoc idoneos eligere in virtute sanctae obedientiae teneantur. Illi vero qui de gratia ad huiusmodi studia sunt mittendi, non mittantur sine generalis ministri licentia speciali, sine sui ministri et provincialis capituli approbatione praecedente.’ CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351. Comparable regulations were already issued in the general chapter of Assisi in 1279. Exemplars of such licences are found in the chartulary of Michele da Cesena’s chancellery. One of these latter letters goes as follows: ‘Pro studentibus de gratia Parisius [mittendis]. De tuis condicionibus promotione dignis et habilitate ad proficiendum in scientia fide digno testimonio informatus [namely by the province] tenore presentium tue dilectioni concedo, quatenus ad Parisiensem conventum valeas te transferre, biennio ibidem pro studio cum contributione debito, ea[m]dem exsolvendo conventui, moraturus. Presentes autem sint tibi apud guardianum ceterosque fratres in testimonium concessionis prefate. Vale etc.’ FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA, 106-171, 146 (no. 9). For a comparable notice to a provincial minister allowing him to send a friar to a studium generale

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ince, the provincial chapter either selected the best candidates presented by the various custodies fully autonomously, or followed a set chronological order determining which custody (and which custodial schools) could present candidates for study at a studium generale in each particular year.300 As the Narbonne constitutions indicate, such regulations dealt with order requirements for students aspiring for an education at a studium generale. These students normally would follow the lectorate program, which was different from the university degree program of theology. For the degree program, the universities themselves often had additional requirements.301 The order regulations did not deal solely with proficiency in learning. Repeatedly, the sources indicate that the various provinces should only send those students to the studia generalia who were of impeccable morals, proficient in their studies, of a healthy disposition, and in the possession of a pleasant demeanour.302 This agrees with the conditions set for Franciscan preachers and confessors. 303 The future intellectual and pastoral task-force should have the physical stamina and the moral resilience to deal with the arduous obligations ahead, and its countenance should not be offensive to the public in any way. The ruling at the general chapter of Lyon (1325) that candidates for higher learning could not be older than 40 years was motivated by similar considerations.304 ‘triennio (…) de speciali gratia pro studio moraturum…’ see Ibidem, 157 (no. 29). A comparison between these documents would suggest that some students (‘de debito’ and ‘de gratia’) at that moment in time could be sent for two years (‘biennio’), whereas others (in this case ‘de speciali gratia’) could be sent for three years (‘triennio’). In 1346 (on the general chapter of Venice), the emphasis on the secure scrutiny of candidates was re-inforced: ‘…ordinat generalis minister, cum generali capitulo universo, quod fratres qui ad generalia studia theologiae transmittentur de debito, eligantur per viam scrutinii, sicut de bachalariis lecturis Sententias Parisius, Oxonie et Cantabrigie in generali capitulo observatur.’ CONSTITUTIONES VENETAE (1346), 703. 300 Cf. DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 530 & 536. In Upper Germany, those who had read philosophy and theology at the custodial level had preference over those who only had spent time in a custodial school of theology. Cf. STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 251. 301 For a general discussion of the lectorate and degree programs of the various religious orders in Paris shortly after 1300, see also COURTENAY, 1999, 77-92. 302 According to the constitutions of Narbonne (1260), Assisi (1279) and Paris (1292), CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), etc., 72 & 78. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 364; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 369; BRLEK, 1942, 59-60. See also Michele da Cesena’s order of 1316 not to send students who could not arrive at the studium ‘sine equi adminiculo.’ BRLEK, 1942, 62. 303 See my chapter on Franciscan preaching. 304 BRLEK, 1942, 62. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES LUGDUNENSES (1325), 530f.

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In the course of the fourteenth century, the conditions for admittance to a studium generale tended to become more stringent. The general chapter of Strasbourg (1362) required that all candidates for the studium generale of Paris and other studia generalia had to be examined and approved by four ‘magistri promotores.’ 305 Somewhat later, the general chapter of Naples (1370), urged to examine friars selected for such higher studies both in their home province and also in the convent where they were to follow their theology course. 306 The same chapter of Naples repeated the old requirement that no friar could be admitted without a proper grounding in logic (three years) and philosophy (two years).307 This indicates a preparatory arts course of at least five years for all students who were to study at a studium generale, unless friars were able to follow several of these preparatory courses alongside each other in one of the custodial schools or, as became feasible in some places during the fifteenth century, in a neighbouring arts faculty.308 The early fifteenth-century ‘Urbanian’ constitutions lengthened the preparatory period to no less than eight years. On top of five years of studies in the arts and philosophy (one year of grammar and rhetoric, two years of logic, and two years of philosophy), candidates for the lectorate course were also required to audit preparatory theo305 Contemporary Tuscan provincial statutes of 1362 indicate that no friar will be sent to Paris unless he is sufficiently instructed: ‘et prius legerit logicam, physicam et theologicam, vel saltem aliquam praemissarum.’ MEMORALI(1933), 326-333. 306 ‘ut quilibet transmittendus ad huiusmodi studia examinetur in duobus locis: primo in sua Provincia per ministrum vel per examinatores ad hoc specialiter deputatos, qui examinatores primo praestent corporale sacramentum de examinatione fideliter facienda…similiter examinetur studens in conventu illo in quo debet in studio permanere et si repertus fuerit insufficiens, per oboedientiam expellatur.’ CONSTITUTIONES NEOPOLENSES 1379), Analecta Franciscana II, 282. Cf. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 369-370; BRLEK, 1942, 60-61. 307 ‘nisi prius audiat Logicam tribus completis annis et Philosophicam duobus’. For Paris in particular the same chapter required ‘ut studens prius in sua Provincia vel alibi laudabiliter legerit Logicam et Philosophiam ad minus duobus annis vel ad ista legenda iudicio ministri vel examinatorum sufficiens reputatur.’ CONSTITUTIONES NEAPOLENSES (1379) 170, nn. 6 & 8; BRLEK, 1942, 60. Compare the statement concerning Paris in the STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 497: ‘…nullus studens (...) mittatur Parisiis pro studio, nisi prius in sua custodia probatus fuerit in lectione philosophie vel logicalium, et eciam moribus et conversatione.’ 308 Franciscan friars are not only found at fifteenth-century arts faculties as teachers, but also as students. See for friars who followed their arts courses at Parma university PIANA, 1963, 370, 372, 374, 382-4, 386, 389, 400. In 1493, the minister general Francesco Sansone came out with a decree that allowed Franciscan friars of Ferrara to follow arts courses in the university. MEMORIALI, (1933), 391b.

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logical studies and to act for two or three years in didactic activities as magister studii or as baccalaureus logicae at a custodial arts school.309 In the course of the fifteenth century, the philosophical studies apparently were condensed, so that a five-year preparation once more became customary. This can be illustrated with the student career of the later minister general Francesco della Rovere. After an elementary initiation into the Franciscan religious life and an immersion course in Latin grammar as a very young boy and Franciscan novice (between his ninth and fifteenth year), he received three years of logical and philosophical training (between his fifteenth and eighteenth year). Thereafter, he became teacher of logic (baccalaureus dialecticae or logicae) for two or three years at a custodial school. In the same period he was exposed to elementary theological lectures (by the cursor biblicus and the convent lector). In addition, he acted as respondens in some disputations held at the provincial chapter (an activity used as a selection mechanism). When he was around 21, Francesco della Rovere was sent to a studium generale for two or three years indepth theological training in the lectorate program.310 The above-mentioned requirements were predominantly developed for those young friars who were to be sent out to study for a set period in the lectorate program. Once having arrived in Paris (or another studium generale), the students, who by then normally would be c. 21-23 years old, according to the statutes of Narbonne (1260) would be allowed to study theology during a four-year time-period.311 Salimbene refers to this practice in his story about the notorious Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino, who during his Parisian years published without permission of his superiors the Joachimist Introductorius in Evangelium Aeternum (1254).312 309 This shows the teaching assignments of advanced arts students; assignments that probably went back to the early fourteenth century. Cf. D OCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec.XIV), 528. For comparable teaching obligations for more advanced students in the Dominican order, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 277. 310 FONZO, 1986², 278-302. 311 ‘...studeant quattuor annis ad minus, nisi adeo fuerint provecti, quod merito iudicentur idonei ad lectoris officium exsequendum.’ CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES, 72. 312 Salimbene relates how Gherardo was sent to Paris ‘ut studeret pro provincia Sicilie pro qua receptus fuerat.’ SALIMBENE, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 237, 455-456. On the scandal he caused, see REEVES, LEE & SILANO, 1993, 59-70. Publications in the Franciscan order thereafter were more closely controlled, as can be inferred from the Narbonne constitutions and from the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 352.

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The four-year study period for the lectorate program was re-confirmed in the general chapters of 1279 and 1292.313 Most friars sent out to study outside their province never went further. Paris was the first studium generale where friars from all provinces could go to, hence the fact that Paris is continually mentioned in the general statutes. However, from the very beginning there were other studia generalia to which friars could also be sent for their lectorate course, as has been discussed before. In their four years of study at such a studium generale, the lectorate students predominately would listen to cursory and ordinary lectures on the Bible and the Sentences, and to additional courses in moral philosophy and canon law. Moreover, they would learn a good deal of the theological materials by heart in recitation sessions led either by the magister studii or the secundarius, and they would receive additional training in disputation techniques and sermon composition. At studia with university connections, the students in the lectorate program probably were also encouraged to attend lectures, sermons, and disputations elsewhere in the university community. Yet they were not real university students, but ‘internal’ students of the Franciscan studium generale. These students therefore frequently do not appear in the ordinary matriculation lists of the universities, and they did not seek a degree.314 Throughout their stay at a studium generale, students ‘de debito’ and ‘de gratia’ were constantly evaluated by the guardian and other order officials. If their behaviour or their scholarly progress did not pass muster, they had to return to their home province (no doubt to receive further disciplinary punishment).315 After their four-year period was over, when many of these students would be 23 to 28 years old, (depending upon their age at entering the order and their scholarly itinerary), they would return to their home without an official degree. They did receive a testimonial concerning their performances and personal qualities from the guardian and the lector of the studium.316 The home-coming friars had to show these testimonials to 313 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 72, 78 & CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 72, 78. 314 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 79 etc. Cf. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370; BRLEK, 1942, 63; BARONE, 1978, 234. 315 CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351. 316 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 79; CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351; DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 532, 536. For examples of letterae testimonialis written by the guardians and the lector of the studium where students finished their lectorate course, see Miscellanea Francescana 31 (1931), 132, n. 23 & 36

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their provincial minister. If the provincial chapter of their home province would find these returned friars sufficiently instructed and worthy of the job, they could be assigned a teaching position as lector or study leader at a custodial school (studium particulare), or at one of the convent schools in their home province. Their performance and lectorate position would to be evaluated at the next provincial chapter.317 In the English province the more important convents sometimes claimed a specific student at a studium generale (such as Oxford) to succeed to the lectureship in their school when this position became vacant. This was a so-called frater assignatus, whose consignatio was arranged by the provincial minister, the master at the Franciscan studium generale in question, and the convent that claimed the student and was to provide for him as its future lector. Little suggests that these consignationes were made when the student had proven to be suitable.318 Over and over again, general chapter constitutions forbade provincial superiors to call back their students too early – that is, before these students had finished their four-year lectorate course. It seems to have been common practice to recall students before their term at a studium generale was over, predominantly due to a lack of lectors at the convent school level or the costs involved for the home province (and sometimes due to insufficient motivation by the student). Alvaro Pelayo therefore complained that students too often did not stay long enough to absorb sufficient learning. Apparently, a short stay in Paris already was sufficient to be called ‘lector Parisiensis.’319 (1936), 531-532 (directed to the provincial minister of Umbria); MEIER, 1958, 26 & n. 76 (testimonial concerning Lakmann, dating from 1433-144). Very nice specimens of such letters have survived for friar Konrad Grütsch, who received two testimonials in February 1437, one from the guardian and one from the principal lector. MURITH, 1940, 30-31. 317 Hence, after receiving his testimonial, Lakmann was for a short time lector in a studium particulare before his appointment as lector secundarius at the studia of Leipzig (1442) and Erfurt (1443/4). He was allowed to enter the degree program in Erfurt in Fall 1443, where he graduated as doctor of theology in 1446 (he apparently had received several dispensations). MEIER, 1958, 26. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 66-67. 318 ‘When a student friar first came to Oxford he did not come as a frater assignatus but was said to ‘stand for’ such and such a convent – ‘stare pro (or de) conventu.’ He might afterwards, if he proved suitable, be ‘assigned’ to some convent – probably not that from which he originally came.’ L ITTLE, 1943, 62-63. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 65. 319 ‘ibi per quatuor vel sex menses morantes, et inde cum vacuo nomine, sine scientia revertentes, et postmodum nomen lectoris habentes, et exinde ventres implentes.’ ALVARUS PELAGIUS, De Planctu Ecclesiae, II, a. 33. Cf. PIANA, 1970, 46*.

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To guarantee the quality of the lectorate program, and yet to accommodate the need for lectors at the convent schools and the custodial study houses, the general chapter of Assisi (1316) reduced the length of the lectorate program to three years. In 1325 (Lyon) it was further reduced to two years, with the strict condition that students should not be called home before these two years were over320 (by then, the schooling at preparatory custodial schools might have been so adequate that this shortened curriculum at the lectorate level was not necessarily detrimental to the actual level of theological education).321 Comparable concerns to ensure that students in the lectorate program were enabled to continue their studies without disturbance during this two-year period can be found in the constitutions of Naples (1370).322 The 1466 letter from the French provincial minister Guiotelli to the minister general shows that the two year rule at that time was still in force for the lectorate program in Paris,323 whereas a 1450 letter by the minister general Angelo Christofori pertaining to an Irish student ‘de debito’ for Oxford would suggest that by then the lectorate program at Oxford lasted three years.324 The three-year time span for the lectorate was in any case re-confirmed as the general rule in the constitutions of Alexandria (1501). Many ‘new’ lectors would first be assigned a post at the convent level, in particular during the thirteenth century. Yet it was not unBrlek, 1942, 63, writes: ‘Paulatim tamen cursus studiorum [ad lectoratum] diminuebat usque dum an. 1316 ad tres et denique ad duo reductus est cum stricta prohibitione ne studentes ante tempus praedictum pro lectoribus revocentur.’ Cf. also the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 351. 321 As the letters no. 9 and no. 29 from the chartulary of Michele da Cesena’s chancellery show, the number of years assigned to students could differ. In the same time period we find a student who is sent out ‘de debito’ for two years (‘biennio’) and a student who is sent out ‘de speciali gratia’ for three years (‘triennio’). FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA, 146 & 157. The 1375 provincial statutes of St. James (Spain) still speak about a two-year lectorate course for those sent to Paris. CONSTITUTIONES PROVINCIAE S. IACOBI (1375), 264. 322 See for instance the constitutions of CONSTITUTIONES NEAPOLENSES (1379), 170. Cf. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370. 323 At that period the Parisian convent faced another problem, however. Lectorate students used to the student life in Paris tried to stay on as long as possible (and not solely for serious study purposes). They used every scheme and mean, including an abuse of the so-called litterae mendicatae and litterae obientiales to get sufficient funding and approval to prolong their stay. PIANA, 1956, 409-410 & 427-429 (no. 37-41). 324 The text of the letter says: ‘…tibi debitum prefate provincie [in] memorato conventu Oxon’ pro primo, secundo et tercio annis capituli generalis nuper in festo penthicostes apud Romam celebrati applico…’ LITTLE, 1930, 267-268. 320

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common for lectors fresh from their own studies to engage in logical and philosophical teachings at the custodial or sub-provincial schoollevel.325 Thereafter, they could move onwards to the teaching of theology at a custodial school or a non-degree studium generale. After an initial teaching career – normally the period between two subsequent provincial chapters – they had a chance to be assigned a new teaching post, or to be sent to a degree school in order to obtain a bachelor or a master degree.326 A large number (indeed the majority) of the lectors active during the medieval period would never move beyond the lectorate program. After their formative years and after serving one or more terms as convent lector, biblicus, magister studii, or as lector at a custodial school, many of them would be enlisted for other functions in the 325 For a detailed discussion of fourteenth- and fifteenth- century developments of such post-lectorate teaching careers, see FONZO, 1986², 108ff. Sometimes we come accross concerns that new lectors fresh from their lectorate course should at least teach for some years before being assigned other (administrative, pastoral or inquisitorial) tasks. Cf. the Umbrian constitutions of 1341: DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 536. 326 A good example of a lector’s teaching career after completing the lectorate course is provided by friar Herman Etzen, who in 1445 started his degree course at the university of Erfurt as ‘frater Hermannus Eczem ordinis minorum gratis ob reverenciam ordinis,’ after an impressive career as lector philosophiae. Herman Etzen himself wrote: ‘Ego frater Hermannus Etzen prima emancipacione de studio erffordensi [which apparently refers to the lectorate program, which he completed in 1440] fui deputatus lector in philosophia in conventu premslauiensi [Prenzlau] custodie stetensis, ubi tunc fuit studium [philosophiae] provincie collocatum. Et fuit dicta deputatio facta ad propriam meam instanciam, nam pocius volui stare in loco solitario, ut in studio laborarem, quam ubi sine studio delicijs habundarem, et accidit, quod optabam. Ibi enim libros optimos in philosophia repperi. Et quoniam iuxta primum promissa speravi, me ibidem mansurum, biennio arripui tres phisicorum libros et pertractavi modo, ut vides, quatuor alios pertracturus anno sequenti cum quaestionibus literalibus. Sed fefellit spes mea, fuit enim ibi studium ex paupertate dissolutum et ego mutatus in halbirstad, lecturam meam non perfeci. Collegi enim potissime ex burley super phisicorum, qui in illo conventu tunc habebatur. In halbirstad cum venissem, tediosior effectus, cepi truncatim colligere super libros de anima, ut hic cernis, nec hoc debite perfeci, quia iterum subito fui mutatus de studio philosophie in halbirstad ad studium particulare theologie in magdeburch secundarius. Ibi biennium complevi, inde biennio quieui et post triennio legi [this time the Sentences] in erffordia.’ MS Hildesheim, Stadtbibl. I A 4. Found in DOELLE, 1927, 247-248. Herman read the Sentences between 1445 and 1447 and probably was Sententiarius when he gave a disputed question during the provincial chapter of Stendal (1446). He might never have moved beyond the stage of formed bachelor, and became active as guardian of Hildesheim and as preacher (in those years he published several sermon collections). At his death he left his books to the Hildesheim convent.

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convent or the custody (guardian, novice master, custos, diffinitor etc.), without returning to Paris or another studium generale for a degree course. This large body of lectors without a university degree (but with considerable exposure to university level teaching), would never produce the writings that we nowadays associate with higher teaching during the later medieval period, namely the large Sentences commentaries, the magisterial biblical commentaries, and disputed questions. A smaller group of lectors was composed of those who were allowed to go back to a degree school to reach a bachelor degree or a comparable level. Some important Sentences commentaries survive from these lectors, either as a result of their Sentences readings at the universities, or as a result of their teachings at custodial or provincial schools of theology. In the latter case, we regularly find more modest, abbreviated commentaries. Among lectors of this level we also do encounter some important biblical exegetes and original speculative theologians (such as Pietro di Giovanni Olivi). Although they were not entitled to hold magisterial biblical lectures, a fair number of these lectors produced large scale biblical commentaries, which do, to some extent, reflect the level of biblical teachings at the more prestigious custodial schools and secondary studia generalia where several of these lectors were active. A third group of lectors, finally, is made up of those who were able to go all the way to the licentiate and the magisterium. This relatively small group normally gets most of the attention of scholars dealing with later medieval learning and the developments of later medieval thought. It is important to realise, however, that the literary production and the literary interests of those who never went beyond the lectorate program, or only went as far as the bachelor level, more often than not differed significantly from those who went all the way. Many of the learned masters of theology spent much of their time and energy on lengthy academic exercises and on editing their works for publication (series of quodlibetal questions and revised full-scale Sentences commentaries that reflected the intellectual debates at the universities).327 The rank and file lectors without such an academic 327 COURTENAY, 1999, 89-90 signals a decline in published academic works by Parisian Franciscan masters after the mid-1320s, notwithstanding the fact that they had completed their academic requirements. Courtenay suggests that, by then, publishing Sentences commentaries and quodlibetal questions became less important for further career advancement in the order or beyond.

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pedigree, on the other hand, were responsible for a large percentage of the more sedentary theological output, such as elementary preaching handbooks, edifying works for friars, nuns, and tertiaries, chronicles, saints’ lives, and a wide range of catechetical works. The degree program At the studia generalia principalia (until the early fourteenth century only Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge) the university degree program ran alongside of the lectorate program for the internal students. For Paris, the Franciscan students in the degree program – a much smaller number than those enlisted in the lectorate program – were not selected by the provincial minister/provincial chapter of their respective province, but by the minister general with the advice and consent of the general chapter.328 Since the times of Haymo of Faversham (the 1240s) it became customary that this latter group of degree students provided the candidates for the future leadership of the order (functionaries above the provincial level) and candidates for high church offices. Normally, these latter students were mature people, who previously had gone through a lectorate program, and had been active for several years as lector. As a rule, Franciscan doctoral students (and mendicant doctoral students in general) were therefore substantially older than other graduate students of theology. Those friars who produced Sentences commentaries in Paris and other degree schools were people with considerable teaching experience. They had been selected for further study after they had proven themselves.329 Non-mendicant university students started as full beginners in the academic theology degree course. They first had to participate for several years (varying between five and seven) as auditors in cursory and ordinary lectures on the Bible and the Sentences.330 After this CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1960), 77. Candidates for higher degrees normally were selected from lectors who at least had read for three years in another studium. The fact that these students normally were experienced lectors also explains why in Franciscan legislation these baccalaurei and licentiati are numbered among the teachers and not among the students. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370-371; BRLEK, 1942, 63, 78-79. 330 In the thirteenth century, this initial immersion in theology took seven years. In the course of the fourteenth century, it was reduced to five. F ONZO, 1944, 176; COURTENAY, 1994², 331. See also LITTLE, 1892, 45ff (on Oxford); MOORMAN, 1952, 24-25 (on Cambridge). 328 329

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period of passive audition, the students could start opposing and responding in theological disputations, and begin their two year period of reading two books of the Bible in cursory fashion (one from the Old Testament and one from the New Testament). Thereafter, selected students could move on to more advanced lectures on the Bible as baccalaureus biblicus or ordinarius. These lectures normally took two years (later shortened to one year). Before moving on to the status of baccalaureus sententiarum (again a selected group), a candidate had to act as respondent in a university disputation and had to obtain a testimonial that his learning was sufficient, both from the master under whom he studied, and from the other masters of the faculty. In later fourteenth-century Paris, the respondent activities could be used to substitute for the two years of ordinary biblical lectures. This seemed to have reduced the degree-students’ exposure to biblical lectures at the highest level. It was common for students at Paris (and later also in many of the newly established theology faculties at Cologne, Salamanca, and elsewhere) to engage in cursory and ordinary readings on the Bible (as cursor and baccalaureus biblicus) before moving on to reading the Sentences as baccalaureus sententiarum. In fourteenthcentury Oxford, however, the ordinary biblical lectures were absolved after the ordinary lectures on the Sentences as baccalaureus sententiarum.331 This shows that the actual order of these various degree courses could differ, depending on the period and the university. Yet, on the whole there was a remarkable agreement between the requirements stipulated in university statutes that governed the theology degree programs throughout Europe.332 After participation in a required scholarly disputation, the baccalaurei/sententiarii could start with their lecture course on the Sentences of Peter Lombard. They initiated this course with a solemn introductory sermon (the so-called principium or introitus, which could also comprise an additional disputation), and an act of commitment to orthodoxy.333 The latter was deemed necessary, for the sententiarii had a 331 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 371; LITTLE, 1926, 825; FONZO, 1944, 76-177; ASZTALOS, 1992, 418-419. It is possible that Oxford’s divergence from the curricular order originates from a conflict between the secular and regular masters (between 13111314). 332 See in general WEIJERS, 1987. 333 In many universities such an introductory sermon with a disputation attached to it was called a principium. For a detailed discussion of the disputations held in the context of such a principium at the later medieval theology faculty of Cologne, see CLASEN, 1951, 291-298. In the university of Cologne, the act of commitment was

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degree of doctrinal independence in their teachings and hence a doctrinal responsibility for the explanations to which they exposed the auditors. The bachelor’s lectures on the Sentences, which included a confrontation with existing authoritative commentaries, initially took two years or more.334 In the later Middle Ages these lectures were, in many places, reduced in length to one extended year of three terms (going well into the holiday period). After finishing these lectures, the bachelor reached the status of baccalaureus formatus.335 Then, for up to four years (depending on the period and the university),336 the formatus was required to participate in several activities of the theology faculty and to respond in several ordinary and extraordinary disputations, as well as in the magisterial quodlibetal disputation. In addition, bachelors were required to deliver several sermons to the academic community.337 Once these obligations were met and the final internal examinations passed in front of the faculty professors, the formed bachelor in principle was presented by his own master (promotor) as a candidate to receive the licence (licentia ubique legendi, disputandi, praedicandi et quoslibet actus excercendi theologica facultate). called a protestatio. It was a declaration by the bachelor that he would obey the university regulations to teach nothing counter to the truths of faith and the accepted standards of decency. Moreover, he was not to use his lectures to elaborate on all kinds of philosophical questions unrelated to the subject matter. 334 LEFF, 1975, 162-163 speaks in this context about: ‘… a vast output of works by masters of the faculty that (…) became part of the material of the course; to read the works of such eminent masters on either the Sentences or the Bible became as much a sine qua non of success in examination as to read the important articles and books is today.’ This practice is also visible in surviving student note books. 335 It was customary that a bachelor received the title formatus after finishing his lectures on the first three books of the Sentences. Bachelors who wanted to pursue a master degree were expected to finish the lectures on the fourth book as well. Those who did not want to pursue the magisterium, or did not have the possibility to do so, probably would not finish the lectures on the final book of the Sentences. 336 In Paris, this post-sentential residency originally was four years, which was reduced to three after 1389. In Oxford, the period of post-sentential residency was reduced to two years in the fourteenth century. Thanks to special dispensations and the possibility to perform some of the required responsiones elsewhere (or beforehand at another studium generale), post-sentential residency could sometimes be shorter than a year, witness the speed with which some late medieval candidates received their licence after reading the Sentences. 337 Degree students and bachelors of the religious orders were also required to attend the lectures and to participate in the disputations of other regular and secular masters outside their own studium (in fact they were expected to show up for all major disputations and other public activities of the faculty of theology). Cf. VERGER, 1992, 158.

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In theory, he then was ready to engage in the (costly) public inception, or inauguration ceremony that would provide him with the magisterium. In all, a full theology degree program could last sixteen years. The minimum age for graduating as a master of theology was thirty-five in Paris and thirty in younger universities such as Vienna and Cologne.338 After the mid-thirteenth century, when the Franciscan school system began to take shape, Franciscan friars selected for a theology degree course would not have started as full beginners. Aside from those recruited at the university, Franciscan degree students previously had gone through the lectorate program and would already have considerable teaching experience as lectors in convent schools and/or at the custodial level. In the fourteenth century and after, post-lectorate students eligible for further studies normally would have held a variety of posts at custodial and provincial schools, like cursor biblicus, magister studentium,339 lector physicae, magister studii, or baccalaureus conventus.340 This was confirmed in the statutes of Forlì (1421), which stated that students selected for a degree course of theology would have seven years of teaching experience, namely around three years as teacher of basic logic and as student master before their entrance in the lectorate program, and four years as teacher of logic, philosophy, and/or theology thereafter. 341 When these mendicant friars entered the academic theology degree course, they normally would have been able to get dispensation from the first years of auditing. They would have been admitted as beginning bachelors. Yet they were only admitted if they had met the requirements of the university with regard to preparatory exposure to the arts, philosophy, and theology. Non-mendicants routinely were only accepted as beginning students at the theology faculty after completing a full course in the

WEIJERS, 1987, 407ff.; ASZTALOS, 1992, 418-419; COURTENAY, 1992, II, 4-5; LEADER, 1988, 174. 339 The magister studentium, a position that in Franciscan sources starts to appear in the fourteenth century, was not only responsible for the organisation of rehearsals and excercise disputations, but also for practical matters, such as the presence of writing materials. In Dominican schools, the magister studentium was at least present from the mid-thirteenth century onwards. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 367-368. 340 In the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries this seems to have been a (substitute) teacher of metaphysics. 341 NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 276. 338

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liberal arts. Notwithstanding the opposition of secular masters, the mendicants from early on had been exempted from this rule. Former lectors in the mendicant orders, who initially had followed the lector course at a studium generale, and thereafter more often than not had taught at a convent school or a custodial school, therefore had to prove sufficient exposure to the arts and philosophy (as students and as teachers) before they could be presented as candidates for the baccalaureate at the theology faculty. The universities (such as Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge) reserved for themselves the right to give dispensation to worthy candidates from the religious orders who had completed their training in the arts and philosophy in their own schools. Thereby, the acceptance of mendicant degree students was always somewhat at the mercy of the university authorities. In conflict situations, these authorities were able to refuse mendicant candidates on formal grounds. In the early fourteenth century, after a series of incidents in the context of the secular-mendicant controversy, a more or less definite compromise was reached. In Oxford, for instance, it was agreed in 1314 that (mendicant) candidates for the baccalaureate or the magisterium of theology who previously had not ruled in the arts would show the chancellor and the procurators of the university that they had been exposed (as auditors and as lectors) to eight years of the arts and six years of theology.342 Comparable regulations for Franciscan candidates for higher theology degrees can be found for other places, such as Salamanca (in 1416).343 LITTLE, 1892, 40-44 (also on the preparatory requirements that friars had to fulfil at the convent or the custodial level); LITTLE, 1926, 825; COURTENAY, 1989, 145; GIBSON, 1931, 34. Gibson informs us that functionaries of the Franciscan order had to swear solemnly that their candidates for the (degree) study of theology at Oxford had studied the arts and philosophy for 8 years. ‘Si autem non determinaverit audiat ad minus artes per octo annos ante suam inceptionem’. Also on page 49: ‘Et ideo supradicta universitas statuit et decrevit bachilarium facultatis theologiae, quem liberalium artium honor magistralis minime decoravit, fore ad lecturam libri sententiarum nullatenus admittendum, nisi prius dictas liberales artes per octo annos integros in universitate vel alibi rite audierit, vel partim audierit partim legerit, per spacium temporis supradictum, solis philosophicis intendendo.’ 343 ‘Praescribent ut mendicantes a Capituli generali pro cursu magisterii praesentati, ad lecturam sententiarum non admittantur, nisi postquam iuxta Statuta sui Ordinis perfecerint cursus suos audiendo videlicet ac legendo gramaticam, logicam, philosophiam et theologiam et in aliquo conventu sui Ordinis Lectores principales extiterint et deinde ad praedictum Salamantinum studium missi fuerint cum littera fidem de praedictis cursibus faciente.’ Archiv für Literatur- und Kirchengeschichte des Mittelalters 5 (1887), 210. Cf. FONZO, 1944, 179 (concerning comparable regulations determined by the chapter of Forlì (1421). 342

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The choice concerning which of the friars was to be presented to the theology faculty as a candidate for the degree course eventually rested with the general minister and/or the general chapter.344 For the Paris studium, the general chapters of Milan (1285), and Paris (1292), as well as the ordinations of Benedict XII (1336) ordered that out of every three candidates to read the Sentences pro cursu magisterii one must belong to the French province. This probably was meant to compensate for the heavy burden that the Paris studium imposed on the French province. The Franciscans routinely were allowed to present one candidate for the Sentences in Paris each year, which implies that every third year the choice fell upon a candidate from the French province. During the remaining two years candidates 344 Before 1282, candidates for the degree program were selected by the provincial ministers, to be presented at the general chapter for further scrutiny. If they passed the ‘test’, they received permission by the minister general to go to one of the degree studia generalia, in order to attain a bachelor degree or to go even further. In 1282, the general chapter gave the minister general the power to select from the candidates presented by the provinces those suitable to pursue higher degrees (in particular at the Paris studium). From that moment onwards, the minister general had the final word in the selection of the candidates to read the Sentences and of those who were to rule as regent master. The university authorities of course also had to give their permission. DIFFINITIONES ARGENTINAE (1282), 137: ‘Statuit et diffinit capitulum generale, quod minister generale provideat tamen de eo, qui debet ad magisterium presentari Parisius quam de illo, qui ad legendum ibidem Sententias assumetur.’ It illustrates the central place of Paris in the study system of the order as a whole in the early period. In 1336, however, Benedict transferred this power back to the general chapter, limiting the power of the minister general in these matters. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 346ff. The minister general henceforth had to make a decision in close collaboration with the general chapter. The minister general could decide on his own only in exceptional cases ‘extra tempus Capituli, et tunc de consensu decem consiliariorum.’ In practice, the selection process reverted back to the system that the minister general and the general chapter confirmed acceptable candidates presented to them by the provinces. Cf. BRLEK, 1942, 80. A nice illustration of the way in which such election processes took place at the provincial and general level is found in a letter from Angelo Christofori to his minister general. Angelo asks the minister general to confirm a candidate chosen at the provincial chapter of France. See BIHL, 1939, 330-355. Franciscan lectors sometimes were backed by important lobbyists to get them into the degree program (on top of other candidates). Notwithstanding severe warnings not to pursue a degree course ‘per personas extra ordinem’, as that would lead to the permanent disqualification of a possible candidate for once and for all, this practice continued. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 79. Around 1317 the cardinal-bishop of Albany asked the minister general Michele da Cesena as to whether it was possible to send friar Arnold Aymericus (at that time lector of Toulouse) to the degree program ‘de gratia speciali.’ This request apparently was granted, as Arnold Aymericus was mentioned as S. Pagina Magister at the general chapter of Perugia in 1322. Cf. FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA, 160-61 (no. 37).

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from other provinces were eligible. In 1336 it was further declared that the candidates from other provinces than France should be chosen alternately from the Cismontan and Ultramontan provinces. In the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries comparable rules were in force for other studia generalia on the continent.345 For Oxford and Cambridge somewhat different conditions appeared in the 1336 constitutions of Benedict XII. They ruled that every third year the minister general and the general chapter could select candidates from outside the English province (alternately from the Ultramontan and from the Cismontan provinces). The other two years the bachelors (and the masters) were to be chosen from the English province by the provincial chapters.346 If the university in question accepted their credentials, such wellprepared Franciscan degree students normally could dispense with the initial years as auditors, and eventually also with the cursory reading of the Bible as cursor biblicus.347 They could immediately move 345 At Paris and also at other universities, the Franciscans could only present one candidate a year to incept as master of theology. Regencies in the Franciscan order therefore lasted normally but a year. It became the rule that for the cathedra at the studium generale of Paris the French province could present a candidate every third year – chosen among the worthy candidates from that province at the provincial chapter, who thereafter was presented to the general minister. The other two years, candidates could be presented by the Cismontan and Utramontan provinces respectively. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 371. This was, in fact, already stated at the general chapter of Paris, CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 77: ‘Placet tamen generali capitulo, quod illorum qui Parisius sunt lecturi Sententias vel ad Magisterium praesentandi, tertius semper de provincia Franciae, alii vero duo de aliis provinciis Ordinis magis idonei assumantur, ita tamen, quod propter hoc non promoveatur aliquis insufficiens ad officia supradicta...’ Cf. ACTA CAPITULI MEDIOLANENSI (1285), 228 & BARONE, 1978, 235. 346 CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 346. With regard to Oxford, it is not altogether clear as to whether the minister general used his right to select friars from continental provinces every third year. LITTLE, 1943, 66-67; LITTLE, 1938, 205-209. 347 In 1335, the Parisian theology faculty still asked from mendicant friars in the degree program that they lecture on the Bible for two years (before they could start reading the Sentences): ‘Item, nota, quod admissi ad lecturam Biblie debent solum legere duos libros, et tales sicut voluerint eligere, scilicet unum de veteri Testamento, et alium de novo, exceptis illis de quatuor Ordinibus Mendicantium, qui debent Bibliam continue legere per duos annos.’ CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, II, 692 (no. 1188). The selected candidate had to present so-called litterae patentae both to the guardian of the convent in which the studium was situated and to the regent master under whose responsibility he was to proceed with his degree course. These litterae numbered the future bachelor’s qualifications and confirmed that he had official permission of the minister general to proceed his studies pro cursu et forma magisterii. Cf. FONZO, 1986², 313.

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on to ordinary lectures on the Bible and/or the Sentences in the degree program of their university studium, respectively as baccalaureus biblicus and baccalaureus sententiarum, and partake as opponens and respondens in university disputations.348 After 1336, it became normal procedure to send to the degree program at the universities only those who already had considerable teaching experience on different levels, and in any case had read the Bible and the Sentences as lector secundarius pro exercitio in another studium generale or a prestigious custodial school. In the later Middle Ages, a reading of the Sentences pro exercitio amounted to a basic exposition of the Sentences in front of beginning students of theology. In addition, a bachelor pro exercitio would have engaged in disputation exercises with lectorate students and other students of theology, in order to train himself and others in opposing and responding to set arguments. After such preparations, a candidate selected for the degree course could start immediately as sententiarius pro gradu magisterii. This became a very normal procedure, not only in Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge, but also in Erfurt, Cologne and in the Italian universities. After finishing his Sentences lectures pro cursu et gradu, the Franciscan degree student (who by then would be in his thirties, if not significantly older)349 would be a formed bachelor. In principle, he now was entitled to take part in the activities that could lead to the licence and the magisterium.350 See for more details COURTENAY, 1989, 147 & LITTLE, 1892, 44-45. COURTENAY, 1999, 85 argues that mendicant bachelors and regent masters on average probably were in their early to mid-forties. 350 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 37; BRLEK, 1942, 78. Benedict XII stipulated that no candidate was to be accepted unless he had read the four books of the Sentences in one of the other studia generalia or better custodial schools of the order. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 349: ‘Nullus quoque frater dicti Ordinis ad legendum in praememoratis studiis Sententias assumatur, nisi prius legerit IV Libros Sententiarum cum scriptis approbatorum doctorum in aliis studiis quae in eodem Ordine dicuntur generalia, vel in conventibus infrascriptis, videlicet Rothomagensi..[etc.]’ BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, VI, 30: ‘…ut candidatos ad baccalaureatum, antequam mitterentur ad universitates, legerent IV Libros Sententiarum Petri Lombardi in studiis generalibus vel solemnibus.’ The statutes of 1421 state: ‘Ad cathedras pro cursu magisterii tales eligantur et non alii, qui legerint artes et philosophiam per septem annos et quatuor libros sententiarum ad minus per unum annum in studiis generalibus theologiae cuiuscumque Ordinis.’ CONSTITUTIONES DE FORI LIVENSE (1421), Analecta Franciscana II, 276. Cf. FONZO, 1986², 318; COURTENAY, 1989, 147. For several examples of friars who acted as baccalaureus pro exercitio at the studium generale of Florence, alongside of friars who were baccalaureus pro gradu magisterii conseguendo, see PIANA, 1977, 62-109 (see for instance Piana’s information on the 1396 appointment of friar Giacomo Fei da Firenze as bachelor pro gradu magisterii). In Florence, Franciscan candidates presented to the university were still required to read for their (bachelor) 348 349

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After their reading courses were over, many baccalaurei formati returned to their provinces, to serve in a further career as lectors (at large custodial schools or at non-degree studia generalia), to become administrators in the higher echelons of the order, or to embark on an ecclesiastical career.351 The selected group that could continue its studies – whether or not interrupted by several years of lecturing at other Franciscan studia generalia – in theory had to perform the obligatory post-sentential scholarly lectures and exercises, before they could obtain their licence and incept as master of theology.352 A typical study career of a bright friar during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries could have been as follows. After completing the noviciate at the age of fourteen, pursuing subsequent studies of logic, philosophy, and theology in the custodial school network (for three to five years), and some years of supplementary teaching and rehearsing of younger students, this friar would follow a two-year lectorate program at a studium generale. After his return from the lectorate program (and in possession of the right testimonials), he could for instance be assigned a position as lector logicae/physicae/philosophiae, or as baccalaureus physicae (depending on the period), either at a custodial school or at a comparable school level in a large multi-levelled studium generale. Thereafter, he subsequently would move on to the positions of magister studentium, lector bibliae/cursor, magister studii (in charge with the coordination and the organisation of the studies and disputations at the arts and theology schools), teacher of metaphysics (baccalaureus conventus), or teacher of moral philosophy. The next step would be a position as baccalaureus pro exercitio: teaching the Sentences either to theology students at the custodial level or to students who were attending a lectorate course. After teaching the Sentences pro exercitio degree ‘per duos annos (…) III Libros Sententiarum et per duos alios Bibliam. Ibidem, 88. It shows that it became common to be accepted as formatus after reading the first three books of the Sentences (as was also the case in fifteenth-century Cologne). A candidate afterwards was expected to finish the fourth book as well, in particular when he wanted to go up for the master degree. It also shows that candidates still had to lecture on the Bible. The Alexandrine constitutions of 1500 also refer to a year of biblical lectures after finishing the ordinary lectures on the Sentences. CHRONOLOGIA HISTORICO-LEGALIS, I, 163a. 351 In Oxford less than half of all regular bachelors proceeded to inception. Main reasons were the high costs involved in graduation and the pressure to return to the home province as soon as possible, to fulfil pressing teaching assignments and administrative tasks. DOBSON, 1992, 569. 352 LITTLE, 1892, 47ff; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 372; LITTLE, 1926, 836.

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(and frequently after some additional teaching assignments), the friar in question could be selected to become baccalaureus pro cursu magisterii and to proceed his studies until his inception as magister regens, to become the regent lector of a degree studium generale. Such a career path could be trodden at a range of different studia or at the same studium, depending on the assignments.353 There are examples to indicate that friars could be lector logicae and baccalaureus physicae at the same time as they read the Sentences pro exercitio or pro cursu magisterii. We also come across friars who were baccalaureus pro exercitio and baccalaureus pro cursu at the same time for different groups of students. In the later fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries some friars apparently could be assigned a post as baccalaureus pro cursu magisterii at a non-degree studium generale. After finishing their lectures on the Sentences at such a non-degree studium, they could either complete their post-sentential obligations at a nearby university, or receive the magisterium by papal bull, after an internal examination during a general chapter meeting.354 The length of the post-sentential period before receiving the licence was reduced considerably in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. At Paris, post-sentential activities normally remained timeconsuming even in the later fifteenth century.355 Yet it became quite common for mendicant formed bachelors to receive the licence and the master’s degree shortly after finishing their Sentences course. In some cases, such friars might have profited from streamlined procedures. This can be seen in the case of Walram von Siegburg, who graduated from Cologne in 1435, after finishing all his degree obliga353 The most exhaustive treatment of such career paths is given by FONZO, 1944, 167-195; FONZO, 1986², 278-320; TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 508-510. Further details about the various teachings positions (lector principalis, secundarius, sententiarius, lector bibliae, magister studentium, magister studii) and the period in which these various titles began to appear in the Franciscan studium of Bologna are given by PIANA, 1970, 48*-53* and PIANA, 1977, passim. Piana provides an almost perfect example of such a career path for Gherardo da Firenze: lector of Montepulciano in 1483; bacc. philosophiae in Florence in 1488; bacc. pro exercitio in 1489; bacc. pro cursu magisterii in Pisa in 1491; master’s degree in Florence in 1492; dean of the Florentine theology faculty in 1502 (after fulfilling several non-academic functions). 354 Cf. de study path of Francesco d’Agrigento, who was appointed bachelor pro cursu magisterii at the new non-degree studium generale of Palermo in 1491: ‘…quod in tertio possit magistrari expletis cursibus suis.’ FONZO, 1944, 510; ROTOLO, 1995, 3132. 355 If we can trust the 1452 Parisian university statutes. CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, II, 713-718. See for developments in Oxford L ITTLE, 1892. 45-47.

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tions in almost five years.356 It also became more common to allow special dispensations, so that candidates were allowed to take the licence almost directly after reading the Sentences pro cursu magisterii. This would explain the speed with which a friar such as Pietro Mazoti received his licence in Toulouse.357 Dispensations and other 356 See on Walram’s academic career CLASEN, 1951, 257-396. On the basis of MS Cologne Stadtarchiv GB f. 175 ff. 1-32v (containing abstracts of Walram’s academic lectures, sermons and responses) and additional statutory information, Clasen has sketched the study path for mendicant friars at the theology faculty of Cologne in the fifteenth century, and indicated how the length of the curriculum was shortened. Being a mendicant friar, Walram could dispense with six years auditorship. With a payment of six ‘Weispfennigen’ Walram was enlisted in the degree program as ordinarius biblicus, on the condition that he had completed in the proper way the necessary philosophical and theological preparations. Walram spent the academic year 1430-1431 with afternoon cursory lectures on the Bible (touching on all biblical books, as also was the case in Paris). In order to finish within one year, he extended this reading course well into the holiday season. The lectures on each different biblical book were preceded by a festive principium (all on the basis of the same biblical theme). The following year, Walram was admitted to read the Sentences, again starting every book with a principium in front of the masters of the faculty (at such occasions no other lectures were held). Beforehand, Walram had to present a concept of his principium to his professor (chosen at the beginning of his degree course), to check its doctrinal safety. The same apparently was done with the concepts of his disputation responses and his academic sermons (which do not survive). Both before his biblical lectures and his Sentences lectures he moreover had to provide a protestatio: a declaration that he would not offend against the truths of faith. Walram gave his Sentences lectures on designated reading days, directly after the lectures of the regent masters. He received the status of formatus after finishing his lectures on Book III of the Sentences. During his years as biblicus and sententiarius, Walram was expected to audit faculty disputations. After finishing his Sentences lectures (again well into the holiday season), Walram had to fulfil his other degree obligations. At Cologne university this initially took four years. From 1400 onwards (beginning with the degree course of the Franciscan friar Stefan von Zwenbucken), it became possible to reduce these post-sentential years by responding to disputations during one’s period as biblicus and sententiarus. Walram gave three of his responses during his biblical teaching period, and finished his responsory obligations in the holiday disputation during the summer after finishing his Sentences lectures. The next two and a half years, he finished his other obligations (further responses, sermons and participation in other public disputations), after which he engaged in the lengthy licentiate procedure and the solemnities that lead to his promotion to doctor in sacra pagina (namely the Vesper disputation on the evening before his promotion; the Aula (a collatio and disputatio, which was the actual promotion activity), and the Resumptio (concluding statements, which finished up the issues raised during the previous ceremonies and confirmed the dignity of the new doctor). Walram immediately afterwards became magister actu regens. 357 BIHL, 1930, 252-266. The documents edited by Bihl concerning the appointment of Pietro Mazoti as baccalaureus at the studium generale of Toulouse (1419-20) show that general and provincial chapters planned three years in advance: presenting the candidates who in subsequent years were to read the Sentences as bachelor

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forms of streamlining could reduce the length of the whole degree program for mendicant friars to slightly over three years, as was the case in Padua.358 There is a lot of secondary literature concerning the graduation procedure at the theology faculties of Paris and Oxford.359 Here, we will shortly sketch the procedure at the theology faculty of Bologna. Candidate-bachelors to read the Bible and the Sentences had to be presented by their professor (in our case the regent master of the Franciscan studium generale) to the Collegium Facultatis. After proper examination, the Collegium incorporated the candidate bachelors into the faculty and gave them a licence to read the Sentences and the Bible, and to engage in the other obligatory degree activities (the participation in disputations and the presentation of sermons to the academic community). The actual post sentential-residency period of the formed bachelor could vary from one month to five years, depending on educational needs and observed proficiency. The right to confer the master degree normally belonged to the Collegium Facultatis and to the chancellor, its highest authority (the bishop of Bologna, normally represented by the vice-chancellor).360 In order to be admitted to the licence and the magisterium, the regular friars not only needed permission from this faculty body, but also from the provin-

pro gradu. Hence we encounter the appointments of bachelors pro anno primo (primo cursu), pro anno secundo (secundo cursu), pro anno tertio (tertio cursu), which implies that every year another candidate was reading the Sentences as part of his degree track. Moreover, these bachelors normally read the Sentences cum sequela magisterii. Directly or shortly after finishing the Sentences course these candidates apparently were to be promoted to the position of magister regens, or at least would receive the licence. It suggests that, throughout the fifteenth century, candidates could speedily receive the magisterium after reading the Sentences pro gradu, and that the obligatory postsentential excercises could be reduced or dispensed with altogether. The documents pertaining to Pietro Mazoti also reveal that the home province of the Toulouse studium (Aquitaine) after 1336 had the right to present a candidate of its own every third year (pro anno tertio). Pietro’s appointment as candidate for the third year was an infringement of this provincial privilege, and the provincial superiors of Aquitaine did not want him appointed as ordinary bachelor. Hence the minister general used his right to appoint Pietro as extraordinarius. Pietro therefore also needed a special papal dispensation to receive his master degree (which he received on October 9, 1419). 358 Cf. BROTTO & ZONTA, 1922, 258-262, 274-298. 359 See for instance LEFF, 1975, 168ff, which gives a clear and succinct treatment of the matter. 360 For exceptions see PIANA, 1963, 5-7.

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cial minister and the general minister of the order.361 Sometimes, the faculty itself took the necessary steps to secure this permission, as seems to have been the case with the candidacy of the Franciscan friar Giuliano da Muggia.362 The promotor,363 assisted by two other masters, presented his candidate to the Collegium Facultatis, which examined him in a plenary session. Selected members of the Collegium probed the theological knowledge of the candidate (the examen privatus), and afterwards voted for his admittance to the licentiate and the subsequent doctoral insignia. When the scholarly merits of the candidate for the licentiate where already known to be outstanding, the Collegium could decide to dispense with this examination altogether. After the examination was over, and after the Collegium had approbated the candidate, the latter had to swear solemnly and publicly that he would be obedient to the Pope and the bishop of Bologna. The candidate also promised not to overspend in his licence and magisterium ceremonies.364 The costs of the official licence and the magisterium depended foremost on the fees that had to be paid for the various parts of the procedure and on the accompanying gifts that the candidate was expected to present to the faculty members. Most burdensome were the costly Vesperiae and Aulae disputations and the actual magisterium ceremony. Even though candidates had to promise not to overspend in these matters (concerning which we also find warnings and regulations in various Franciscan constitutions), the university also took steps to ensure that they did not complete these final solemnities at cheaper universities. 361 Concerning candidates for the magisterium in Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge Redemptor Noster (1336) also states that the provincial minister or the guardian, together with twelve other ‘discrete’ friars, should hold a collation, to determine the candidate’s ‘vita et sufficientia.’ CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 350. 362 PIANA, 1963, 8-12. 363 Franciscan regent masters were not solely involved with the promotion of Franciscan candidates. They could be promotors of non-Franciscan bachelors, and it certainly was normal that Franciscan regent masters as full faculty members presided over disputations of secular students. MEIER, 1958, 25-26. 364 ‘…quod in vestra licentia et in vesperis et pro vestra aula et pro toto vestro post licentiam magisterio non expendetis per vos vel per alium ultra quantitatem taxatam in Viennensi Concilio.’ At the council of Vienne (1311-1312), it was decreed that the whole magisterium procedure in the universities should not exceed ‘tria millia Turonensium Argenteorum.’ See: Clementis V Constitutiones V, tit. I (De magistris), c. 2: ‘Ne ultra tria millia Turonensium Argenteorum in solemnitate circa huiusmodi doctoratum et magisterium, quomodolibet adhibenda expedant.’ Corpus Iuris Canonici, ed. A. Friedberg, II, 1180.

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The bestowal of the licentiate was not always directly followed by all these magisterium solemnities. There could be an interlude of some days between the reception of the licence (conditional upon completing the subsequent solemnities) and these solemnities themselves. Sometimes this interlude could last several months, or even longer. This also depended upon whether a theology chair was available, and whether the candidate or the organisation behind him was able to collect sufficient funds to enable him to proceed.365 The regency was preceded by the actual inceptio, that is, the ceremony of admission by the Collegium of university doctors. This ceremony, which normally took place in the context of the other magisterium solemnities (or shortly thereafter), was costly in itself. 366 It was possible to teach in the Franciscan order without having reached this inceptio. But it was not possible to teach as magister at Oxford, Cambridge, or Paris (or another university) without the inceptio and the obligatory regency period.367 At the universities of Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge the minimum obligatory regency period used to be one or two years (the actual regency of seculars could be much longer, as they often were career teachers). In Paris and Oxford, the mendicants from early on opted for a rotation practice in order to boost the number of their masters, as the magisterium was an important title with many opportunities elsewhere. Every year a new master was presented as incoming regent, so that normally the Franciscan studia at Paris and Oxford would have an incoming regent and an outgoing regent, who shared the theology chair.368 After the obligatory regency period, a master 365 MARTIN, 1988, 111. Royal and high noble families did not hesitate to support their mendicant protégés financially – frequently confessors, counsellors or educators of their children – so that they could afford a master title. There is evidence concerning such financial support by the dukes of Orléans, Berry, Bourgogne and Anjou. In an extract from the accounts of Duke Louis d’Orleans, we find a donation to friar Pierre Salomon: ‘…pour lui aidier à faire sa feste d’estre maistre en théologie.’ Found in ALENÇON, 1911, LIII. For more information on the life and career of Pierre (also in the service of the Burgundian Dukes), see Ibidem, LIII-LIV. For order regulations concerning these matters, see for instance the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 353. 366 Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 50-51. 367 COURTENAY, 1989, 148. Scholars could receive dispensation from this obligatory regency period, normally against payment of a fee. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 52-53. 368 In Oxford, the necessary regency of Adam Marsh and his thirteenth-century successors used to be one year, or rather the remainder of the academic year in which the candidate incepted and the whole of the following academic year. Later the regency period was extended. The late fifteenth-century statutes speak about a

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became non-regens, often moving on to other duties.369 Sometimes, he would stay on for a while, providing magisterial lectures, presiding over disputations in the internal studium, and participating in various academic ceremonies. Normally, however, he quickly would be selected to take up a high office within or outside the order, or to teach as regent lector at another studium generale. In some German universities mendicant regencies could last much longer, witness the regencies of Johan von Bremen (regens between c. 1432 and 1444) and Lakmann (regens between 1446/8 and 1461).370 Between c. 1230 and 1517, the Franciscan studium at Paris produced around 333 masters of theology with the licence to teach publicly. The studium of Bologna delivered about 115 Franciscan masters between 1364 and 1500. To this number should be added comparable or higher numbers from Oxford and Cambridge.371 The numbers of Franciscan masters from other universities is harder to track down. During the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries there were only two (Paris and Oxford) or three (Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge) universities where Franciscan friars could obtain these higher degrees. Thereafter, the number of universities where Franciscan friars could obtain bachelor and master degrees gradually rose to sixteen and beyond.372 In all, it has been estimated that the combined degree programs of the order in Europe delivered approximately 3,500 masters of theology between the early thirteenth century and the year 1517.373 regency period of 24 months. It was possible to obtain dispensation from necessary regency, in return for payment of a fee. LITTLE, 1892, 36f, 52-53. Late medieval Parisian statutes indicate that the regulars lectured as regent masters for 24 months following inception, but remained full members of the congregation of regent masters only until a new member of their order had incepted (normally after one year). LEFF, 1975, 177. 369 See on the careers of Parisian masters of theology in particular AVI-YONAH, 1986-1987, esp. 55-59. 370 MEIER, 1958, 24-27. 371 Cf. MOORMAN, 1990, 414. 372 Cf. BRLEK, 1942, 81. 373 FONZO, 1944, 179. Cf. also the lists of Franciscan licenced teachers assembled by PAPINI & ABATE, 1931-1932. 3,500 might seem a high number, but it amounts to an average of 12-13 masters a year, significantly less during the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, rather more during the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This therefore would not suffice to fulfill all the teaching positions at studia generalia and the custodial schools, also because many of these newly created masters would quickly move on to high administrative positions in the order and the Church at large.

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In order to obtain a master degree, the friars (and others) were not completely dependent upon the routine channels of the university degree program. Many masters received their title by means of a papal decree. These were the so-called magistri bullati (often chosen from the existing pool of baccalaurei formati or the sententiarii, many of whom under normal circumstances would never have been able to rule as regent master). 374 These friars received the master degree, even when they had not completed all the official requirements at an acknowledged theology faculty. More than 260 papal bulls have survived that conceded the master degree to specific friars (or asked a university to bestow this degree). Among the recipients of such a degree by papal bull were bachelors who had completed their Sentences lectures pro exercitio and pro cursu at prestigious studia generalia without the proper degree privileges, as well as bachelors who had given these or comparable lectures at external colleges (nonFranciscan degree studia). A large group consisted of bachelors who had finished their lectures pro cursu at a proper Franciscan degree school, but did not have the opportunity to incept in the normal way, due to the limited number of available regency positions for mendicant friars. These various groups received their title by dispensation and special grace, frequently after a thorough examination by the minister general and four masters of theology during a general chapter meeting.375 The practice to bestow the magisterium by papal bull began in earnest with Pope John XXII. His successor Benedict XII tried to limit these dispensations. Yet Clement VI and later Popes took up the practice again. Under the pontificate of Urban VI alone (1362-1370) no less than 45 Franciscan friars received the master title by means of a papal decree. In the course of the fourteenth century, it also became customary to appeal to the French king in order to obtain the magisterium for formed bachelors at the university of Paris. These practices resulted in the creation, between the early fourteenth and the early sixteenth centuries, of several hundred magistri in addition to 374 COURTENAY, 1994², 337-338. The urban authorities of Florence lobbied on behalf of Franciscan bachelors at the curia. Cf. PIANA, 1977, passim. 375 BRLEK, 1942, 82/83. From c. 1346 onwards the general chapter of the Franciscan order began to bestow degrees to selected friars, who beforehand had read the Sentences in a general studium and had been examined at a general chapter meeting. These new masters normally would receive their official title by means of a papal bull as well. Cf. TABULAE STUDIORUM (1467 & 1488), 510.

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those who obtained their degree the ‘normal’ way.376 In reaction to the criticism that mendicant friars pursued privilege too eagerly and did not live up to the academic requirements of postsentential residency, the general chapter of Pavia (1384) ordered friars who pursued a master degree to swear that they would complete their lectures on the Sentences and the Bible, as well as the other (post-sentential) obligations in the regular fashion, without seeking dispensations. This was repeated almost verbatim by the Alexandrine constitutions of 1500.377 It proved to be difficult to control the practice of creating magistri bullati. The master title brought all kinds of privileges (the so-called gratiae magistrales) and a wide range of opportunities. Hence many friars aspired to the title. The proliferation of magistri bullati in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was perceived by contemporaries to be part and parcel of the growing decadence in the order as a whole. This theme was not solely taken up by secular rivals and Observant polemists, but also by prominent Franciscan scholars such as Francesco Michele del Padovano.378 FONZO, 1944, 179, n. 9. . ‘…ut quilibet Baccalaureus in Universitate aliqua pro accessu magisterii alibi quam Parisiis, Oxonii et Cantabrigiae [The Alexandrine Constitutions have here: ‘in omnibus generalibus studiis et praecipue in Paris, Oxonii et Cantabrigiae’] deputatus praestet corporale iuramentum in praesentia Generalis Capituli si sit praesens, aut si absens in praesentia sui Provincialis Capituli vel in manibus Generalis Ministri et postmodum inviolabiliter servet, quod videlicet per tres annos leget quatuor libros sententiarum suas lectiones continuando per singulos annos a die consuete incorporationis usque ad festum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli; in toto autem quarto anno leget Bibliam in eisdem scholis [the Alexandrine constitutions add: si fuerit opus] et in quinto anno tamquam baccalarius formatus respondebit ordinarie cuilibet magistro regenti Universitatis eiusdem in scholis suis et ante principium sexti anni licentiam magisterii non assumet. Si quis frater per Bullam vel aliter quoquo modo absque cursu praemisso se licentiari vel magistrari fecerit, ipso facto et pro semper privatus sit gratiis magistrorum.’ Miscellanea Franciscana 29 (1929), 178; BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, VII, 730. 378 At the general chapter of Assisi (1455), Francesco Michele, himself master of theology, humanist, lector of the St. Croce studium and dean of the theology faculty of Florence, proposed to curb the inflation of theological education by limiting the creation of bachelors who had the possibility to go up for a master degree. P RATESI, 1956, 89f. Already c. 1440 the same Francesco Michele had deplored the sterility of contemporary theology studies: ‘Sacrarum (…) litterarum nunc temporis studia adeo prolapsa sunt ut miraculi iam loco habeatur virum theologum reperire. Nam haec vulgaris ac pertubata apud nos theologorum schola, solis quidditatibus, formalitatibus et heccitatibus plurimum vel frequenter insistit.’ This is, in fact, a severe criticism of the teaching of ‘scotist’ theology in the Franciscan schools. For practices and further regulations concerning such matters in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, see ROTOLO, 1995, 31-35. 376 377

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As a rule, only those who had successfully finished the master course or obtained their master degree in another way could act as regent lectors in the university studia of the order. The minister general presented suitable candidates for these positions, probably with advice of the ministers and masters present at the general chapter.379 For the other studia generalia, the requirements rose steadily.380 The general chapter of Forlì (1421) finally stipulated that only those who already had read the Sentences as baccalaureus sententiarum (or had lectured on the Sentences at an equivalent level) could be assigned a teaching post as lector principalis at the (non-degree) studia generalia of the order.381 By then it also would have been customary to have 379 Kurtscheid, 1930, 373. For the appointment of regent masters at the degree studia, the leadership of the order of course had to collaborate with the universities in which these studia were incorporated. The lectors for other studia could be appointed by the leadership of the order (either the general chapter/minister general with the discreti or, for the provincial/custodial studia, the provincial chapter/provincial minister and the council of definitors): ‘Extra capitulum generale, minister generalis providebat de consilio 19 fratrum discretorum et de consilio ministri et custodis provinciae et custodiae ad quas candidatus pertinebat.’ Originally, the local bishop would have had a say in these matters as well. It seems that the mendicants already at an early date received the privilege to install the lectors in their own theological studia without episcopal licence. Subsequent papal privileges established this freedom more formally. BRLEK, 1942, 85. 380 We have some standard appointment letters from the chancellery of Michele da Cesena, assigning new lectors to (non-degree) studia generalia. See for instance no. 4.: ‘Pro studio generali et persona sollempni. Quanto fructus uberior ex generali studio Ordini dignoscitur provenire et quasi ex fonte [h]ortorum et puteo aquarum viventium in nostre religionis plantarium aque sapientie salutaris habundantius derivari, tanto magis cupio mee provisionis solertia eidem de lectore ydoneo provideri. Ea propter cum, fama celebri resonante, perceperim te legendi ac docendi gratiam a Domino recepisse, accedente nihilominus fide digno testimonio de tua vita laudabili et conversatione honesta, decrevi tibi onus exercicii huismodi imponendum. Mando igitur tue dilectioni tenore presentium, ad meritum obedienctie salutaris, quatenus uno bono fratre tibique grato de tui ministri consensu assumpto in socium, qui tecum ire debeat et morari, ad prefatum conventum sine morosa dilatione te conferens, lectionis ibidem geras officium, secundum gratiam a Domino tibi datam, quousque per me de te aliud fuerit ordinatum. Guardianus autem et ceteri fratres dicti conventus te ad honorem Ordinis et ipsorum profectum sollicite laborantem habeant consolabiliter, prout caritatis ordo postulat, in Domino commendatum. De moderatis vero expensis quas pro te et socio ac vectura librorum in itinere feceris, idem guardianus iussione presentium tibi faciat provideri, habiturus presentes in testimonium obedientie salutaris. vale etc.’ FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA, 144-145. The letter demonstrates that, at that moment in time, such teachers at studia generalia were entitled to have a socius, who could act as their secretary and assistant. 381 ‘Nullus promoveatur ad lectorias principales in studiis Theologiae generalibus Ordinis, nisi prius legerit ut baccalarii sententias vel aequivalens in eisdem vel aliis studiis generalibus.’ CONSTITUTIONES DE FORI LIVENSE (1421), 276. Cf also KURT-

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bachelors or teachers with an equivalent level of education as lector principalis at the more important custodial schools. Epilogue: further developments after 1500 From the mid-fifteenth century onwards, the Conventual Franciscans started to lose study houses to the Observants. When a friary went over to the Observance, the existing study house in that particular settlement normally ceased to be part of the overall Conventual study network. In this way, the Conventual wing of the order eventually lost even its principal studium generale in Paris, which was taken over by the Coletans in 1502. In the course of the sixteenth century, this process continued with the advent of the Capuchins. Even more threatening was the onslaught of the Reformation, which forced many Franciscan houses and study centres in the German Lands, the Low Countries, Scandinavia and England to close their doors. In addition, many Franciscan degree schools in Catholic areas unthreatened by the Reformation were forced to sever their ties with existing universities.382 These developments in themselves were sufficient to spark consideration of a thorough overhaul of the Franciscan study network. Further motivation was found in the counter-reformaSCHEID, 1930, 373, who therefore concludes: ‘Ergo etiam in studiis Ordinis extra universitates duae erant species Lectorum, principales et Lectores secundarii ad modum Baccalaureorum.’ In the later Middle Ages, lectors who had only followed the lectorate program would thus not be eligible for the principal teaching positions. They first would have to go back to university in order to reach the required bachelor level, or they had to have read the Sentences as lector secundus at a studium generale, before they could be promoted to the position of principal lector at a (non degree) studium generale. Cf. COURTENAY, 1988, 89: ‘[in the mid-fourteenth century] A lector at a provincial school [a ‘provincial’ studium generale] would probably have obtained the level of master of theology, either at a university studium or at a studium generale of the order. A lector at a custodial school was probably equivalent in status to a formed bachelor, and while the principal lector probably gave lectures on the Bible, the lector secundarius probably lectured on the Sentences. Thus before any of the above friars became lector at one of the designated convents, he would first have to have had several years of theological study at a studium generale of the order...’ 382 Even when in many places in the Catholic world, Franciscan schools had to terminate their direct association with theology faculties, Franciscan professors often continued to lecture as ‘lectores publici’ at the theology and philosophy faculties of European universities. See for a listing of these ‘external’ teaching activities after the medieval period also PAPINI & ABATE, 1931, 95ff & 1932, 72-77; PAPINI & MAGRINI, 1933, 1933, 67-74, 242-261, 381-385 & 1934, 118-126, 330-333.

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tory offensive of the Catholic Church and in the fundamentally changed missionary perspectives emerging from experiences in the New World, all of which called for significant curricular innovations. A first step in the actual reorganisation of the Conventual Franciscan study network was the decree Ut Ampliores Fructus (1561), issued by Pope Pius IV. From henceforth, the minister general of the Friars Minor Conventual, in co-operation with the Holy See, had the power to confer master’s degrees in arts and theology on bachelors of the order. These new master’s degrees would entail all privileges and rights traditionally connected with university degrees. Thereby, the Franciscan school network had fully emancipated itself from the universities for its degree program. A next step was the establishment, in 1587, of the Collegium St. Bonaventura in the SS. Apostoli convent of Rome by pope Sixtus V. This Collegium, which became also known as the Collegio Sistino, quickly evolved into the new principal study house of the order, taking over the place of Paris, which had been lost to the Coletans in 1502 and later to the Observants. The Collegium St. Bonaventura quickly became a prominent centre for the study of theology following the doctrines of the seraphic teacher.383 The establishment of the Collegium St. Bonaventura was a starting signal for profound educational changes in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, in which several important studia generalia changed into collegia along the lines of the St. Bonaventura college in Rome. The success of the latter motivated the foundation of seven comparable collegia before 1628 in Assisi, Bologna, Naples, Prague, Cologne, Malta, and Cracow. As the collegia of Prague and Cologne soon were harassed by wars of Reformation, additional collegia were established in Padua, Urbino, and elsewhere. Each of these collegia acted as a veritable faculty of theology, and provided its students with academic degrees.384 The lower schools at the sub-provincial level were turned into provincial gymnasia of the third, second and first class. The gymnasia of the third class roughly corresponded with the old custodial schools of logic; the gymnasia of the second class more or less replaced the custodial and general schools of philosophy; the gymnasia of the first class

383 384

FONZO, 1940, 153-186; STANO, 1964, 47-73; FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 347. FONZO, 1944, 182ff; FRASCADORE & OOMS, 345ff; ROTOLO, 1995, 37-38.

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could be equated with the previous non-degree studia generalia of theology. For those who were elected to go all the way, these gymnasia provided a nine-year course of logic and rhetoric (three years), philosophy (three years), and theology (three years). Thereafter, the most promising students could be sent to one of the new collegia. There, these students could receive a three-year academic specialisation course in theology and philosophy, either in a more or less Bonaventuran fashion, or along the lines of Scotus (or rather the ‘received’ Scotus).385

385 The outlines of this re-organisation had been sketched by the minister general Giacomo Montanari de Bagnacavallo (d. 1631), in his Reformatio Studiorum (published in Cologne, 1620, and in Perugia, 1621), and was subsequently adopted in the constitutions of 1628.

CHAPTER TWO

COURSEBOOKS AND CURRICULAR ACTIVITIES For a proper understanding of Franciscan schooling, some insight is necessary into the curriculum and the textbooks used to familiarise the students with the different subjects. This chapter therefore focuses on characteristics of the scholarly year, the obligations and privileges of teachers and students, and the various obligatory scholarly exercises, disciplines and texts to which the students were exposed.1 The scholarly year, privileges and obligations Late-thirteenth century documents suggest that, regional differences notwithstanding, the official scholarly year in many Franciscan custodial schools and higher studia began directly after the feast of St. Francis (4 October) and lasted until the end of the provincial and general chapter meetings, or at Pentecost.2 During the school year, the sequence of lectures was repeatedly interrupted, due to the exigencies of the liturgical year. The 1337 constitutions of the French province, for instance, indicate that lectors should interrupt their lectures during the Nativity period and during Lent.3 In addition, school was suspended on Sundays and major feast days. There were, therefore, approximately 150 ‘school days’ (dies legibiles) per year in the higher schools. As stated earlier, throughout holidays and when lectors for one reason or another were not available, all clerical friars For a good introduction in these matters in fourteenth-century England, see COURTENAY, 1987, chapter two. 2 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 76; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 76; PIANA, 1970, 53*. The 1337 provincial statutes of the French provinces suggest that lectors resumed their lectures on September 14, to continue (with substantial breaks due to the celebration of the provincial chapter and Easter) until 22 July (the feast of Mary Magdalene). STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 493. The situation might have been different at the convent level. It is quite possible that in many regions the convent lector continued his lectures for the community of clerical friars throughout the summer. 3 ‘per quindenum ante Nativitate Domini et per tres hebdomadas ante Pascha..’ See also BRLEK, 1942, note 377. 1

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had to be engaged in ‘useful’ readings.4 During certain periods of the year, and in particular before Christmas, during Lent and in the summer season, many adult friars (including lectors) were also enlisted in substantial preaching tours, as those were the pivotal moments to teach doctrine and penance to the population at large.5 In the degree schools, which were not solely dependent on the Franciscan school year, but for their degree courses also had to comply with the rules of the university to which they were attached, bachelors regularly started with their principia earlier in September.6 Particularly during the fifteenth century, Franciscan bachelors were required to continue their lectures on the Bible and the Sentences ‘pro cursu et gradu’ during the holiday season. They, as well as Franciscan masters, attended academic quaestiones disputatae during the same period.7 From 1279 onwards, the general and provincial constitutions and statutes dealt in some detail with the obligations and privileges of teachers (lectors, masters and bachelors) and students at the studia generalia and the custodial schools of theology. They were exempted from participating in the daily convent mass when they were engaged in formal lectures, when they had to say mass themselves, or when they had to participate in a service of a fellow friar. They also were exempted from the horas parvas of the chanted office. Yet, they always had to attend the vespers, compline and matin services. In 1336, it was once more stipulated that these exemptions could only be granted to students and teachers who were actually involved in theo4 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 76: ‘Temporibus etiam vacationum cogantur fratres clerici aliquibus utilibus lectionibus occupari.’ 5 BRLEK, 1942, 86. 6 In the university of Padua, for instance, the scholarly year began on 8 September. The period until 10 October was reserved for the principia of the bachelors. During these weeks no other courses were given, so that all teachers of the faculty were able to attend. 7 At the university of Cologne, the formed bachelor Mathias von Aquis hence disputed ‘in vacanciis’ on 23 August 1476 ‘Utrum Christus, qui sibi et nobis meruit ac genus humanum reparavit, sua in passione gaudium simul et tristiciam habuerit’, and in the next year (one year before he received his licence) he once again dealt ‘in vacanciis’ with the question ‘Utrum Deus, expers omnis compositionis, naturaliter sit cognoscibilis ab intellectu viatoris.’ LAMPEN, 1930, 479, note 5. At such school disputations other friars were also present, and as long as they had the right credentials, they could participate in these disputations as opponent (obiciens). Thus Arnold von Arnsberch, who in and after 1473 studied for some years theology in Cologne (but only became professor in 1492), acted as opponent in disputations held in Spring 1478, when he was guardian of the Cologne Franciscan friary. Ibidem, 480.

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logical lectures and ordinary disputations. In other circumstances they had to take part in all religious services.8 Theology students in Paris had more far-reaching privileges. They were entitled to forego the convent mass, and only had to participate in the choir liturgy once every six weeks.9 Students and teachers in the arts schools did not seem to have such privileges. On Sundays, as well as festis duplicibus et semiduplicibus, all students and teachers were expected to participate fully in the liturgical hours and the mass together with the other friars of the community. All students apparently also had to be present at the midnight office.10 Whereas the general chapter at Paris (1282) amplified these dispensations, subsequent constitutions restricted them again, as wider exemptions apparently lead to abuse. According to the constitutions of Lyon (1325) and later regulations, theology students were only exempted from participating in the divine office and the mass during the actual lecture and disputation times. On other days and during holiday periods, students and lectors were expected to participate in all the routine religious exercises.11 8 CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336). 335: ‘…sed omnes fratres teneantur ire ad omnes horas canonicas et ad missas, exceptis aegrotantibus (…) et magistris et lectoribus ac baccalaureis in generalibus studiis constitutis et legentibus in aliis studiis, dum actu suas continuant lectiones; exceptis etiam studentibus, dum in lectionibus theologiae vel disputationibus ordinariis fuerit occupati…’ See concerning the exemption from participating in the divine office ‘in horis parvis, que possunt introitum scolarum et studium impedire’ also the STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 461, the STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 264, and UBERTINUS DE CASALI, Rotulus, 118. 9 ‘ut studentes infra sex hebdomadas una tantum choro interesse teneantur, exceptis illis horis in quibus in scholis nostris disputatur vel etiam legitur et hoc quousque per Generalem aliud ordinetur.’ CONSTITUTIONES ARGENTINAE (1282), 80; FELDER, 1904, 366, note 2; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370. 10 In the constitutions of Assisi (1279), as well as in the constitutions of 1292 and 1316 is stated that: ‘studentes in studiis generalibus, praeter quam Parisius constituti vadant ad missam diei, nisi illa hora dicerent missam suam vel in ea servirent vel nisi in scholis fuerint occupati. Ad vesperas autem et completorium semper vadant. In festis vero duplicibus et semiduplicibus ac diebus dominicis vadant ad omnes horas et faciant alia officia, sicut fratres alii de conventu.’ CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 79; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 79. Cf. KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370; BRLEK, 1942, 69-70, note 302 & BRLEK, 1942, 71. Kurtscheid remarks that there were not yet many festa duplicia et semiduplicia in that period. Although the texts do not mention it directly, all students had to attend divine office at midnight. See on this also FELDER, 1904, 366, note 1. 11 Such requirements were repeated throughout the fourteenth century. For an analysis, see DIJK, 1960, 254-278. The privileges of teachers also extended to matters of food. In the course of time, it apparently became common for lectors to have special allotments of meat. In the fifteenth century, attempts were made to curtail

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Students at custodial schools and studia generalia had quite a full workload. In order to guarantee their progress, and to obviate the use of students for all types of other convent activities, the constitutions of Assisi (1316) finally declared that superiors were forbidden to enlist students for the infirmary or other practical and menial tasks.12 Aside from their studies, students should only be asked to perform their (limited) share of liturgical activities and to fulfil within certain boundaries their priestly and confessional tasks, notably during the holiday periods. Most students would already have been subdiaconus or diaconus before arriving at a studium generale (esp. after the council of Vienne, when the minimum age for that clerical function was reduced from 20 to 18). Many would already have been priests, certainly the older Franciscan students in the degree program.13 To safeguard the younger among them from unwarranted temptation, the 1316 constitutions of Assisi forbade students to hear confessions of women, unless a student was the sole person able to speak the language of the woman in question.14 The general statutes of Assisi (1279), Paris (1292), and thereafter also list sanctions and punishments for students who were otiosus, shied away from their studies, rebelled, or disturbed the peace of convent and school. Students who failed in these respects did not receive their testimonia and could be sent home by the minister or the guardian of the house where they were studying. Such students could expect further sanctions after their return to their home friary. 15 Lecsuch privileges, as can be gathered from the 1416 admonitions of the German provincial minister Jodocus Langenberg: ‘...nulli lectori fiat specialis provisio in mensa, nisi in diebus, quando actu legit vel praedicat. Et tunc talis provisio in diebus carnium non excedat quatuor denarios et sex denarios in diebus piscium. Aliis autem temporibus sint contenti de communi pietantia conventus, quae tamen propter honestatem poterit duplicari.’ NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 263. Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 344, n. 32. 12 BRLEK, 1942, 71. It was not uncommon to send students into town with a begging assignment. Cf. also the STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 251: ‘Omnes autem studentes a discursu in civitatem et ad terminos sint exempti, nisi minister aliquibus studentibus maiorem dederit libertatem.’ 13 COURTENAY, 1989, 146. From the end of the thirteenth century onwards, it was customary for friars who entered the order early in life to become subdeacon at the age of 18, deacon at the age of 20 and priest at the age of 25 (sometimes 22). Cf. FONZO, 1986², 116, n. 36 & 37. 14 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1316), 292 n. 24; KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370. 15 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 79; CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 79; CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1316), 292 note 24; BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, VI, 31; BRLEK, 1942, 73-75. These concerns were shared on all levels. Cf. the provincial

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tors and bachelors were expected to give a good example through their own behaviour inside and outside the classroom.16 Disciplinary problems apparently were on the rise in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, notably in the Parisian convent. There were repeated complaints that students and teachers abused their privileges17 and misbehaved themselves, and that lectorate students overstayed their welcome. Most notorious is the 1466 letter of complaint written by the minister of the French province Nicolas Guiotelli, to the minister general, Francesco della Rovere. Nicolas wrote about the lack of discipline and the outright insubordination of students, especially those who were in Paris for the lectorate program. Students went as far as to cajole their teachers, and to demolish dormitory walls (to enable nightly activities that were unbecoming of a celibate friar). The same students (who were not yet in the degree program and hence officially were not university students) did not refrain from calling in the help of the university authorities to quell attempts of the guardian and the provincial minister to re-enforce the religious discipline outlined in the 1336 ordinations of Benedict XII and in subsequent statutes of the Franciscan Parisian house. The provincial minister complained that due to these disturbances the convent resembled more ‘a cave of robbers and a bilgewater of sins’ than a school of theology and a minorite convent. 18 The provincial minister asked for a visitation of the minister general and for a harsh program of reform. Apparently this was to no avail.19 statutes of France (1337): ‘Item solliciti sint gardiani et custodes, ne habiles ad studium vagentur, sed studio insistant. Et cessante principali lectore aliquid extraordinarie legatur.’ STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 493. 16 STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 258. 17 At first, all friars slept in the common dormitory. Yet the Narbonne constitutions of 1260 declare that ‘Nullus frater cameram habeat clausam vel a dormitorio sequestratam, ministris exceptis et lectoribus in generalibus studiis constitutis. Nec in studiis aliorum fratrum habeantur velamina vel clausura, quominus fratres inter existentes patere possint aspectatibus aliorum.’ CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260). This was repeated in the 1292 constitutions. L ITTLE, 1892, 36. Lectors thus had more ample accommodations. The ordinations of Benedict XII added more privileges with regard to lodgings and food. The letters of Adam Marsh make clear that at least since 1247 lectors at studia generalia had a socius – a younger friar acting as the lector’s secretary, scribe and teaching assistent. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 33-34. 18 ‘…ut conventus ille spelunca latronum, et vitiorum sentina magis possit dici quam theologie scola et fratrum minorum conventus.’ PIANA, 1956, 391-433, & 415, no. 5. 19 This kind of disciplinary problem resulted predominantly from the acceptance, in the aftermath of the great plague epidemics, of novices who were too young and

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Theology During the 1220s and 1230s, theological education in many Franciscan study houses would have been practically oriented, more directed towards a safe introduction into sound doctrinal and moral biblical knowledge, than towards refined scholastic reasoning. 20 Theological education first and foremost was meant to make the friars fit for their pastoral tasks.21 In Paris, this approach towards theology would have changed rather quickly,22 at least for those enlisted in the lectorate and degree programs, due to the strong influence of university teaching in the neighbouring schools. In any case with the entrance of Alexander of Hales, and probably earlier, courses of theology in the Parisian study house evolved into more formalised ordinary lectures on the Scriptures and on the Sentences of Peter Lombard. The latter by then had been adopted as the standard textbook of doctrinal theology in accordance with university regulations.23 After around 1250, the major theology courses in the other studia generalia and most important (sub-)provincial centres would have followed suit. By that time, the regent master (magister regens or lector regens) at a studium generale with university connections concentrated on magisterial biblical lectures, whereas the Sentences readings and the cursory readings on the Bible were predominantly performed by the various

not properly motivated for the religious life. Brought to the big city, these friars easily succumbed to the pleasures of student life. The problems were aggravated by a tendency of provinces to send too many students ‘de gratia’ to Paris, some of whom would go to great lengths to prolong their stay. From the Council of Constance (1414) onwards, the French Observants denounced the unripe age of many novices and the disciplinary problems in greater convents and study houses. POULENC, 1976, 484. The provincial minister Nicolas Guiotelli also desperately wanted reform, but without calling in the Coletans or the Observants, whom he respectively called the familiares inimici and the hostes publici of the ‘real’ Franciscan order. Eventually, the minister general Egidio Delfini handed over the Parisian friary to the Coletans in 1502. For more information, see MURPHY, 1965, 35ff. 20 Cf. FELDER, 1904, 337ff, 350ff. 21 FELDER, 1904, 348ff. 22 Although an efficacious pastoral care remained the final goal. See my chapter on Franciscan preaching. 23 Monika Asztalos remarks that the work of Lombard allegedly had such a lasting success because of its lack of originality, its relative orthodoxy, its complete coverage of the most important doctrinal issues, and the compiler’s unwilligness to come up with final solutions to difficult questions. ASZTALOS, 1992, 412.

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baccalaurei. In the course of the second half of the thirteenth century, a comparable labour division arose at the more prestigious non-degree studia generalia and custodial schools that saw the appearance of a lector principalis and a lector secundarius (although there might have been more flexibility with regard to the actual labour division). The lector regens had some freedom to choose the moment of his daily lecture, yet his ordinary lectures on the Bible normally would take place in the early morning, in the hours between prime and terts. 24 The sublector or the bachelor read the Sentences in secunda lectione. These lectures could be held directly after the biblical lectures, but would often have taken place after the nones.25 Throughout the thirteenth century, many convent schools, as well as several custodial schools with different programs for logic, philosophy, and theology, regularly had only one available lector. This apparently was the case in the custodial school of Erfurt at the moment when John of Erfurt taught different subjects to different groups of students.26 Beginning students of theology were introduced to the standard texts (such as the Bible and the Sentences), or to glosses on and extracts from these texts, by means of cursory lectures. These cursory lectures amounted to a simple, explanatory reading of the chosen text, dealing with its words and their primary signification or meaning (sensus).27 Advanced students at the more prestigious custodial schools and the studia generalia progressively were subjected to ordinary readings in the course of their studies. These ordinary lectures consisted of in-depth explorations of the meaning of the text, in the context of which the teacher formulated explicit questions that could

24 Depending on the seasons the morning lectures therefore were held between five and nine in the morning. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 369, 531-534 (also on the emerging labour division between the regent lector and the sublector or bachelor). 25 In the latter case, they would have started after three in the afternoon. FELDER, 1904, 369. 26 MEIER, 1958, 44-45. 27 In case of biblical lectures, the superficial reading that went slightly further than cursory reading but not as far as ordinary reading was also called ‘legere biblice seu textualiter’ (This was in particular the lecture mode of the baccalaureus biblicus, going further than the cursor, yet almost cursorie, in that the letter of the text was followed rather closely). Repeatedly, Franciscan provincial statutes urge that ‘lectores iuxta statutum capituli generalis suas ordinarie continuent lectiones, et libros inceptos perficiant fideliter, sicut possunt.’ STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 464. The provincial statutes of France (1337) add: ‘Exceptis principalibus studiis, teneantur legere de biblia cursorie et textum sententiarum.’ Ibidem, 493.

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be answered with recourse to established theological authority and logical argument.28 It remains to be seen to what extent students at custodial schools of theology, non-degree studia generalia and university degree schools, as well as the clerical friars who attended the lectio communitatis of the convent lector, all attended comparable formalised lectures on the Sentences. Following Alexander of Hales’ publication of the Glossa in Quatuor Libros Sententiarum around 1225, before his entrance in the Franciscan order, the academic Sentences commentary developed into an autonomous doctrinal exploration of important theological questions. By 1240, the Sentences commentary had established itself firmly in the Parisian theology faculty as a major element of higher theological education. Subsequent Franciscan bachelors played a significant role in this development, as can be illustrated with the fullscale Sentences commentaries of William of Meliton and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, which had a lasting influence on academic theological debate and the internal teachings in the schools of the order. In the later thirteenth century, and in particular from the Sentences commentaries of Pierre d’Auriole and Duns Scotus onwards, the academic Sentences commentaries gradually left the structure of Peter Lombard’s work behind, to develop into series of lengthy questions that mirrored contemporary academic debate. This process went hand in hand with an increasingly logical and even mathematical exploration of theological problems, as we can see in the commentaries of Ockham and Wodeham. By then, the Sentences commentary had evolved from an academic exercise for bachelors in the course of their degree program into a core testimony of theological prowess of the mature academic theologian. Several theologians spent years after their bachelor degree and even after their master degree to prepare for publication their completely revised and polished Sentences commentary. After around 1350, however, academic theology moved away from this increasingly elaborate and technical procedure, to return to more modest commentaries. This was in line

28 BRLEK, 1942, 52-56; MAIERU, 1994, 16-29. The ordinary lectures normally were held in the morning (at the universities the morning was named the ‘doctoral hour’ or the ‘magistral hour’ (for lectures that lasted up to two hours)). The extraordinary readings (either cursory readings and readings on extraordinary (less important/non curricular) texts), which sometimes did not even figure on the official examination syllabus, generally took place in the afternoon. VERGER, 1992, 148-149.

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with a general re-orientation at European universities towards a more practical theology.29 The Sentences commentary was not the sole structured vehicle to represent doctrinal issues in an academic context. The Summa was another systematic work of theological exposition. In contrast with the Sentences commentary, it was foremost a magisterial synthesis for teaching and reference purposes. In Franciscan circles, the most encompassing of these Summae was the Summa Halensis produced by Alexander of Hales and his pupils Eudes Rigaud, Jean de La Rochelle, and William of Meliton around 1245. It was meant to provide students at studia generalia with an up-to-date systematic theological encyclopaedia. The wide dissemination of the work in Franciscan and non-Franciscan study libraries testifies to its success, even though it never acquired the position that Tommaso d’Aquino’s Summa Theologica eventually obtained in the schools of the Dominican order.30 Allegedly at the request of Franciscan students, Bonaventura produced around 1257 his Breviloquium. This was a smaller work of theological synthesis that left the quaestio format behind in favour of a narrative exposition of important theological and biblical hermeneutic issues. Its profundity, combined with its manageable format, made it into a popular theological handbook, used alongside of Lombard’s Sentences in Franciscan study houses.31 Aside from Oxford, where a somewhat different tradition took shape in the early period,32 exposure to lectures on the Sentences of 29 COURTENAY, 1994², passim; SILEO, 1996, 559ff. For a survey of Franciscan Sentences commentaries (manuscripts, editions and studies), see in particular STEGMÜLLER, 1947 and DYK, 1979, 255-315. 30 Around 1500, the production of theological summae grew significantly. Within the Franciscan family, we can signal the summae of Jean de Cantois, Konrad Wimpina and Pelbartus Ladislaus von Temesmar, written to provide a survey of the main theological and philosophical positions upheld in important Sentences commentaries from the thirteenth century onwards. 31 Even more popular were several later Dominican and Franciscan reworkings of the Breviloquium, such as the Compendium Theologiae Veritatis of Hugues Ripelin of Strasbourg OP. Cf. BONER, 1954, 269-286. 32 Robert Grosseteste, the first teacher of the Franciscan school at Oxford, saw theology first and foremost in terms of biblical commentary. In his biblical lectures he paid much attention to ‘subtle’ moralities. In addition he spent much time with training his Franciscan students ‘in concionibus.’ Cf. T HOMAS DE ECCLESTON, De Adventu Fratrum Minorum in Angliam, ed. Little, 40ff. Grosseteste reacted vehemently against the introduction of independent lectures on the Sentences in the Dominican school. Grosseteste, as well as some of his thirteenth-century successors in the

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Lombard was an essential part of theological education. However, lectures on the Sentences in the most elevated degree schools would have differed significantly from such lectures in theological schools of lower ranking. More often than not, the secundarii responsible for courses on the Sentences in the custodial schools and non-degree studia generalia, were reading the work of Lombard ‘pro exercitio’, that is, as a theology teaching exercise, preparing them for their academic Sentences lectures in the university degree program.33 Such subsequent teaching assignments, first ‘pro exercitio,’ followed by (whether or not repeatedly held) lectures on the Sentences as part of a degree course, could result in different reportationes of gradually more complex commentaries presented by one and the same friar in the course of his sub-magisterial student-teacher career.34 Depending on the level of teachers and students, the Sentences lectures at ‘provincial’ studia generalia and custodial schools in some cases probably had the character of a straightforward handbook exposition, on the basis of a highly regarded available Sentences commentary, a handy abbreviation, or an even more elementary extract. Such practices are born out by the existing literary evidence. Texts like the Lombardus Metricus (c. 1250) produced by Helwicus von Magdeburg, the first lector of the custodial school at Erfurt, might reflect a basic level of theological instruction at the thirteenth-century custodial (and even conventual) level.35 Comparable evidence is found in the literary legacy of lectors at other non-degree studia.36 Aside from these abbreviations of the work of Lombard itself, we can point to various abbreviations of renowned commentaries on the Sentences. The Sentences commentary of Heinrich von Isny (d. Franciscan chair, like Thomas Docking, dealt with doctrinal theological questions in the context of their biblical lectures. Later Franciscan teachers, beginning with Richard Rufus of Cornwall and Thomas of York, adhered more to the Parisian model, in which the Sentences of Lombard became an important vehicle for doctrinal teaching. 33 See my section on the degree program. 34 Cf. COURTENAY, 1994², 341ff. Multiple redactions survive of a range of Franciscan Sentences commentaries, such as those of Hugh of Newcastle, Pierre d’Auriole, Duns Scotus, and several others. 35 The text was in use in the schools as late as the 1460s, when the Erfurt lector Johan Röthaw added to it a set of conclusiones. STEGMÜLLER, 1947, I, 18-20; DOELLE, 1908, 77, MEIER, 1958, 41. 36 We can think of the Compendium Sententiarum of Teobaldo de Nardi, MS Naples Biblioteca Nazionale VII.D.29 ff 21r-74v.

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1288), who lectured as secundarius in Cologne or Magdeburg before he became lector in Basel and Mainz, actually is an abbreviation of Bonaventura’s commentary.37 The same holds for the Sentences commentaries of Johan von Erfurt (who studied in Bologna around 1309, to become lector at Erfurt thereafter), 38 the popular Sentences abbreviations of Gherardo da Prato and John de Fonte,39 and the Sentences commentary of Giacomo da Tresanti, who lectured at the non-degree studium generale of Florence in the early fourteenth century.40 A quick survey of Stegmüller’s Repertorium provides us with information about a range of comparable commentaries that were abbreviations or handbook-like reworkings of the popular Sentences commentaries of Bonaventura, Scotus, and other acknowledged theologians.41 The presence of these scaled-down or streamlined commentaries are an indication for the variety in levels of doctrinal instruction. In practice, there was room for a wide range of teaching practices at the custodial and non-degree general level.42 A proper evaluation of these teaching practices needs to take into account the literary output of lectors.43 37 On Heinrich von Isny, also known as Heinrich ‘Knoderer’ of Mainz, see EUBEL, 1888, 393-449; BAUMGARTNER, 1911, 122-151, 220-226; STEGMÜLLER, 1947, I, no. 320. 38 STEGMÜLLER, 1947, I, 444; MEIER, 1958, 42f, 65; HEYNCK, 1958, 327-360 and HEYNCK, 1960, 153-196. 39 John wrote his Conclusiones in IV Libros Sententiarum, which is an extract of Lombard along the lines of the Sentences lectures of Vital du Four and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, when he was lector in Montpellier. John’s Conclusiones were widespread in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and received various translations. HONEMANN, 1980, 251-275. John de Fonte remarks that he made this abbreviation: ‘ad preces studentium, dum essem lector in Monte Pessulano, et ut fratres pauperes sub compendio sententias haberent libri Sententiarum, ego Johannes frater de Fonte Ordinis Minorum per modum conclusionum.’ STEGMÜLLER, 1947, I, 217. 40 CENCI, 1993, 119-128. In his Lectura Compilata, Giacomo followed closely the theological positions of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Richard of Mediavilla, his main authorities. The work might reflect four years of teaching at the convent of St. Croce. But it is possible that the work was finished later. 41 See for instance STEGMÜLLER, 1947, I, 61-67. Cf. also RAEDTS, 1987, 40-63 on Richard Rufus’s abbreviation of Bonaventura’s Sentences commentary. Comparable works were produced by Guillaume de Vorillon and Nicolas d’Orbelles. Cf. for instance PELSTER, 1921, 48-66. 42 Cf. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 2 (1909), 415; 30 (1937), 350f; Miscellanea Francescana 29 (1929), 168b. 43 The presence of a brilliant scholar (like the short presence of Scotus in Cologne) could significantly change the level of teaching in these schools. It would be worthwhile to compare the literary products of subsequent teachers and their comparative educational impact in centres like Cologne, Florence, and Bologna. The literary

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Because the lectures on the Sentences became such an important vehicle for expositing doctrinal matters, the lectors, and particularly the bachelors at the studia generalia who were participating in the university discussion climate, were not to engage in novel speculations. They had to explicate and present accepted doctrine and to deal with questions pertaining to theological issues.44 After the vehement discussions at Paris during the 1260s and 1270s on the role of philosophy in theology, and again in the early fourteenth century, Franciscan superiors repeatedly issued statements to safeguard doctrinally sound teachings in the studia generalia of the order, as well as in its higher custodial schools. Ordinary lectures on the Sentences, just like biblical lectures, were not to diverge into endless distinctions and digressions with unnecessary recourse to philosophical science, nor burdened with manifold doctrinal questions.45 The historian’s appetite for doctrinal controversies, as well as the present-day philosophical interest in medieval speculative theology, output of thirteenth-century lectors suggests that actual teaching practices in secondary centres of learning during that early period were not necessarily modelled along academic scholastic lines. They could be more modest, or more practically oriented. For this we can refer to the astounding literary output of Juan Gil de Zamora, lector in the Zamora friary and courtly educator after 1278, and the comparable literary production of Tommaso da Pavia, lector of Parma, Bologna and Ferrara in the 1250s and 1260s. On Gil, see among other works: CIROT, 1913; CASTRO, 1973, 82-86, 180181, 183, 329, ,410, 413; MARCHAND & BALDWIN, 1987, 171-180; GARCÍA, 1994, 249267; LÖFSTEDT, 1991, 383-398; REDONET, 1995, 285-292; ROEST, 1996, 237ff. On Tommaso da Pavia, see SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 429-430; CANTINI, 1934, 187-193; PIANA, 1970, 35* and note 4; PIANA, 19862, 81; PÉANO, 1991, 867-868. 44 MAIERÙ, 1994, 22; BRLEK, 1942, 89-90. 45 See CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), Chapter VI. In 1282, the general chapter urged lectors not to use the Summa of Thomas, unless together with the Correctorium of William de la Mare. DIFFINITIONES ARGENTINAE (1282), 139, n. 2; BRLEK, 1942, 89; MAIERÙ, 1994, 22. See also the prohibitions of Perpignan (1331): ‘Legentes vero Sententias dicta magistri et sanctorum assument; quaestiones utiles, quae possunt theologice tractari, pertractent.’ CONSTITUTIONES PERPINIANENSES (1331), 415. Benedict XII issued that: ‘Praedicti vero magistri, lectores et baccalaurei legentes theologiam dictis philosophorum non multum insistant, sed quae theologice possunt tractari, pertractent theologice et communibus antiquorum et approbatorum doctorum.’ CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 350-351. Piana suggests that this was not solely a reaction to the thirteenth-century Averroist controversy. These warnings would have been necessary, as repeated complaints by different friars (like Ubertino da Casale, Angelo Clareno, Alvaro Pelayo and Jean de Roquetaillade) would show that lectors and students were prone to ‘…vanitatibus, curiosae sterilique Aristotelis scientie ac pruritui mundanae philosophiae plerumque indulgebant.’ Piana, 1970, 125*-126*.

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have led to a serious downplay of the importance of academic and non-academic biblical teachings as vehicles for innovative religious thought. In so far as it is a matter of university education properly speaking, that subject is beyond the scope of the present study.46 It seems safe to say, however, that in Franciscan custodial schools and studia generalia there was an ongoing interest in biblical studies throughout the later medieval period, and that the resulting biblical commentaries should not be ignored by those interested in Franciscan theological thought.47 Franciscan friars were, of course, immersed in the psalms as part of their daily liturgical routines. Likewise, they were well versed in those parts of the Bible that figured in the liturgical readings and the ordinary sermons throughout the liturgical year. At the custodial schools of theology, as well as in the studia generalia, young students no doubt were exposed to cursory lectures on the Bible, which were first of all used to interpret and establish the ‘overt’ meaning of the biblical text (in particular the sensus litteralis), to solve thorny questions arising from the text itself, and to highlight important moral issues. All this should be done with the help of authoritative commentaries (collected in the Glossa Ordinaria), corrections of the biblical text, concordances, and biblical dictionaries.48 In studia generalia attached to a university, such more straightforward biblical lectures were the responsibility of the cursor and the baccalaureus biblicus (who touched on several biblical books in the course of one or two years).49 The levels of biblical exposition at custodial schools and studia generalia could

46 VERGER, 1994, 31-56 holds a convincing plea to take academic biblical exegesis seriously as a vehicle for refined theological thought. 47 The importance of biblical lectures is also emphasised in the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 349: ‘Nullus autem baccalaureus (…) incipiat ut magister, antequam textum Bibliae cum Glossis ordinariis studerit.’ These ordinations also point out that: ‘Magistri quoque et lectores alii legentes textum Bibliae debeant insistere circa dubia quae fiunt iuxta ipsum et circa dicti sanctorum catholicorum Patrum ac Glossarum ordinariarum Bibliae memoratae.’ Ibidem, 351. 48 At the university of Paris and at Franciscan study houses outside the university, the production of these instruments for biblical exegesis was seen as an important task of lectors and regent masters. Cf. KLEINHANS, 1931, 273-326; SMALLEY, 1985. 49 Dominican students did not attend cursory readings on the Bible in their studia generalia, as it was assumed that they had been sufficiently exposed to such cursory biblical lectures at lower levels. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 380-382. Thus far, I did not find explicit evidence confirming that the same was true for Franciscan students who followed a lectorate program.

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vary significantly, but by the beginning of the fourteenth century, many schools would have seen a standardisation in biblical teaching, facilitated by the spread of successful exegetical compendia, notably Pierre d’Auriole’s Compendium Sensus Litteralis (c. 1319)50 and Nicolas de Lyre’s ubiquitous Postilla Sensus Litteralis (c. 1329).51 At the degree schools, but also in other Franciscan study houses, many regent lectors engaged in lengthy ‘magisterial’ lectures on the Bible, which in one year would cover one or two books in a thorough manner. As the work of Beryl Smalley on the Dominican exegetical team of Hugues de St. Cher in the 1230s and on subsequent mendicant commentators has shown, magisterial biblical teachings could be very imaginative exegetical exercises, covering the various (literal, moral, allegorical and anagogical) meanings of the biblical text, frequently introduced by lengthy forays into exegetical method.52 Among the more important Franciscan academic exegetes before Nicolas de Lyre, we can, for instance, signal Jean de La Rochelle,53 Bonaventura da Bagnoregio,54 John Russel,55 Thomas Docking,56 and John of Wales.57 Outside the direct academic folds, however, the exegetical output usually was of comparable level, and sometimes rather original, as can be illustrated with the biblical commentaries of Alexander von Bremen (Alexander Minorita),58 Pietro di Giovanni 50 Compendium Sensus Litteralis totius Sacrae Scripturae, ed. P. Seeboeck (Quaracchi, 1896). Cf. ROEST, 1996, 183ff. 51 See for instance GOSSELIN, 1970; KREY, 1995. 52 SMALLEY, 1985, 117-278. See also VERGER, 1984, 199-232; LERNER, 1985, 157189; VERGER, 1994, 31-56; ENGEN, 1996; ROEST, 1996, 153-192. For a preliminary overview of medieval Franciscan biblical scholars, see CUNEO, 1925, 30-131. 53 For the surviving manuscripts of his biblical commentaries, see STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, III, no. 4888- 4915, and the additions in BOUGEROL, 1994, 205-215. For studies and partial editions, see for instance KLEINHANS, 1932, 413-440; DELORME, 1933, 345-360; FRIES, 1952, 235-265; NAPPO, 1957; 332-347. 54 All his major biblical works have been edited in the various Opera Omnia editions. For studies on his exegetical method, see in particular BRADY, 1973, 65-82; KLAUCK, 1974, 71-128; GONZÁLES, 1990. 55 For the manuscripts of his commentaries, see STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, III, no. 4919-4920 & IX, no. 4920. See also SMALLEY, 1956, 277-320. 56 STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, V. no. 8111; LITTLE, 19435, 98-121; CATTO, 1968, 135-149. 57 The most recent study on the life and works of John of Wales is SWANSON, 1988. This work also contains a lengthy appendix with information concerning manuscripts of John’s biblical commentaries. See also AMSTERDAM, 1970, 71-96 on the commentary on John. 58 SCHMOLINSKI, 1991.

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Olivi,59 Ponce Carbonel,60 Johan Bloemendaal,61 and Johan von Sommerfeld.62 Besides, in the lectio communitatis and in sermons addressed to all clerical friars, the convent lectors would repeatedly have dealt with biblical issues in a more homiletic fashion. An excellent early example of this are the sermons of Antonio di Padova, produced during and after his teaching activities in Toulouse and Montpellier, which amount to veritable scriptural exegesis.63 In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the lector received support in these matters from the designated convent preacher (sometimes referred to as the biblicus), who was entitled to hold long expository sermons on biblical themes in the convent church.64 Both adolescent and adult friars were encouraged to immerse themselves further in the biblical text in private, during their free hours and in holiday seasons, and to read the Historia Scholastica and the Summae de Casibus (in which biblical materials and rules derived from canon law were presented from a confessor’s perspective). Biblical instruction throughout would have been directed at making students thoroughly acquainted with the biblical text and its multi-layered message – the result of which is visible in the language used by Franciscan preachers and chroniclers such as Salimbene, many of whom never made it to the university.65 There also would have been an emphasis on the use of biblical materials in a pastoral context. For this, the friars had recourse to introductory handbooks of biblical vocabulary and biblical topoi, such as Johan von Erfurt’s Libellus in Britonem, his Tabula Originalium, and the popular Mammotrectus of Giovanni Marchesini.66 These and comparable works 59 STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, IV, no. 6679-6734; MANSELLI, 1955; BURR, 1993; SCHLAGETER, 1995, 137-151. See also the recent editions of his Principi Quinque in Sacram Scripturam and his Postilla in Isaiam et in I ad Corinthos. 60 STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, IV. no. 6985; POU Y MARTI, 1922, 5-21; ROEST, 1996, 177-183. 61 STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, III, no. 4241-4245; BONMANN, 1941, 36-52, 98-106. 62 STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, III, no. 4965-4966; MEYER, 1956, 322-370. This list of Franciscan exegetes can easily be extended with later medieval figures, such as William of Woodford, Gabriele Bruno Veneto, and Johan Herwich von Ilten. See on such figures LEMMENS, 1929, 315-347 and DOYLE, 1983. 63 SMALLEY, 1981, 69ff. 64 ABATE, 1922, 152b. 65 GUJOTJEANNIN, 1995, 79-83; ROEST, 1996, 149, 145ff. 66 On Johan von Erfurt, see STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, III, no. 4460-4461; BRIESKORN & HONEMAN, 1983. The existing studies on the Mammotrectus are not worth mentioning. The work desperately needs a modern edition and further study. For a preliminary overview of the existing manuscripts, see STEGMÜLLER, 1950-1980, III, no. 4776-4779 & IX, no. 4776-4779.

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might have played an important role at the conventual, and custodial level, not in the least because they combined elementary grammatical and biblical teachings, suited to the capacities of incumbent priests and preachers. Recitation, collation, disputation, and extracurricular activities At nearly all scholarly levels, the courses on the arts, the Bible, and the Sentences, were supplemented with other scholastic activities, such as additional biblical conferences by the lector bibliae or the cursor, and daily and weekly recitation (rehearsal), collation, and disputation exercises under the guidance of the magister studentium and senior students.67 Such exercises were already common practice before the mid-thirteenth century. Every day after the main meal, students in custodial schools and studia generalia were supposed to engage in recitation activities, either in groups, or by themselves in the dormitory, their own cells, or another convenient place.68 In this way, the students were trained to internalise fully a great deal of the curricular information. This enabled them to draw on a huge stock of wellstructured, memorised philosophical and theological knowledge in their disputations, their pastoral work, and their literary activities. 69 Already in the custodial grammar and logic schools, students were taught not only to memorise the subject matter. First of all, young friars had to train their discussion skills in the collation practices. The collatio – not to be identified with the academic evening sermons and the more informal evening lectures and readings with the same name – was foremost a practice in opponendo and respondendo by the students themselves. These collations were held after the nones, or before compline (or, in times of fast, after the vespers). 70 Second, lectors and Cf. MAIERÙ, 1994, 25; CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1316), 292. For the Dominican situation, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 41f, 134, 175-78 (in particular on the functions of the magister studentium, and the practice of the repetitio quotidiana and the repetitio generalis, held at regular intervals on larger amounts of material). 68 KURTSCHEID, 1930, 370. 69 On the memory training that took place in this context, see CARRUTHERS, 1990, passim, and DELCORNO, 1982, 430-432 (including notes 45 and 46). 70 SILEO, 1996, 568. See on these matters also LITTLE & PELSTER, 1934, 54-56, which also includes information concerning Scotus’ Collationes Oxonienses. In the Dominican order, the collation apparently was also a forum to discuss issues of Christian morality, and to expose friars to practical moral theology with the help of Summae de Casibus. Cf. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 198ff. 67

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student masters set up occasional disputations, which, in fact, can be seen as a direct outflow of the collation process. In these school disputations, students learned to argue about the subject matter by means of defending specific positions with pro and contra arguments, to sharpen their wit and to train their knowledge and the use of their memory.71 Whenever possible, adult friars also should partake in such activities, if only to stimulate the progress of the younger students.72 The ever more encompassing recitation, collation, and disputation practices gradually prepared the students to become active members of the scholastic community, who, in their turn, could take on the obligation to teach the next group of young friars. During their more advanced studies at studia generalia, friars were taught to dispute by means of logical arguments and a coherent use of orthodox authorities about problems raised by their teachers.73 At the university degree studia, disputations were an important aspect of the degree course: they were one of the exercitiae extraordinariae presided over and determined by the master of theology. He could eventually oversee their publication. Renowned lectors and masters were also asked to present comparable questions at Franciscan general and provincial chapter meetings.74 The most prestigious form of disputation was the disputatio de quolibet, which emerged in the academic world after 1240. The disputatio de quolibet was normally held by the university masters of theology at certain set occasions during the academic year. In the later thirteenth century and during the first half of the fourteenth century, these quodlibet disputations became very important instruments in academic debates. Many quodlibet disputations reflect the heated discussions concerning Averroism, mendicancy and the apostolic life ‘Legentes loycam vel grammaticam faciant per auditores suos sibi assidue repeti lectiones et circa materiam lectionum interrogent auditores et obiciant eis per coauditores alternatim obici faciant taliter, quod per huiusmodi excercitia auditorum excutiatur torpor, acuatur ingenium, acquiratur scientia et memorie artius imprimatur’, DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 526. 72 Cf. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 493. 73 The constitutions of 1500 explicitly refer to disputationes or circuli in the studia generalia, to be held after the main meal (the moment of rehearsals in the lower schools). CHRONOLOGIA, I, 164a. 74 There are several examples of such ‘occasional’ questions. L. Meier provides information about the question presented by Johan von Bremen before the provincial chapter of Liegnitz in 1442. Cf. MEIER, 1935, 268-70. 71

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in the 1260s and 1270s, and the fierce debates between different groups of realists, formalists and nominalists during the fourteenth century.75 In order to stem superfluous intellectual and religious controversy, lectors without an academic licence and/or those working at non-degree schools had to receive special dispensation to engage in quodlibet disputations.76 There is evidence that disputed questions originating from the university level figured at lower levels in a somewhat different way. Published disputed questions were the outcome of a university debate. At a lower level, such an authorised published text could be used differently: as reading material for further reflection, or as a safe basis for an orchestrated discussion exercise. A case in point are the Quaestiones of Eudes Rigaud and other masters in MS Toulouse, Bibliothèque Municipale 737, which eventually (in 1436) entered the library of the Toulouse Augustinians. These questions originated from Parisian discussions held between around 1230 and 1250. They were copied from a Parisian original by or under the supervision of Gherardino da Borgo San Giovanni, a lector of theology in Parma (around 1269). It would seem that Gherardino used these questions in his own teachings.77 During and after their student years, student friars normally were confronted with more texts than those normally treated in ordinary lectures during the c. 150 dies legibiles. Throughout the scholarly year, as well as during the holiday season, all students were almost continuously exposed to different kinds of sermons – varying from the ordinary convent sermons to weekly university sermons, sermons connected with specific academic and non-academic festivities, collation readings, etc. Moreover, Franciscan students were supposed to train themselves in the preparation and delivering of sermons.78 Further75 ASZTALOS, 1992, 428-429; SILEO, 1996, 569.When scholastic theology became more practically oriented after the mid-fourteenth century, the number of published quodlibetal and other disputed questions went down. 76 MAIERÙ, 1994, 28; VERGER, 1992, 155. 77 HENQUINET, 1938, 522-528; BARBET, 1956, 7-51. Another example of such reuse of disputed questions is provided by Bertram von Ahlen’s Excerpta ex Operibus Henrice Gandavensis, Godefridi de Fontibus et Iacobi de Viterbo. It is an alphabetically ordered series of abbreviated quodlibetal questions, derived from the 15 Quodlibeta and the Summa Theologiae of Hendrik van Gent (d. 1293), the Quodlibeta V-XIV of Godefrey de Fontaines (d. after 1303) and the Quodlibeta I-III of Giacomo da Viterbo (d. 1308). Bertram probably compiled this work before or during his teaching activities as lector theologiae in Münster between 1307-8 and 1315. BIHL, 1947, 3-31. 78 See on this my chapter on Franciscan preaching.

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more, as has been said before, clerical friars always had to be engaged in ‘useful’ readings, a term which could refer to a wide range of religious, moral, devotional and pastoral materials. At the university level many friars following a course at a studium generale would be able to attend optional lectures and exercises, whether they were themselves in the university degree program or not. There was a general proliferation of such extracurricular activities in the universities and attached mendicant studia in the later Middle Ages, including courses given during the vacation periods by bachelors or licentiati. The percentage of these sometimes more informal, and often more modern teachings was rising in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.79 In the context of such extracurricular activities, students would be able to get acquainted with a wide range of theological and non-theological texts. It probably is also partly in this context that several friars engaged in other studies alongside of theology (law, medicine, humanist studies, and even astronomy and physics).80 Even at the university degree level the requirements of the university statutes left room for the mendicant studia to present additional courses and to stress particular elements in the theological education of their friars, some of which reached back to older, more monastic forms of education.81 After their student years, Franciscan friars would continue to receive a further training in a range of pastoral tasks.82 Pastoral instruction, meant to prepare friars to become ad-

79 Verger notes that it was often the way in which humanist teaching entered the universities. VERGER, 1992, 158-159. 80 In this context, it is also worth noting that throughout the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth centuries there normally was a difference between the number of books and issues on which courses were given in universities like Paris and Prague, and the (normally much more limited) range of texts and subjects that were examined for obtaining a degree. WEIJERS, 1995, esp. 214-216. Cf. also DOBSON, 1992, 569. 81 VERGER, 1978, 173-203. He points to: i.) a rather strict view of the lectio divina and a reluctance to linger in philosophy and the profane arts; ii.) the ongoing appreciation of other scholarly traditions, predominantly those inherited from the regular canons. In Louvain, the theology students asked in 1479 for an extension of their curriculum. Hence the university asked friar Antonio Gratia Dei, a Venetian Franciscan who previously had been professor in Paris, to provide the theology students with additional courses. On ordinary reading days he lectured on the Sentences secundum Scotum, to address on the minor feast days the works of Augustine. BAETENS, 1987, 98-99. 82 Cf. COURTENAY, 1994², 336.

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equate priests, preachers, confessors, and teachers of novices, friars, Poor Clares, tertiaries and lay people, brought to the fore a range of other texts, including various summulae and florilegia, Saints’ lives and chronicles, works like the famous Communiloquium of John of Wales, specialised Artes Praedicandi, Distinctiones, Exempla collections, and ascetical writings.83 Adult friars would continually be exposed to texts of this kind at the convent level: by means of the lectures of the convent lector, the hours spent in private or communal reading and reflection, and through participation in orchestrated collation and disputation sessions. The education process at the convent level was, in fact, all-encompassing. At the same time, this level is most difficult for modern historians to trace.84 The arts and philosophy The Narbonne constitutions of 1260 still took grammatical knowledge of Latin for granted, as many clerical novices would be eighteen years old or only slightly younger.85 But already at that moment, and certainly in later periods, many young postulants in fact entered the order at the age of fourteen (and some at the age of twelve, nine, or seven). Directly after their noviciate and, if they were very young, sometimes even before, many of these friars needed additional training in Latin and elementary logic at the custodial schools. Their teacher often would be a more advanced student who just had completed his own arts and philosophy courses at the custodial schools.

83 This is dealt with in more detail in the chapters on preaching, and on the religious instruction of novices and adult friars. 84 The literary legacy of a convent teacher like Heinrich Hollen (lector in Lüneburg in the later fourteenth century) suggests that he taught his students doctrinal theology on the basis of the Summa Collectionum of Konrad von Quervordia, and in addition spent a lot of time instructing his fellow friars in the making of sermons. Luder Masow, lector secundarius in Lüneburg around 1405, copied many sermon collections between 1400 and 1405. For his teachings he seemed to have used especially the sermon collections of his predecessor Heinrich Hollen, comparable collections of Johannes von Minden, and the Figurae Bibliorum of Anthonius Rampelogus. The surviving literary evidence of the late medieval convent library further suggests that teachings (both theological and pastoral) were heavily dependent on the fashions in the neighbouring study centre of Erfurt, where many fifteenth-century Lüneburg lectors received their education. LOGEMANN, 1996, 24-28. 85 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 39.

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Insofar as young friars were not yet fully literate after their noviciate (aside from the very young, totally illiterate friars were normally not accepted in the schools), they would have been exposed to different levels of grammatical instruction. The very young illiterate oblates would have learned the Latin alphabet, and would have been exposed to basic texts, ranging from the Pater Noster and simple prayers to the Psalter, which they would learn more or less by heart. Those who had an elementary knowledge of reading and writing would have been introduced to elements of Latin grammar on the basis of Donatus or Priscian, to continue their grammatical education with more encompassing manuals, such as the Doctrinale Puerorum of Alexandre de Villedieu (particularly during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries), or the Graecismus of Everard de Béthune. Rhetoric, when not specifically considered in the context of homiletic training, would have been based on the Rhetorica ad Herennium or related works.86 Alongside of these classics of medieval grammatical and rhetorical instruction figured specific Franciscan works, like Johan von Erfurt’s Liber de Verborum Significatione,87 his Liber de Moralizatione Septem Artium,88 and the Latin – Low-German grammar of Johannes Hagen (lector principalis at the Lüneburg convent in Saxony in 1450).89 Such elementary works were meant to introduce the very young to Latin grammar and the other arts of the trivium. The curricular study of logic at the custodial level would have started with an introduction in the logica vetus, which centred on the traditional core elements treated in the texts of Boethius, Porphyry, and Aristotle. Thereafter, many students would have been introduced to the topics of the logica nova, which was based on the elements discussed in Aristotle’s Prior and Posterior Analytics, as well as his Topics, and Sophistical Refutations. Together, the courses in the logica vetus and the logica nova constituted the logica antiqua, which formed the basis for all more advanced logical training.90 More senior students, who had to be prepared for further studies in philosophy and theology, were

MAIERÙ, 1994, 11-29; WEIJERS, 1995, 211. See on this MEIER, 1958, 4, 65. Friars frequently made their own abstracts from grammatical works. See for instance the cahier of Johan Schwitzer, MS Stuttgart II.B.X.10 ff. 268r-323v. Cf. MEIER, 1946, 451. 88 MS Breslau IV.-F.43 ff. 1a-99b. Cf. MEIER, 1958, 65, n. 36. 89 LOGEMANN, 1996, 24f. 90 MAIERÙ, 1994, 11-29. 86 87

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from the later thirteenth century onwards exposed to the logica moderna. In the university arts faculties, non-mendicant students routinely would be exposed to these various levels of logic in courses around Petrus Hispanus’ Summulae Logicales, the Logica of Lambert d’Auxerre, or (in Oxford) the Introductiones in Logicam of William of Sherwood. Yet in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, Franciscan students at prestigious internal arts schools might also have been taught advanced logic on the basis of the innovative handbooks and commentaries of Wilelmus de Montoriel,91 Scotus,92 Richard Brinkley,93 Ockham and François de Meyronnes, or with the help of the various late medieval Scotist (or allegedly Scotist) logical compilations of Agostino da Ferrara, Antonio Andrea, Nicolas Bonet, or, for that matter, the Liber Logicalis Sophistriae of Johannes von Minden.94 As friars normally were not to be taught logic for its own sake, but as a tool for theological reasoning and to facilitate homiletic and inquisitorial activities, the logical curriculum was not limited to the above-mentioned Aristotelian texts, or the more sophisticated textbooks of non-Franciscan and Franciscan logicians. For a basic two or three year immersion in logic and semantics at the custodial level, many friars would first of all have had recourse to introductory treatises and elementary questions that were more specifically geared to the needs of future preachers and theologians. This explains the popularity of texts like the Tabulae Logicae of Johan von Erfurt, the Compendium Studii Theologiae of Roger Bacon, as well as the interesting logical questions of Pietro di Giovanni Olivi.95 Before students had to grapple with more demanding textbooks (if at all), they would learn the basics with the help of such applied works that were often based on the teacher’s own lecture notes. For those chosen to pursue higher studies, the instruction in the disciplines of the trivium (or the philosophia rationalis), to some extent ANDREWS & NOONE, 1994, 63-100. Such as his Quaestiones super Porphyryum or his questions on Aristotle’s Categories, the Perihermeneias etc. 93 GAL & WOOD, 1980, 59-107; FITZGERALD, 1987. 94 See on these authors for instance MEIER, 1958, 45-46; PIANA, 1968, 153ff; NAVARRO, 1996. These textbook often overflowed into discussions that had a philosophical import. 95 See for instance PETRUS JOANNES OLIVI, Questiones Logicales, ed. S. Brown, Traditio 42 (1986), 335-388. Cf. MAIER, 1967. 91 92

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had to be complemented with a grounding in natural and moral philosophy (philosophia naturalis and philosophia moralis). The many cautionary warnings against the pursuit of pagan learning notwithstanding, the study of philosophy soon became more than a marginal affair in Franciscan circles. For this, subsequent generations of Franciscan friars could find support in the guarded writings of authoritative teachers, such as Jean de La Rochelle,96 Bartholomaeus Anglicus, 97 and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio,98 or in the more eulogic statements of Roger Bacon concerning the importance of the arts and sciences for a fruitful study of theology.99 It is generally assumed that the mendicant schools of philosophy (and in particular the studia generalia philosophiae) more or less followed the basic outlines of the quadrivium courses in the arts faculties of Bologna, Paris and Oxford. By the 1250s the university curriculum for the quadrivium ideally consisted of Aristotle’s Physics, De Anima, Parva Naturalia, De Generatione et Corruptione, De Caelo et Mundo, De Meteoris, Metaphysics, Ethics, and Politics (replete with ‘Arab’ and (increasingly) Latin commentaries upon these books), further classics such as the Liber de Causis, De Plantis, and De Differentia Spiritus et Animae, Boethius’ De Consolatione, and some additional works on the mathematical sciences (like Euclid’s Elementa and Boethius’ works on Arithmetic and Music).100 Students normally would approach these subjects through course books organised in quaestiones, in which parts and extracts of such authoritative texts would be found together with ‘relevant’ additional information, objections and solutions from old and contemporary commentators.101 In Franciscan studia philosophiae, training in natural philosophy was often rather straightforward and streamlined, especially in centres that did not feel the influence of the Parisian arts faculty debates. The Jean de La Rochelle wrote on the study of philosophy (in a sermon on the feast of St. Antonio di Padova): ‘Unde fratres karissimi non est arguendum aliarum scientiarum studium dummodo fiat bona intentione. immo multum timendum est ne istud accidat...cautela ergo demonum est dissipare studium philosophie quia nollent quod christiani haberent acutum ingenium’ MS Paris BN Lat. 15939 ff. 217ra218vb; MS Troyes 816 ff. 198rb-199vb; Munich, Clm 7776 ff 76r-v. 97 See the prologue to De Proprietatibus Rerum. Cf. LITTLE, 1943, 207. 98 See my chapter on the religious context of learning. 99 Cf. his lengthy plea for the study of arts and philosophy in his Opus Majus and his Opus Tertium. 100 MAIERÙ, 1994, 12. 101 LEADER, 1988, 158; WEIJERS, 1995, 211-213; BIANCHI, 1997, 25-62. 96

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heated questions discussed in those debates (and in the debates between the faculties of arts and theology in the 1260s) were an affair between masters of arts or between masters of arts and masters of theology. Such controversies were not automatically a reflection of actual teaching practice in the arts faculties themselves, and probably even less of the teaching practice in the mendicant preparatory studia. Manuscripts used in arts faculties, connected colleges, and mendicant schools, suggest that students received their first grounding in natural philosophy and other philosophical fields by means of short introductory texts, regularly bound together with collections of more advanced logic. Not infrequently, teachers and students made their own philosophical compilations with excerpts from acknowledged commentators of Aristotle’s philosophical works. More senior arts students moved beyond these introductory texts to more advanced handbooks, or the texts of the Philosophus himself, guided by a range of commentaries. The mendicants were eager to establish more or less standard commentaries that could be used in their own schools. Among the Dominicans, the many philosophical commentaries of Albertus Magnus and Tommaso d’Aquino are a case in point. Good early examples of these among the Friars Minor are the Sapientiale of Thomas of York (d. after 1260),102 and the anonymous Summa Philosophiae (c. 1270).103 From the early fourteenth century onwards, many Franciscan friars at the more prestigious custodial schools received their grounding in logic, natural philosophy and moral philosophy by means of more or less standardised (whether or not ‘Scotist’) handbooks, like Nicolas Bonet’s Philosophia Naturalis, the physical and metaphysical works of Johannes Lillius and François de Meyronnes, Antonio Andrea’s Tria Principia Naturalium, or the Quaestiones super Metaphysicam of the same author. The latter Quaestiones were organised in such a way that they could easily be adapted to scholarly disputations, which might have accounted for the popularity of these ques102 The Sapientiale is a commentary on (Pseudo) Aristotelian metaphysics, predominantly based on the Liber de Causis. It amounts to a cautious work on metaphysical problems for students of theology. The works trims down the most troublesome Greek-Arab ‘philosophical errors’. LONGPRÉ, 1926, 839-841, 875-920; SHARP, 1930, 51-52; SILEO, 1996, 591f. 103 The Summa Philosophiae might have been the work of a Franciscan friar influenced by the teachings of Grosseteste in Oxford. Cf. MCKEON, 1948, passim; SILEO, 1996, 592-3.

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tions in late medieval arts and theology faculties. Naturally, only those students destined for higher learning at a studium generale would be exposed to more than just the basics in natural philosophy and metaphysics, which were deemed to be difficult subjects. 104 The study of moral philosophy (ethics, economy and politics) was considered to be part of the arts as well as of theology. The mendicants in general took a considerable interest in this field, facilitated by Robert Grosseteste’s translation of Aristotle’s Ethica. Among the Franciscans, Roger Bacon presented moral philosophy as the crown of all philosophical endeavours, and as the link between philosophy and theology, a view that was reflected in the place of moral philosophy in the scholarly curriculum.105 The study of moral philosophy definitely had an impact on the Franciscan lectorate program in Paris, Oxford and Cambridge. We can point to the teachings of John Dedecus, who taught in Oxford and/or in Cambridge, and who is known for his Quaestiones in Ethica, extant in five manuscripts and a 1518 Oxford edition.106 Especially in the Italian universities, the study of moral philosophy proved to be of lasting influence (whether or not on based on the writings of Dante). There, we also encounter several Franciscan lectors who were paid by the universities to provide courses in both moral philosophy and theology.107 It has been argued that in England, thanks to the influence of Grosseteste, Adam Marsh, and Roger Bacon, the Franciscan interest in the arts and philosophy initially was not limited to the standard elements of natural philosophy (predominantly physics and metaphysics), but could diverge into wide ranging studies of ethics, optics, mathematics, foreign languages, medicine, and experimental sci-

104 For an indication of students’ exposure to the various liberal arts in the later Middle Ages we can refer to the student note book of Konrad Grütsch, which reflect his arts studies in Strasbourg between 1425 and 1429 (now MS Fribourg Cordelier 43). 105 For Bacon, moral philosophy was the end of all sciences, their mistress and queen. Cf. ROGER BACON, Opera Inedita, ed. Brewer, 53; LITTLE, 1892, 63; POPPI, 1993, 149-167. 106 DOUCET, 1953, 109; CLARK, 1987, 109, 3-38. See also the way in which the lector and court historiographer Juan Gil de Zamora used Aristotelian ethical categories in his De Preconiis Hispanie. ROEST, 1996, 237ff. 107 See my first chapter. It seems likely that, in analogy with the intermediate Dominican schools of theology, moral philosophy and moral theology also became topics in the Franciscan custodial schools. Cf. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 335.

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ences.108 Cases in point are Grosseteste’s, Pecham’s and Bacon’s optical works, as well as Roger Bacon’s Communia Mathematica.109 In his later writings, like the Opus Maius, Bacon hailed the scientific endeavours of Grosseteste and Adam Marsh, and continued to advocate the study of mathematics as founding discipline for the other sciences.110 More recently, doubt has risen concerning the impact of Grosseteste and Adam Marsh on the ideas of Roger Bacon, and the latter’s influence on Franciscan teaching in Oxford. Roger Bacon’s own teaching career to a large extent dates from before his conversion to the Friars Minor, and his scientific enthusiasm was not well-received by his order superiors. In the process of this re-evaluation of Bacon’s representativity with regard to developments in the early Oxford school, scholars have also become more careful in their assessment of the scope of scientific studies in the Oxford studium.111 However significant the ‘Sonderweg’ of the early Oxford school under Grosseteste and his early successors might have been, it was quickly to succumb to the less broad-ranging study of the arts and philosophy that reigned on the continent.112 108 LITTLE, 1892, 63; FELDER, 1904, 409ff; LITTLE, 1943, 55ff. See Bacon’s program, unfolded in the Opus Majus, the Opus Minus, and the Compendium Studii Philosophiae. There, Bacon tells us: ‘Sed moderni omnes paucos despiciunt has scientias et gratis persequuntur, et maxime theologi isti novi, scilicet pueri duorum ordinum, ut solatium suae imperitiae habeant, et suas ostendant coram multitudine stulta vanitates. Et in suis lectionibus, praedicationibus, et consiliis, semper docent contra has scientias, et totam studentium mentem revocaverunt ab istis scientiis, et ideo errant cum omnibus (…). Hae vero scientiae sunt istae: scientia linguarum sapientialium, mathematica, perspectiva, alkimia, scientia experimentalis (…).’ ROGER BACON, Compendium Studii Philosophiae, ed. Brewer, 433. Cf. LITTLE, 1917, 193-221; CROMBIE, 1953, passim; CALLUS, 1955, passim, and in particular the articles in HACKETT, 1997². 109 ROGER BACON, Communia Mathematica Fratris Rogeri, Partes Prima et Secunda, ed. R. Steele, in: Opera Hactenus Inedita Rogeri Baconi (Oxford, 1940), XVI, 1-155. This work is probably a fruit of his long teaching career in the arts at Paris and Oxford (before his entrance into the Franciscan order in 1257). 110 ‘quoniam qui ignorat eam [that is mathematics] non potest scire caeteras scientias nec res huius mundi.’ ROGER BACON, Opus Majus, I, 97. 111 EASTON, 1952, 118, 206-209; BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 63-64 also denies that Bacon had derived his interest in the sciences from the Oxford Franciscan school (Grosseteste and Adam Marsh). He holds that the friars at Oxford received a comparable immersion in the sciences as elsewhere. According to Bérubé, the origin of Bacon’s wideranging scientific vocation should be sought in his period as professor at the Parisian arts faculty, where he read the pseudo-Aristotelian Secreta Secretorum. Cf. SENOCAK, 1997, 48-52. 112 WOOD,1994, 87-127; WOOD, 1997, 222-250.

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At least in some centres, however, an interest in specific mathematical and experimental physical studies was maintained. The ‘Oxford’ ventures in optics and physics did not die with the generation of Pecham and Bacon. Moreover, as the studies of Barnabas Hughes have shown, Bacon was not the only Franciscan friar to embrace mathematical studies. Many Franciscan academic theologians made use of mathematical concepts in their theological writings, which probably reflected current curricular activities in the arts faculties and in Franciscan custodial schools and studia generalia. Some surviving more outspoken mathematical works of Franciscan provenance seem to confirm this. Apparently, there were some Franciscan studia philosophiae in which due weight continued to be given to the subject.113 Likewise, Bacon’s predilection for (proto-)chemistry and alchemy was shared by several other friars. Bonaventura d’Iseo, Paolo de Tarento and Elia da Cortona in particular were renowned for their writings and experiments in these matters.114 Among the late medieval Franciscan (al)chemist authors, we can single out Sebastiano da Verona, who compiled several miscellaneous astrological, alchemist, medical and exegetical works. In such works there can be traced a definite overflow between theoretical alchemist theory and alchemist 113 HUGHES, 1983, 98-128 & 1984, 3-66. See also DONNINO, 1995, 143-148. Hughes concludes that each of the theologians studied by him (namely Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura, Pietro di Giovanni Olivi, Roger Marston, William of Alnwick, Gonsalvo Hispano, and John Duns Scotus). ‘…is well described as a polymath, a person of extensive and diversified learning who could draw upon his storehouse of knowledge for fitting expressions and appropriate analogies.’ HUGHES, 1983, 128. Aside from these ‘polymath’ theologians, he discusses the works of ‘real’ mathematicians (Alexandre de Villedieu, Bartholomaeus Anglicus, John Pecham, Roger Bacon, Nicolas d’Orbelles and Lucca Pacioli). To his list we can add the algebraic explorations of Johan Sack (d. 1438) and the mathematical teachings of Paulus Scriptoris (d. c. 1505). See also the following remark of NICOLAUS DE ORBELLIS, Compendium Mathematicae, Physicae et Metaphysicae, f. iv: ‘Cum ad theologicam sapientiam firmiter et regulariter consequendam maxime necessaria sit secularium disciplinorum cognitio, et occupatis in divino culto et ceteris necessariis non detur otium ad tot et tanta volumina resolvenda quanta in talibus facultatibus claret.’ The use of mathematical concepts was not limited to Sentences commentaries and quaestiones literature. Several Franciscan exegetes made ample use of mathematical and optical concepts. A case in point are the exegetical writings of the Oxford master Thomas Docking, who worked in the tradition established by Grosseteste. CATTO, 1968, passim; CATTO, 1984, 493-494. 114 Bonaventura d’Iseo is the alleged author of the famous Liber Compostella Multorum Experimentorum Veritatis. Cf. RUSSO, 1961, 211-219. On Paolo and Elia da Cortona, see BRIGGS, 1927, 305-313.

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and medical practice, which included the production of chemical dyes and medicines.115 Traditionally, music was one of the disciplines of the quadrivium, and hence one of the topics Franciscan friars could have touched upon in their courses of philosophy. However, the statements of Roger Bacon116 and the influence of Roger Grosseteste’s teachings in Oxford notwithstanding, there is not much evidence that the study of music as an ars speculativa received much attention in the Franciscan studia philosophiae. There is much more evidence for the training of Franciscan friars in musical practice, including the rudiments of musical harmony and actual singing lessons.117 From early on, choral singing in the context of the liturgy was a standard element of the Franciscan life, as we can deduct from the third chapter of the Regula Bullata and additional writings of Francesco d’ Assisi.118 Franciscan friars practised liturgical chant, and proved themselves to be quite innovative in the fields of liturgical and devotional music. 119 Salimbene tells us that he started singing lessons in 1239 under different choirmasters.120 We have comparable information from Julian von Speyer and Ruffino Bartolucci of Assisi, demonstrating that, as soon as the 1220s, choirmasters responsible for the musical education of adolescent friars were active in friaries large enough to celebrate Cf. MS London Wellcome Institute 506. ROGER BACON, Opus Majus, I, 237. 117 A rather interesting, if somewhat judgmental, analysis of the early history of music study in the order is given by FELDER, 1904, 424-447. 118 FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula Bullata, Ch. III, in: Écrits, 184: ‘Clerici faciant divinum officium secundum ordinem sanctae romanae Ecclesiae.’; F RANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Epistola ad Capitulum Generale, in: Écrits, 252: ‘clerici dicant officium cum devotione coram Deo non attendentes melodiam vocis, sed consonantiam mentis, ut vox concordet menti mens vero concordet cum Deo, ut possint per puritatem cordis placare Deum et non cum lascivitate vocis aures populi demulcere.’ 119 We can signal the Franciscan innovations in musical notation in their breviaries, the production of Officia Rhythmica by Julian von Speyer and others, the impressive production of Latin and vernacular religious melodies by Franciscan friars and their fellow travellers, and the introduction of the organ in Franciscan churches from the thirteenth century onwards. MORGESE, 1996, 107-133; RIEDEL, 1982, 729-742; ZIINO, 1982, 127-158. See in this context also the Latin hymns on popular melodies by Richard Ledrede (1317-1361), who otherwise is primarily known for his hardhanded punishment of presumed Irish heretics in Kilkenny. See also my chapter on religious life. 120 Salimbene provides ample information about his magistri in cantu Enrico da Pisa, Vita del Toscano, and Guglielmo di Piemonte. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 182,384. 115 116

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the choral office in a solemn way (sollemniter). The figure of the choirmaster is also mentioned in several general constitutions between the later thirteenth and the early sixteenth century (and thereafter).121 Salimbene also informs us that his singing lessons began directly after his noviciate period, and that he learned how to sing mass properly before he was ordained priest. 122 If we can extrapolate from this, it would indicate that such activities were a custodial affair, meant to instruct young friars either during or directly after their probation period, when a selected group would also attend the custodial and provincial arts schools.123 In large convents, such as that in Paris, designated choir singers would have separate rooms in the vicinity of the church, in order to facilitate their music practice. 124 Law, medicine, and languages During their theological studies at the custodial level, at the studia generalia, and probably also at the convent level, many Franciscan friars would have been exposed to lectures on canon law. A friar needed a basic knowledge of canon law, whether he was destined to function as preacher and confessor or to fulfil a high ecclesiastical office (as bishop or papal legate). This need resulted in the production of influential Summae Confessorum, Summae Casuum Conscientiae and comparable alphabetically or systematically ordered collections of canonical rules and moral standards for administering the sacraMORGESE, 1996, 112-114. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 183-184. 123 This is in any case confirmed by the STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 476: ‘Fratres iuvenes et novitii instruantur in cantu, et assignetur eis magister, qui eos instruat, a custode.’ The 1341 provincial chapter of Umbria exhorts custodians to have the young friars instructed in singing and liturgy by ‘well-trusted friars’. These constitutions also make clear that: ‘Iuvenes vero non promoveantur ad dyaconatum nec ad sacerdotium nec ad confessionis officium, nisi ad addiscendum predicta se reddiderint diligentes.’ DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 536. F. Rotolo also provides evidence that singing was taught in custodial schools (and studia generalia). He gives the example of Francesco da Palermo, who taught the friars (and clerics from the commune of Palermo) in the 1420s. ROTOLO, 1995, 23. See also A.G. Little’s remarks on MS Oxford Digby 90, containing the Quatuor Principalia Musice (c. 1350) of a Franciscan friar from the Bristol custody, a work which apparently was used in the later fourteenth century by the Franciscans of Oxford. LITTLE, 1892, 60. 124 FELDER, 1904, 164. 121 122

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ments.125 The attested presence of the Decretum, Decretals and canon law commentaries in many Franciscan study libraries suggests that the exposure to canon law could go further than the basics. 126 Some Franciscan studia (like some of their Dominican counterparts) actually had a reputation for their law teachings.127 The Assisi constitutions of 1279 provide evidence that, by then, it was normal to teach canon law alongside of theology in the theology schools. As was the case with the courses of philosophy, the teaching of law should not interfere with the theology lessons, they should not be open to outsiders, and should not disrupt the students’ participation in the routine liturgical exercises.128 Franciscan students at studia generalia in university towns could enlist as students-auditors at the canon law faculty. In Ferrara, this would have been very easy, as the law faculty for a long period of 125 A good example is the Directorium Iuris of the fourteenth-century English friar Peter Quesel. In the prologue to the work, Peter explains his mode of procedure, as well as the scope the Directorium: ‘Istud autem opus in quartor libros volui dividere ut qui pauper est non possit se excusare quod non possit ad minus librum illum habere qui ad eius officium noscitur pertinere. Et ideo omitto scribere secundum ordinem Decretalium et secundum ordinem alphabeti ut totam unam materiam valeam pertrattare. (...) In primo libro trattatur De summa Trinitate et de Fide Catholica et de septem sacramentis. (...) In secundo de hiis qui habent ecclesiastica sacramenta ministrare et de hiis que ad eos et ad recipientes sacramenta et etiam que possunt ad contractus varios pertinere. (...) In tercio de criminibus propter que a sacramentis potest impediri et de penis pro criminibus imponendis. (...) In quarto de hiis que ad jus et ad judicium pertinent. MS Roma BAV Lat 2317 f. 1c. Cited from LIOI 1962, 218. See also chapter seven in the present volume. 126 The first book known to have formed part of the Franciscan convent library of St. Croce in Florence was a copy of the Decretum. Almost the same was true for the Franciscan library at Oxford. See my chapter on Franciscan libraries. It is interesting to note that some Dominican and Franciscan chronicles, like the chronicle of Martin von Troppau and the anonymous Flores Temporum, are very much histories of canon law developments. In the Satirica Ystoria of Paolino da Venezia, the division of the text in Notabilia and Argumenta seems directly derived from canon law formulations. ROEST, 1996, 245ff. See on the meaning of these terms esp. GARCÍA Y GARCÍA, 1992, 396. 127 GARCÍA Y GARCÍA, 1992, 403; MEIER, 1958, 42ff. A case in point is Magdeburg, where Heinrich von Merseburg, known for his Summa super V Libros Decretalium, taught c. 1250. Subsequent Magdeburg lectors (such as Heinrich von Barben), wrote instruments to this work. 128 CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 76: ‘Iura et philosophia in scholis theologiae ab eodem lectore eodem tempore non legantur, sed alibi et alias, ubi fuerit opportunum. – Saeculares autem ad huiusmodi lectiones nullatenus admittantur. – Nec ratione huius studii fratres ab humilitatis obsequiis et divinis officiis eximantur; parcatur tamen iuvenibus a discursu.’

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time in fact used the Franciscan house as a teaching place. 129 Not a few Franciscan degree students at theological studia also had a law degree and acquired fame as canon law professors at the university, 130 which means that they had gone through the full university (canon) law curriculum.131 The actual place of canon law in the Franciscan educational curriculum definitely needs further study. The friars’ knowledge of law not necessarily was limited to canon law, even though civil law, like medicine, was not a discipline routinely pursued by regular clerics. Anyone versed in canon law would also have received some initial training in civil law.132 Moreover, in many transactions in which Franciscan houses were involved (sales, rents, testaments, etc), we encounter friars with a specific notary training. Some of these friars had an official (imperial) licence to act as a notary.133 In so far as these latter friars did not receive their legal training before their entrance in the order, we might assume that for them legal training was available, either through the Franciscan schools, or through attending lectures at other schools in the neighbourhood. The arts faculties at Bologna, Padua and Perugia had separate chairs for the ars notaria. Some friars might have followed courses in this subject matter. Yet this would not have been common practice. It might have been more common for friars to receive some vocational training from an independent practitioner, or in independent notary schools that did not form part of the university.134 For the Friars Minor, the study of medicine was not a standard curricular discipline either. Roger Bacon nevertheless ventured into it, and stressed its importance.135 Jacquart has shown that in France 129 In light of this it is strange that Piana insists that the reports between the Franciscan studium at Ferrara and the juridical faculty would have been minimal. PIANA, 1968, 115. In 1488, the Franciscan friar Rufino de Aba received permission to study canon law at Ferrara university. Miscellanea Franciscana 32 (1932), 274b. 130 Well-known are of course Alvaro Pelayo and Astesano d’Asti. See MENEGHIN, 1969 & DAMIATA, 1984. 131 During the later medieval period this curriculum consisted of i.) Gratian’s Decretum, ii.) the Decretales (or Liber Extra) of Gregory IX (1234), iii.) the Liber Sextus of Boniface VIII (1298), iv.) the Decretales Clementis V (with legislations from Clement V from 1305 onwards, including the stipulations of the council of Vienne (1311-1312), which were issued as a law collection under Pope John XXII, v.) and the Extravagantes Ioannis XXII (1325). On medieval Franciscan canon law studies, see especially DOELLE, 1910, 214-248; DOELLE, 1935, 1037-1064; HENQUINET, 1939, 3-48; HENQUINET, 1940, 221-225. 132 GARCÍA Y GARCÍA, 1992, 402. 133 MARANGON, 1997, 93-94. 134 GARCÍA Y GARCÍA, 1992, 397. 135 Cf. FELDER, 1904, 391ff.

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almost none of the medical regent masters whose status can be traced were members of the regular clergy.136 Elsewhere the situation might have been rather comparable. During the later Middle Ages it was quite common for secular students, both at Paris and at the Italian universities, to combine a study of medicine with studies and/or a teaching position at the arts faculty. The connection between theology and medicine was less straightforward. However, the study of medicine was not a totally forbidden subject for the regular clergy.137 Throughout the later medieval period, the Franciscan order saw the influx of postulants with a medical degree,138 and an introduction into physiology and botany was part of the encyclopaedic preparation of many Franciscan friars. For this, they also could rely on handbooks and encyclopaedias with exemplary alchemical and medical materials produced by fellow friars.139 Caring for the sick had been an important aspect of the Franciscan evangelical life from the outset. Many Franciscan convents in Italy, France, England, and the German lands were responsible for lepers and did have links with urban hospitals. Some friars even engaged in the production of Plague treatises.140 Quite a few Friars Minor appear in the sources as medical practitioners of some kind.141 The actual pharmaceutical and 136 JACQUART, 1981, 153, 380, table 15. Of the 342 medical students or masters whose status can be traced, 128 were married, 201 belonged to the secular clergy (which was a wide-ranging group) and only 13 were members of the regular clergy (respectively two bachelors, three licentiates, and two masters. Yet no regent masters). 137 There were several ecclesiastical prohibitions that prevented the pursuit of medicine by the clergy. After Lateran IV, active surgery was seen to be incompatible with priesthood (but to some extent it was not incompatible with the lower ordinations) SIRAISI, 1992, 374-6; JACQUART, 1981, 150-151, 393, table 32; AMUNDDSEN, 1978, 22-44. 138 The minister general Crescenzio da Iesi, for instance, was a university trained medical doctor before he entered the order. The same was true for many Italian Observant friars. See also JACQUART, 153-154. 139 FELDER, 1904, 395ff refers to medical and physiological lore present in the popular De Proprietatibus Rerum. In many cases, however, such knowledge would have been acquired with moralising aims. More professional were the medical and herbal sections in the (proto-)chemical works of Sebastiano da Verona mentioned earlier. 140 Cf. JACQUART, 1981, 205. The Franciscan humanist Francesco Michele del Padovano published a Breviloquium de Epidemia. 141 Cf. for instance the activities of Adam of Hekeshover, who treated Robert Grosseteste, FELDER, 1904, 391f; and Leonard Mackenrod, active as physician in the Hildesheim convent. GUTOWSKI, 1994², 120. The Franciscan tertiary Rüdiger zur Dijck (fl. fifteenth century) was renowned for his rather modern surgical treatment of varicose veins, and also left behind a medical treatise, the Kunst zu alden Schaden und zu dem Kreyfftz.

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surgical expertise that some of these Franciscan friars apparently did possess would not have been acquired at university (which remained commentary oriented well into the early modern period). Such expertise might have been the result of some kind of vocational training, either before or after the entrance in the order. It is, in any case, interesting to note that order superiors sometimes expressed concern about the quality of Franciscan medical practitioners, and tried to control their practices.142 Finally, something has to be said about Franciscan language skills.143 The international language of scholarship and religious learning was Latin. Most clerical friars therefore would have been functionally bilingual: they would have been able to speak, to read, and to write in Latin and in the vernacular from their home region. Friars pursuing higher learning would have encountered some Hebrew and Greek words in the context of their biblical studies. Many of these friars were exposed to biblical word lists, correctoria of the Vulgate text, biblical commentaries and exegetical handbooks produced by exegetes known for their knowledge of Greek, Hebrew, and Jewish exegesis, such as William Britto,144 William de la Mare (d. c. 1285),145 Nicolas de Lyre (c. 1280-1349),146 Henry of Costesy (fl.

142 See for instance the STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 270: ‘Ex nunc in nullo casu nullus frater intromittat se de practica medicinae, ut in examinando urinam et recepta ordinando et pulsum tangendo, nisi qui iudicio Ministri et discretorum in huiusmodi expertus iudicatur.’ Some types of external vocational training should also be supposed with regard to some of the Franciscan artists (painters, sculptors, glass makers etc.) that appear in the sources. 143 The basic outline of Franciscan language studies is sketched in LENHART, 1926. 144 William Britto is known for his Correctorium Sorbonicum and his Expositiones Vocabulorum Biblie Ordine Alphabetico. See RONCAGLIA, 1953, 172-173. 145 William de la Mare not only wrote a Correctorium Bibliae, but also a De Hebreis et Grecis Vocabulis Glossarium Biblie. See RONCAGLIA, 1953, 175. 146 Nicolas de Lyre’s most well-known work was his Postilla Litteralis, which became one of the most influential exegetical manuals of the later Middle Ages, and would have been a standard teaching text in many Franciscan studia. Through this work, and through related treatises like De Differentia Translationis Nostrae et Hebraica Littera Veteris Testamentum (=Tractatus Discrepantium), some elements of his Hebrew learning would have filtered through. See on Nicolas’ own knowledge of Hebrew and Jewish exegesis in particular BLUMENKRANZ, 1965, 47-51; BUNTE, 1994. 147 The Cambridge lector Henry of Costesy is predominantly known as biblical commentator with a significant knowledge of Hebrew. He possessd a Hebrew Psalter with the ‘Superscriptio Lincolnensis’, which apparently had belonged to Grosseteste. See for more information esp. LITTLE, 1943², 140; MOORMAN, 1952, 98-99.

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1326),147 and Richard Brinkley (fl. 1480).148 Yet these exegetes were almost certainly exceptional in their understanding of these languages. Friars who followed biblical lectures with the help of the commentaries and handbooks of these polyglots would normally not have felt the need to learn Greek or Hebrew themselves. In England, the Franciscan friars of Oxford to some extent became the inheritors of the twelfth-century English translation tradition through the teachings and educational ideas of Robert Grosseteste. Grosseteste himself had benefited from the intellectual inheritance of important cultural mediators like Adelard of Bath and Alfred of Sareshel. Grosseteste passed this inheritance on to some of his Franciscan pupils and admirers, as can be seen in the literary production and literary interests of William de la Mare, William Britto, Haymo of Faversham, Adam Marsh, Roger Bacon and Henry of Costesy.149 Nevertheless, for most English Franciscans the study of Hebrew, Greek, and Arabic would not have been a major affair. Specific scholarly and religious interests, missionary exploits, as well as diplomatic activities in the Byzantine world enticed individual friars to engage in the study of foreign languages. Some Franciscan friars showed a keen interest in Arab natural philosophy or in Greek religious thought, witness the translations from the Arabic by the friar-bishop Pedro Gallego,150 and the impressive list of translations from the Greek by the Spiritual Franciscan missionary and scholar Angelo Clareno.151 Chronicles and martyrologies come up with a Richard Brinkley (who should not be confused with the fourteenth-century logician) came to Cambridge about 1480 and took his doctorate in 1492. He was known for his knowledge of Hebrew and Greek, and possessed several Greek and Hebrew biblical texts. Moorman suggests that Brinkley, who was active in Cambridge until 1518, might have collaborated with Erasmus, who was in Cambridge in 1506 and between 1511 and 1514. MOORMAN, 1952, 121-123. 149 For Costesy, see above. Bacon deplored the lack of language skills of his European contemporaries and inserted a plea for the learning of languages in his works for pope Clement IV. Cf. ROGER BACON, Opus Majus, ed. J.H. Bridges, 81; ROGER BACON, Opus Tertium, ed. Brewer, 102. Cf. also his Compendium Studii Philosophiae, ed. Brewer, 434. Bacon’s own language skills shine through in his Greek and Hebrew grammars. Cf. RONCAGLIA, 1953, 177. 150 Friar Pedro Gallego (d. 1267), who became bishop of Carthagena in Spain, translated several Arabic works on domestic economy and natural philosophy. LOPEZ, 1925, 65-91. 151 Angelo Clareno translated a range of works from Basil the Great, John Chrysostomos, John Climacus, Athanasius, Pseudo Macarius and other Greek fathers. On these works and Clareno’s missionary exploits, see MANSELLI, 1979, 270291; MUSTO, 1983, 215-238, 589-645; RIGGI, 1991, 21-44. 148

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significant number of such Franciscan missionaries, scholars, and fellow travellers knowledgeable in Arabic and Greek. Such individuals frequently originated from regions where these languages (still) were spoken, namely in Spain, Southern Italy and the Greek Isles.152 Even though it is possible to chart activities of language training in individual friaries in the border areas of Christian Europe, as well as a substantial number of individual friars engaged in language study and translation, foreign languages were not systematically pursued in the Franciscan school network.153 In 1299, the Franciscan tertiary Ramon Lull urged the university of Paris to pay attention to the study of Arabic, ‘Tartar’ and Greek, in order to facilitate missionary exploits.154 On the council of Vienne (1312), it was decided to erect special chairs for the study of Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, and Aramaic in Paris, Oxford, Rome and Salamanca. The effect of these decisions seems to have been very modest, however.155 There is not much evidence that the Franciscans did establish specialised language schools for these purposes during the medieval period, or that they included the study of languages other than Latin in their basic scholarly curricula in their custodial schools and studia generalia. This was to change in the sixteenth century, with the Franciscan participation in the mission to the New World, and the renewed interest in the pristine languages of biblical history.

152 Quite a few Italian and some English friars were fluent in Greek; notably those who over the years engaged in disputations with Greek Orthodox ambassadors and religious leaders during the abortive attempts to restore the unity of the Church. Salimbene mentions in this regard for instance Haymo of Faversham, Benvenuto Montenari of Modena (who seemed to have had a complete library of books in languages other than Latin), and friar Bartolomeo from Southern Italy. SALIMBENE, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 320f, 631. In the vicariates of Eastern Europe and Asia, the Franciscans enlisted several friars with a profound knowledge of Greek, Arabic, Bulgarian, and other Slavonic languages. On the Greek friars from the convent of Pera, and the language skills of Girolamo d’Ascoli and Fidenzio di Padova, see RONCAGLIA, 1953, 182-183. Salimbene himself had a relative (Giovanni Pannizzari) who had learned Arabic on commercial trips to the Middle East before he joined the order. See also the information concerning Giovanni Palastron in GOLUBOVICH, 1906-1927, I, 283-290 & II, 422, 445-471. A special case is the tertiary Ramon Lull, who knew Arabic, and activily promoted the study of foreign languages. 153 The same was true in the Dominican school network, notwithstanding the initiatives of Humbert de Romans to establish centres for the study of foreign languages in Barcelona, Zativa (Catalonia), and elsewhere. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 344ff. 154 CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, II, 83 (no. 6111). 155 Cf. ALTANER, 1933, 226ff.

CHAPTER THREE

LEARNING IN THE OBSERVANT MOVEMENT The Observance began as a reaction to a perceived decadence in the Franciscan order during the traumatic conflicts with the Spirituals and heterodox Fraticelli. In the course of the fourteenth century, there were other attempts at reform, perhaps inspired by the example of the followers of Angelo Clareno, who tried to adhere to the primitive Franciscan eremitic tradition. As early as 1334, Giovanni della Valle received permission to retreat with four friars to the hermitage of Brogliano (Umbria), in order to observe the Franciscan Rule in a stricter sense.1 Their example was followed by other friars. Whereas some suffered persecution and harassment from their local and provincial superiors, other groups were accepted, and even actively supported, as long as they did not openly challenge established privileges and authority. In 1368, the converse Paoluccio Vagnozzi de Trinci received permission to go into retreat with some friars in the hermitage of Brogliano. Paoluccio’s reform received ongoing support, especially from pope Gregory XI, who defended this so-called Observant initiative. Already in 1373, the Brogliano Observants had overtaken nine Franciscan houses. The movement was granted additional friaries for reform along similar lines and obtained the right to receive its own novices in 1380. These successes continued under Paoluccio’s successor Giovanni de Stroncone (d. 1418). Around 1414, no less than 34 hermitages and/or small friaries had gone over to this Italian Observant movement.2 Italy was not the only area where reform attempts were initiated in the course of the fourteenth century. In the French provinces of Burgundy, France and Touraine, attempts of reform may have gone back as far as 1358, and the three Franciscan provinces in the Iberian peninsula (St. James / Portugal, Castile, Aragon) seemed to have had a substantial number of ‘reformed’ convents of some kind by

1 2

SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 163; ELM, 1989, 205; SENSI, 1992. PULIGNANI, 1929 and SENSI, 1992.

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1380.3 In the Low Countries, the German lands, Hungary, Poland and Bosnia, the first reformed convents started to appear between 1380 and 1420/30. In these regions, Observant movements gained momentum when Italian and French Observant preachers visited these provinces on long international preaching tours from the 1430s onwards.4 Many of the early Observant movements originated from local or regional initiatives, whether or not supported by developments elsewhere. It was only in the course of the fifteenth century (between c. 1415 and 1443) that the majority of these Observant groups gradually (and not without opposition) became organised into a few identifiable Observant branches within the Franciscan order. Some of these groups had their own provincial and general vicars (rivalling the provincial and general ministers of the order), who were only nominally subjected to the authority of the minister general. The history of the various Observant groups, such as the Italian Observants, the French Coletan movement, and the Spanish Villacrecians (to name but a few), is an intricate one, and still awaits its full general treatment from a truly European perspective.5 What con3 SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 167f; URRIBE & LEJARZA, 1958, passim; GARCÍA ORO, 1971, 14-28, 171-239. The main emphasis of the latter is on the reform movement in the closing decades of the fifteenth and in the early sixteenth century. Yet the book also provides an overview of Observant reform movements from the later fourteenth century onwards. 4 SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 185ff; NYHUS, 151-167; DOELLE, 1918, 191; KLOCZOWSKI, 1993, Ch. X, 101ff. The Observant movement only began to make an impact in England after 1482, to obtain at most six houses before the dissolution; LITTLE, 1892, 88. 5 The history of the Italian Observance has received by far the most scholarly attention. Cf. BRENGIO, 1963 and SENSI, 1985. Thanks to the work of L. Nyhus and K. Elm in particular, some good studies are done on the Observance in the German lands for the later period (especially the second half of the fifteenth century). A watershed was the Council of Constance, which in 1415 gave several Observant groups in France and Spain permission to continue their work of reform, misgivings from Franciscan provincial superiors notwithstanding. Pope Martin V was to uphold the decrees of the Constance council with regard to the Observants in general. He, as well as a number of subsequent popes and more enlighted Franciscan minister generals lent active support to the Observant cause. This facilitated the spread of Observant activities in many areas. When the emerging rift between the various Observant and the non-Observant or Conventual groups could not be closed, the Observants received c. 1443-1446 papal permission to set up their own administrative hierarchy: They could elect their own provincial vicars. Both the Ultramontan (French, Spanish and German) and Cismontan (Italian, Eastern European, Austrian, Hungarian and Polish) Observant convents from henceforth were allowed to chose a general vicar, who only nominally was subservient to the Franciscan minister gen-

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cerns us here is the attitude towards learning within these Observant movements, and the ways in which they gradually developed their own infrastructure of learning in parallel with the existing studia network of the so-called Conventual, or non-Observant, parental wing of the Franciscan order. Initial distrust of learning In many areas, the Observant movements had come into being as a protest against the lack of poverty, humility and simplicity in the Franciscan communal life. This was not solely the case in the Franciscan order, but also among the Augustinian Hermits, Carmelites, Dominicans, and the Servites. Observant friars from all these different mendicant groups sought a life in poverty devoted to prayer and contemplation, with some additional itinerant preaching. This meant, on the whole, a return to a more secluded life away from the large and well-equipped urban convents. 6 Franciscan Obervants could reach back to Francis’ own predilection for the eremitic lifestyle as the most suitable context for a communal life devoted to contemplation and absolute poverty.7 When the Franciscan order developed in a different direction, the eremitic tradition was kept alive, particularly in Central Italy, Southern France, and some areas in Spain, where series of small ‘romitori’ or ‘carceri’ situated in remote areas continued to survive. In the later thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries these ‘romitori’ often became centres of Spiritual dissent. Nevertheless, after the repression of the more volatile Spiritual groups the eremitic life remained an option for friars and aligned penitential groups in search of a more secluded expression of evangelical perfection.8 eral. Thereafter, the various Observant movements gradually developed into a semiindependent branch of the Franciscan order. Some Observant groups (notably the French Coletans) chose not to emancipate themselves from their provincial ministers, so that the Observant movement retained some of its diversity until 1517 when, under pope Leo X, the split between the Conventual and Observant branches of the order was finalised. Cf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 216-224; HOLZAPFEL, 1909, 100-135; SCHMITT, 1990, 369-404. 6 ELM, 1989, 204; Cf. SCHMUCKI, 1973, 177-222; NICOLINI, 1979, 74-96. 7 Cf. FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula per Eremitoriis Data, in: Die Opuscula, ed. K. Esser, 405-412; PELLEGRINI, 1977, 279-313. 8 NICOLINI, 1979, 79-96.

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The Observant ‘return’ to a form of ‘original’ simplicitas and poverty was to an extent at odds with the pursuit of learning in an organised manner. Many early Observants, like their Spiritual forerunners, objected to learning. This objection was not so much motivated by a predilection for ignorance (although Paoluccio himself was a lay friar without much inclination towards learning), but more by the fear that the pursuit of science could destroy the aspired humility and simplicity.9 The life of organised study, which developed with the help of many papal privileges, had resulted in the establishment of large study convents in the towns. This development had enticed the order to forsake the original simplicitas, and stimulated the formation of an internal hierarchy. From the later thirteenth century onwards, lectors, bachelors, and masters of theology had a special status in the Franciscan community. They received a preferential treatment with regard to food, housing, and respect. They had a right to their own socius, and from the early fourteenth century onwards could even ask for a servant (famulus). They did not have to recite the breviary prayers in the choir, and they could dispense with the convent mass when they were busy with important matters of study or administration.10 For the early Observants, all these matters were closely connected with the pursuit of learning. No wonder that Observant spokesmen were distrustful with regard to organised education, as it had made the order decadent, and had caused it to betray its original ideals. This negative verdict resounded in the chronicles of the Observant movement, even after Observant practices and ideals had changed significantly in the course of the fifteenth century.11 In Italy, the first generations of Observants stuck to a life in seclusion, far from the towns and the schools. Even as late as 1430, the Observant friar Alberto da Sarteano could write in a letter to Poggio Bracciolini that ELM, 1989, 207. FELDER, 1904, 375-380; BRLEK, 1942, 81-84. 11 Hence the Observant chronicler Nikolaus Glassberger remarked about the studia of the order in general, and the studium generale of Paris in particular: ‘Sed et propter innumerabiles dissolutiones, quae multo adhuc amplius vigent in conventibus studiorum generalium, sicut Parisius testatur locus, qui dicitur infernus, propter inhonestates tacendas, ne aures audientium tinnire contingeret, et propter exactiones pecuniarias ampliores quam apud saeculares, multaque alia tacenda; dicebant se cum puritate regulae non posse ibi studere.’ NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, 297. 9

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the Observance was established as an institution of simple, devout, and penitent friars, who lived far away from the world. The self-chosen ignorance of Observant friars in matters of moral and doctrinal theology had its dangers, however. As critics were quick to point out, such friars were vulnerable to succumb to heretical views. Moreover, the chosen seclusion in simplicity severely hampered the friars’ pastoral efficacy. Until the early decades of the fifteenth century, there was even a severe shortage of priests to fulfil the necessary liturgical functions within Observant communities. This shortage made it necessary to promote lay friars without proper training to the ranks of the clergy. Non-orthodox practices, and a failure to perform correctly the basic liturgical and pastoral tasks eventually (in 1429) forced a joint assembly of Italian Conventual and Observant friars to forbid all friars to engage in pastoral activities, unless they had received special permission from their superiors. These concerns, which were exacerbated by allegedly scandalous pastoral activities of unchecked vagabond friars, stimulated a renewed emphasis on the theological formation and examination of young friars throughout the Franciscan order in the Constitutions of 1430.12 Subsequent Observant leaders, who more and more saw an efficacious pastoral ministry as a core activity of Observant life, complained about the ignorance of their friars. At the same time, Observant priests and preachers themselves expressed the fear that they unwittingly may have been in a state of mortal sin at more than one occasion, due to mistakes made in administering the sacraments.13 To some extent, however, this picture of Observant ignorance is misleading. First of all, the traditional mistrust of learning among the early Observants was not universal. Unlike Paoluccio’s Italian ‘romitori,’ the Observant convents of Northern France normally were less secluded and substantially larger, and their friars devoted themselves to study and pastoral activities from the outset.14 Several Observant groups in Castile apparently took a comparable stance.15 FOIS, 1982, 484-486. GHINATO, 1973. 14 SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 182. The Coletan friars’ whole existence initially was geared to pastoral service of the Coletan nuns. Cf. also MURPHY, 1965, 49ff. 15 According to a notice from 1427, the ‘Observant’ friars of Castile ‘s’adonnaient beaucoup aux études scientifiques.’ SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 168. Cf. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, VII, 675. 12 13

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The fact that the Observants were slow to develop their own network of schools with a set curriculum of studies not automatically implied that Observant friars did not have access to learning, or that they lacked religious training altogether. In Central Italy and elsewhere, the Observants at first did not identify the need to establish a network of schools to train young postulants and novices, because the majority of their first postulants were adults, many of whom had spent their formative years in the schools of the Conventuals. In the regions where the Observant reforms did not meet with outright antagonism, Observant houses for a long time profited further from the existence of neighbouring Conventual Franciscan schools and studia to help to train their own younger friars. The re-orientation of the Observant movement The Observance proved to be very attractive to mature and often well-trained friars, who prior to their entrance into the Observant wing had received their education in Franciscan studia, in neighbouring universities, or in professional (law) schools.16 Good examples are the famous ‘pillars of the Observance’, namely Bernardino da Siena,17 Giovanni da Capistrano,18 Alberto da Sarteano,19 and In a sense a reprisal of the developments of the early thirteenth century, when the mendicants first arrived at the university. 17 Bernardino da Siena studied the arts and canon law at the university of Siena before his entrance in the Franciscan Observant branch in 1402. Thereafter he spent some time in a hermitage. After his ordination as priest (1404), he studied theology, to start around 1417 with his famous pastoral journeys. STOLFI LIBERATUS, 1945, 245266; PACETTI, 1963, 3-19. 18 Giovanni da Capistrano was already a doctor of law and active as a lawyer before he joined the Observant Franciscans in 1415. He studied theology under Bernardino da Siena before he embarked on his efficacious preaching tours in the 1420s and after. NICOLINI, 1960, 39-77; SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 47-48. 19 Alberto da Sarteano entered the Franciscan order at the age of 20 in 1404, and became one of the leading Hellenists and Latinists of his time, also renowned for his knowledge of the sacred and profane sciences. He changed to the Observance in 1414. After a period of religious seclusion, spent with prayer, penitence, and the study of religious authors, he received a training in apostolic techniques from Bernardino da Siena, to be assigned preaching tasks from 1423 onwards. Cf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 45. The humanist Guarino, who taught the principles of rhetoric and oratory in the morning hours, would take his students in the afternoon to preaching sessions of Alberto, to hear rhetoric in practice. BICCARELLI, 1938-39, passim; PRATESI, 1960, 78-110. 16

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Giacomo della Marca.20 These four Observant leaders had all received a thorough training, particularly in law (and/or medicine), before being attracted to the religious life, and long before they decided to join the Observant Franciscans.21 From around 1415 onwards, the influx of such well-trained friars lead to a fundamental re-orientation of the Observant movement. The Observant ideal was no longer fully based on the hermitage. Increasingly, the Observants tried to get a foothold in the urban centres. There, Observant friars of nearly all religious orders became a very powerful pastoral force. The generation of Bernardino da Siena also recognised the need for a better organised educational system. It was deemed necessary to meet existing criticisms about ignorance and heterodoxy, and to elevate the level of religious understanding of those friars who did not enter the Observant movement after several years of studies. More important still was the need to prepare future preachers and confessors for their job – a clear sign that the goals of Observant life had changed irrevocably.22 Under Bernardino’s personal direction, a host of Franciscan Observant friars, among whom were Giovanni da Capistrano and Giacomo della Marca, studied moral theology and pastoral techniques at Fiesole, before being given their own preaching assignments. These friars were attracted by Bernardino’s renown as a preacher. This renown, as well as Bernardino’s noted attempts to ameliorate the expertise in moral theology of his fellow friars, drew the attention of Observant leaders and the reform-minded papacy,

20 Giacomo della Marca was a law student in Perugia before he entered the Observants at the Portiuncola in 1416 (to spend his noviciate year in the solitary convent of Carceri, near Assisi). GHINATO, 1973, 51; SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 57-63; PICCIAFORO, 1977. 21 Comparatively speaking, a significant number of Italian Observants had a background in law, and also in medicine. In addition to the four ‘pillars’ mentioned above, GHINATO, 1973, 56 mentions also Bartolomeo da Giano (cf. WADDING, Annales, X, 127 an. 1426, n. 12), Niccolò da Osimo (cf. WADDING, Annales, X, 139-141 an. 1427, nn. 13-16), Giovanni di Barga (cf. WADDING, Annales, X, 198 an. 1430, n. 37), Paolo d’Assisi (cf. WADDING, Annales, X, 127 an. 1426, n. 12), Roberto da Lecce, Pietro da Taorando (cf. WADDING, Annales, XV, 3-8 an. 1492, nn. 4-7), Antonio Scazzetto (cf. WADDING, Annales, XV, 3-8 an. 1470, n. 2), Bernardino Amici, Pietro da Mogliano, Paolo Boncampi da Siena, Marco da Montegallo, Raffaele da Varese, Bernardino da Feltre, and Barnaba da Terni. Cf. MARIOTTO. 1896. 22 For older general treatments of this development, see HOLZAPFEL, 1909², 253256.

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who were concerned about the consequences of ignorance among future Observant priests, preachers and confessors. Perhaps at the suggestion of pope Eugenius IV, the Umbrian Observants asked Bernardino in 1437 or 1438 to give a systematic course in moral theology and canon law to preachers and confessors in the convent of Monteripido near Perugia.23 Shortly thereafter, in July 1438, Bernardino was appointed general vicar of the Cismontan Observant friars by the Franciscan minister general Guglielmo da Casale, who supported Observant initiatives. Within seventeen days after his appointment, even before he had received papal confirmation of his new office, Bernardino published an important vicarial decree pertaining to studies and the organisation of pastoral care. The decree stated that friars who had entered the Observance as lay persons and had later passed on towards the clerical state without sufficient theological preparation, were no longer allowed to hear confessions of lay people. This measure was further extended to all insufficiently trained priests (at the discretion of the provincial vicars). Henceforth, such priests could only engage in standard liturgical activities and were only allowed to hear confessions of their fellow friars. The Bernardino decree of 1438 further prohibited uneducated lay friars from learning the liberal arts and from entering the clerical estate. This ruling did, in fact, reach back to Chapter ten of the Regula Bullata of 1223 and to the Narbonne constitutions of 1260, which also stated that lay friars should not aspire to become priests. 24 Furthermore, Bernardino prohibited the acceptance of novices who were not able to recite the divine office. Bernardino’s decree blocked undue aspirations of improperly trained friars. In addition, his decree Bernardino at that time was himself a friar of the Tuscan province. BERNARDINUS SENENSIS, Littera in Loco S. Damiani, 314-315: ‘Nullus ad professionem receptus pro laico, postea effectus presbyter, possit audire confessiones saecularium personarum, sed dumtaxat fratrum (…) Et similiter alii ignorantes presbyteri iuxta iudicium Vicarii eorundem (…) Nullus laicus permittatur addiscere litteras aut ad clericatum acendere.’ Cf. PIANA, 1982, 252 & note 12. Piana emphasises the role of Eugenius IV as active supporter of Bernardino’s educational incentives. Later Observant constitutions upheld these. Cf. the Observant statutes of the Saxon province (1467): ‘…nullus frater laycus nesciens litteras eas addiscat, nisi dumtaxat Confiteor, Suscipiat Dominus, Miserere mei Deus, Gratias, et De Profundis, sic tamen quod literas alphabeti non addiscant. Nec detur aliqui licentia studendi pro clericatu, licet in seculo didicerit litteras.’ STATUTA SAXONIAE (1467-1494), 105. It shows that Observants were keen to prevent the illiterate lay friars from learning to read. 23 24

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stimulated the study of theology, even though the Observants did not want to pursue higher degrees. Notwithstanding objections, Bernardino was able to maintain these measures, with the backing of the pope and the minister general of the order. 25 With papal mandate, Bernardino was able to develop his theological courses at Monteripido into a veritable Studium Moralis Theologiae. There, he thoroughly immersed candidates for confessional tasks and impending missionary activities in practical theology and the casus conscientiae. In the course of his vicariate, Bernardino was further able to establish comparable courses in other convents of the Cismontan Observant provinces. In service of these courses, Bernardino and his disciples provided Observant teachers and preachers with muster sermon collections and confessional summae.26 Bernardino da Siena not only instituted places of learning in Observant friaries to teach his fellow friars. He also dealt with the character of study as an intrinsical part of Christian life. In a sermon held in Florence on 20 February 1425, in a quadragesimal sermon held in Siena the same year, and again in his long Sermo de Scientiarum Studiis held before the university of Padua in 1443, Bernardino elaborated the importance of study as a vehicle to arrive at true wisdom.27 These sermons took up the importance of study as a moral undertaking and as a moral imperative in the life of every Christian. In order to attain true wisdom, three core elements were necessary: a good disposition or a strength of will, discipline, and proper knowledge. Those who sought science with a good disposition would reap divine gifts (gifts of the Spirit), whereas the ignorant were like beasts who indulged in the gifts of the body. Ignorance, which enticed man to indulge in these bodily gifts, just as Adam’s ignorance had led him See on this whole episode in particular FOIS, 1982, 492-494. Fois suggests that this renewed emphasis on theological training was connected with the increasing use of Observant friars in the negotiations with the Orthodox Church, and with new missonary initiatives in the East. In this period, the Observants obtained a foothold in the Eastern provinces. NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, 25ff. Cf. FOIS, 1982, 477-497; PIANA, 1982, 495; GHINATO, 1973, 58; BRLEK, 1958, 333-340. According to Wadding, Bernardino started to implement the organisation of a whole network of schools of moral theology and canon law, and we have seen that some of these schools actually came into existence during his vicariate (such as in Siena, c. 1440). WADDING, Annales, XI, 1940 & WADDING, Annales, XXVII, 110. 27 PORZI, 1975, 127-136; GALLETTI, 1913; STICCO, 1921, 354-366; PACETTI, 1936, 310-321; MECACCI, 1941, 21-50, 90-122; ELM, 1989, 210-211. 25 26

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to the fall, was at the bottom of social unrest and social-economic disaster. Hence, study was necessary for all who wished to flee these sins of the world. This adhortation was not only meant for students, clerics, and lay men (in all strata of society), but also for women (married women, their daughters, as well as elderly spinsters). Everyone should be learned, that is, imbued with the appropriate knowledge with regard to faith and morals. Furthermore, one should be willing to profess this knowledge in word and deed. For every Christian, study was a moral undertaking that was beneficial to himself, to his family, his friends, and the community at large. It would direct secular and religious people towards moral virtue. Study, therefore, was honourable and honest. But more than that, it represented a glory. Study would make man fully human. 28 On a more concrete level, Bernardino da Siena dealt with the prerequisites of learning, and its accompanying rules. This is most striking in his sermon Pro Scholaribus Septem Disciplinae, in which Bernardino, in analogy with the popular treatises on the seven liberal arts and the seven virtues, presented seven disciplinary conditions for students to abide with: esteem for the excellence of study itself; avoidance of distraction; peace of mind and spirit; proper order and measure in bodily, temporal and spiritual matters; assiduity in studies undertaken; delight in the subject matter which, like good food, should be properly masticated and digested; and, finally, a good balance between the chosen studies and one’s own capacities, desires, social position, and age. The last recommendation implied that people should study subjects (whether practical or theoretical) that were congenial to their interest and capacities.29 ‘Io vivoglio fare diventare tutti predicatori e voi donne predicatrici.’ Cf. BERSENENSIS, Le prediche volgari inedite, 205-214. The right knowledge would enable all Christians to understand and hence to embrace their own proper virtues and obligations. The outcome would be a fully ‘Christian’ society. Cf. ELM, 1989, 211: ‘Das durch Bildung erstrebte Ideal, die Keuschheit der Jungfrauen, die Zucht der Jünglinge, die gegenseitige Hochschätzung der Ehepartner, die Achtung der Kinder vor ihren Eltern, die Verantwortung der Eltern für ihre Kinder, die gegenseitige Unterstützung der Bürger, die Gerechtigkeit der Kaufleute, die Zuverlässigkeit der Handwerker, der Gehorsamkeit der Untertanen, die Fürsorge der Herrscher, die Verantwortung aller vor Gott, stellt einen Kanon von Pflichten und Tugenden dar, der wie kaum ein anderer das Bild des wahren Christen und rechten Bürgers widerspiegelt.’ 29 BERNARDINUS SENENSIS, Pro Scholaribus Septem Disciplinae, 406-408: ‘1a est extimatio//Apoc. 21, 6: Ego sitienti dabo de fonte aque vite gratis// Inpossibile enim est pervenire ad perfectionem cuiusque studii et scientie, nisi ante precedat 28

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Several Observant schools can be traced back to Bernardino da Siena’s activities. Yet the great push forward in the organisation of studies in the Cismontan Observant branch occurred under the vicariate of Giovanni da Capistrano. Giovanni’s concerns for the propagation of studies shine through in his Sermones Duo ad Studentes (1440), which were probably held before the theology students of Monteripido in Perugia, one of the first Observant study houses in Italy. In these sermons, Giovanni da Capistrano insisted on the proper training of all clerics and clerical friars. They should have a thorough grounding in the science of Sacred Scripture (ut se regere sciant et docere quos regunt), the arts of the trivium or the humanist sciences (ut sciant discernere verum a falso et habere aditum ad scientiam pietatis), and the practical sciences (scientiae saecularium artium industriarum) necessary to govern the household and the state. Together, these three kinds of sciences would enable friars and other clerics to engage in an efficacious ministry.30 Giovanni’s initiatives to stimulate the formation of schools in the Cismontan Observant branch, which found a willing ear with the magna extimatio altitudinis eius (…); 2a est separatio, scilicet ab omni distractivo extrinseco, sicut: – A mala societate et vaga illorum qui non diligunt studium (…) – A mala vita (…) – A disputationibus in festis (…) – A vestibus vanis et pretiosis – Ab inpossibilibus, sicut de quibusdam characteribus et arte notoria (…) – Ab erroribus Averrois etc. – A ludis taxillorum etc. – A furando gallinas etc. – A studiis noxiis (…) – Ab ignorantibus doctoribus (…); 3a est quietatio, scilicet mentis et spiritus (…); 4a ordinatio, scilicet de priori non faciat posterius, sicut potest fieri etc. Hic autem ordo attendi debet: – 1° in corporalibus. Videlicet in commedendo nec magis nec minus (…) – 2° in temporalibus. Oportet enim mentem abstrahere ab occupatione negotiorum, immaginatione sensibilium, vagatione corporum (…) – 3° in spiritualibus, scilicet timendo Deum (…); 5a continuatio et assiduitas (…); 6a delectatio. In corporalibus enim cibus disconveniens non bene incorporatur, nisi aliqua interveniat complacentia per ruminationem et saporem. Sic scientia et Scriptura: – 1° oportet eam sumere audiendo vel legendo. – 2° repetendo masticare (…) 3° incorporari…Et 4° fit anime cibus (…).; 7a commensuratio sive discretio. In qua magna sollicitudo esse debet et animadversio in quatuor, scilicet ut consideret: 1° suum statum; 2° suam etatem vel tempus; 3° suum ingenium; 4° suum desiderium (…).’ The source apparatus makes clear that Bernardino is heavily indebted to the Decretum and to Franciscan authors like Alexander of Hales (Summa Theologica), Bonaventura da Bagnoregio (Collationes in Hexaëmeron), Alvaro Pelayo (De Planctu Ecclesiae), and Guibert de Tournai (Sermones ad Status). Moreover, Bernardino concludes with commending his audience to read Hugues de St. Victor’s Didascalicon, and to keep in mind the words of Salomon (Prov. 11,2): ‘Ubi fuerit superbia, ibit erit et contumelia; ubi autem humilitas, ibi et sapientia.’ Cf. MECACCI, 1941, 106-113. 30 The latter scientiae saecularium artium industriarum are a mixture of ethics, economics and common sense. See JOANNES DE CAPISTRANO, Sermones Duo ad Studentes et Epistola Circularis de Studio Promovendo inter Observantes, 97-131, in particular 116f.

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papacy, were firmly inserted in the important Cismontan constitutions of 1443 (issued under the inspiration of Eugenius IV).31 To ensure that Observant confessors and preachers were able to exercise their duties without errors and to the spiritual benefit of their designated flock, these 1443 constitutions stated that one or more Observant houses in each province should be designated for the teaching of friars in primitivis scientiis (predominantly grammar and logic) and in sacra pagina (theology).32 In line with these objectives, important Observant study centres were erected in Bologna, Ferrara, Mantua, Fabriano, Florence, Pavia, Milan, Verona, and Venice, replete with substantial libraries.33 To make sure that these decisions were taken seriously, and to quench opposition, Giovanni da Capistrano circulated a letter in February 1444. In this letter, directed to all provincial vicars of the Observance in Italy, Giovanni vehemently countered those who objected to a ‘proper’ schooling of Observant friars. The possession of correct knowledge was not only necessary for clerical friars in charge of pastoral care, but also in line with man’s proper

GHINATO, 1973, 57; Cf. BRLEK, 1958, 326-342. D. DE GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraphicus, III, 99b - 100a-b: ‘Quilibet vicarius in sua provincia determinet unum vel plura loca iuxta possibilitatem et aptitudinem fratrum Provinciae, in quo vel in quibus locentur fratres idonei ad docendum pariter et discendum, qui proficere valeant nedum in primitivis scientiis, sed etiam in sacra pagina, Deo duce.’ Cf. FOIS, 1982, 494-495; CANTINI, 1934², 41: ‘nexus inter studium Theologiae et sacram praedicationem fit magis ac magis arctus in Famila Observantium.’ Cf. CHRONOLOGIA, I,106-108: ‘omnibus Vicariis suae curae commissis quatenus quilibet Vicarius in sua Provincia determinaret unum vel plura loca, iuxta possibilitatem et aptitudinem Fratrum Provinciae, in quo vel quibus locarentur Fratres idonei ad docendum pariter et discendum, qui proficere valerent, nedum in principiis scientiae sed etiam in Sacra Pagina, Deo duce. Et hoc (...) ut tam praedicatores quam confessores, sine defectu et errore, ad Dei gloriam et salutem animarum eorum officia valeant exercere.’ 33 PIANA, 1982, 260-263. Given the continuing presence of many young friars, the Observant convent S. Paolo in Monte (Bologna) probably had a study house from c. 1410 onwards. In 1455, this convent was named as a place where – according to a letter of the vicar Francesco da Bologna – friars were sent ‘ut ibi operam studiis impendere possint.’ The Bolognese Observant convent also had a substantial library, as was also the case with the Observant convent in Perugia. Cf. BISTONI, 1973, 378404. GHINATO, 1973, 51 mentions the Observant teachers Antonio Neri of Arezzo (d. 1425), Serafino di Gaeta (teacher of Giacomo della Marca, Antonio da Bitonto, and Cherubino da Spoleto), Niccolò da Osimo (d. 1450), Paulus Teutonicus (d. c. 1483), Antonio da Bitonto (Bologna, Ferrara (1448), and Mantua (1449)), Pietro da Mogliano (Fabriano), Roberto da Lecce, Giovanni da Cordova (active in several Tuscan convents), and Bernardino da Feltre (Verona and Venice). 31 32

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sapiential nature. Those who despised science therefore sinned against human nature and the gifts of the Holy Spirit.34 Capistrano’s 1443 decrees were repeated in the constitutions of the Observant chapters of Rome (1446), Assisi (1447) and Bologna (1455).35 These constitutions once again called for the organisation of study houses in each and every Cismontan Observant province. The example provided by these measures, was taken over by the Ultramontan Observant provinces. Hence, the Ultramontan constitutions of 1447 and 1451 adopted almost verbatim Capistrano’s 1443 regulations concerning the establishment of study houses, where friars could be instructed in primitivis scientiis et in sacra theologia.36 From around 1450 onwards, the establishment of study houses was well under way in most provinces or vicariates where the Observant movement had succeeded in establishing itself, such as Italy, France, the Low Countries and the German lands. 37 This develop34 Cf. JOANNES DE CAPISTRANO, Sermones Duo ad Studentes et Epistola Circularis de Studio Promovendo inter Observantes, 127-131, esp. 127ff. Fois mentions that after 1446, when the papal bull Ultra Sacra made the Observants more or less independent from the Franciscan order as a whole, the Conventuals made use of existing discontent among Observant friars concerning the pursuit of studies, by offering lay friars the chance of getting ordained, and promising young priests further advancement if they would return into the Conventual fold. 35 D. De GUBERNATIS, Orbis Seraphicus, III, 110a; CHRONOLOGIA, 115a & 123b: ‘Vicarii Provinciarum et caeteri praelati diligenter curent quod Fratres sibi commissi discant et sciant necessaria ad salutarem eorum, et maxime confessores et praedicatores; super hoc conscientiam eorum onerando. Et quod idonei ad scientias litterarum promoveantur ad studia, secundum eorum capacitatem et provinciarum commoditatem; ad differentiam, et consuentiam Vicariorum Provinciarum.’ Cf. also FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 334. 36 Cf. STATUTA BARCINONA (1451), 135-136: ‘Item statuimus et ordinamus, ad praestandum in scientia pie proficere volentibus auxilium et favorem, quod Studia de caetero in unaquaque provincia habeantur in locis per provinciale capitulum ad hoc assignandis, per quae Studia fratres in primitivis scientiis et in sacra theologia debite instruantur. Et super hoc Vicarii provinciales diligenter invigilent, ut per guardianum et alios haec ipsa constitutio debitum sortiatur effectum.’ Later constitutions, like the Cismontan constitutions of Osimo (1461) repeated such adhortations. Cf. CHRONOLOGIA, I, 130a. 37 In the Provence and in the Strasbourg vicariate, Observant study houses began to appear in or after 1464. Cf. NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 413. The general chapter of Rufach (1471) designated the convents of Basel, Heidelberg (which already had an important studium generale before its turn to the Observance in 1426) and Ingolstadt (all in the vicariate of Strasbourg) pro studio theologiae. STÖCKERL, 1926, 306. On the same chapter, it was decreed that the Observant convents of Mainz, Bamberg and Heilbronn were designated pro studio artium and it was ordered that suitable young friars were sent to these study houses, to combat the ‘ignorantia omnium mater et nutrix errorum.’ STÖCKERL, 1926, 306. See also NICOLAUS

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ment was enormously facilitated by the continuing influx of learned scholars, whether or not inspired by the message of Observant preachers,38 and by the take-over of non-reformed Franciscan houses, several of which used to be important custodial schools and higher studia.39 The presence of experienced teachers and libraries in such friaries would have enabled the Observants to put their own studies on a secure footing. Occasionally, possessions and funds freed by taking over and reforming existing convents were used to facilitate local non-Franciscan centres of learning. A fine example of this is presented by the Observant reform houses in Ingolstadt and Landshut. Many former possessions of these convents were used to finance and secure the foundation of Ingolstadt University.40 The Observant Franciscans not only facilitated the emergence of the university, but also remained closely involved. The Observant friars of Ingolstadt apparently participated in important university solemnities and academic festivities. Many university teachers were buried on Franciscan grounds, and there is evidence to suggest that the Observant Franciscans were engaged in the spiritual welfare of university students (which, in the early modern period, led to conflicts with the Jesuits).41 GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 450-1 and 463 (with information on the establishment of the Observant studium of Tübingen, in 1477). Salamanca obtained an important Observant school in 1489. Miscellanea Francescana 70 (1970), 455-457. The establishment of Observant study houses continued well into the sixteenth century. In 1519, such study houses were established in the Observant convents of Bruges, Rouen, Metz and Nancy (in the Observant vicariate Francia Parisiae). By the early sixteenth century there were no less than twelve Observant studia generalia in Italy: Lucca, Naples, Rome (Aracoeli), Ragusa, Perugia (Monteripido), Brescia, Vercelli, Calitri (Avellino), Verona, Siena, and two study houses in Basilicata and Dalmatia. Cf. WADDING, Annales, XVI, 376 (anno 1532, no. 13). Some of these went back to the times of Bernardino da Siena, others were more recent foundations. 38 In a letter from 1453, Giovanni da Capistrano wrote about the fruits of his preaching tour, stating that due to his sermons held at the University of Leipzig (Lipsia) no less than 80 students (among whom several bachelors and masters of arts) had entered the Observant order. PIANA, 1979, 56; PIANA, 1982, 265. 39 The most illustrious examples of such takeovers are the convent and studium of Paris (which became Coletan in 1502 and Observant in 1517), and Toulouse (which became Observant in 1518). Another good example is the study house of St. Omaars, which after its reform also became a centre of Observant learning. One of its first Observant lectors was Johannes Brugman. HOMBERGH, 1967, 82. 40 STÖCKERL, 1926, 305-6. 41 STÖCKERL, 1926, 308-313. Stöckerl therefore states on page 306: ‘Gerade die Observanten schätzten das Studium außerordentlich hoch und waren darum auch Freunde der Universitäten.’

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Nevertheless, quite a few Observant groups remained very critical towards higher academic learning, and in particular towards the pursuit of higher degrees for their own sake. The Franciscan Observants of Villacrecia (Spain) developed a structured program of studies in their own friaries. This program, however, deliberately excluded the artes liberales, as these would have lead the Franciscan order into ruin. Those friars destined for pastoral tasks were predominantly trained in practical theology, learning to read and interpret the Scriptures on the basis of Nicolas de Lyre’s literal and moral commentaries. They were further instructed in doctrinal matters and moral theology with the help of straightforward confession manuals, short compendia of dogmatic theology, small summulae of moral theology, handbooks for administering the sacraments, and preaching instruments for the making and presentation of sermons.42 The necessary pursuit of higher studies forced some Observant groups back to academic centres, although they were not yet in search of higher degrees. On the continent, and particularly in the French province, the Observants aspired to obtain established studia generalia or to visit those in Conventual hands as early as the 1440s, but they were rebuffed by Conventual opposition. The Observant abhorrence in the face of the ‘appallingly’ luxurious and undisciplined living conditions in the non-reformed studium generale of Paris and other study houses also tempered their enthusiasm to partake in the existing lectorate programs. 43 In the course of the fifteenth century, some Observant friars began to attend lectorate courses at Oxford university.44 Comparable aspirations were cherished in Castile, Cf. URRIBE & LEJARZA, 1958, 594-600. SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 194 . Nikolaus Glassberger insisted that, contrary to Conventual propaganda, the Observants were more than willing to study at existing studia generalia, but that the Conventuals made it impossible: ‘[Observantes] studere vellent et desiderarent, sed conqueri de hoc merito deberent, quod ipsi de communitate omnes conventus, in quibus habet Ordo studium generale, vellunt ipsi habere et nullum Observantibus dare, nec ipsi vellent permittere, quod ibi promoverentur ad studia, sed promotiones darent illis de sua vita. Sed et propter innumerabiles dissolutiones, quae multo adhuc amplius vigent in conventibus studiorum generalium, sicut Parisius testatur locus, qui dicitur infernus, propter inhonestates tacendas, ne aures audientium tinnire contingeret, et propter exactiones pecuniarias ampliores quam apud saeculares, multaque alia tacenda; dicebant se cum puritate regulae non posse ibi studere.’ NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 297. 44 Interesting in this regard is an observation of LITTLE, 1892, 88: ‘The Observants as a body produced few [university] students; the reformed houses on the continent objected to send their brethern to Paris. A few foreign Observants found 42 43

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which eventually lead Observant reformers, such as Cisneros, to institute a school near the university of Alcalá de Henares for 12 students in 1508. This caused a backlash soon thereafter: between 1515 and 1525, the Observants of that same province left the universities and, as late as 1532, a decree of the provincial chapter prohibited the pursuit of academic degrees.45 In this area, the observance of a stricter life of religious perfection had, after all, preference over the pursuit of learning.46 The general trend towards the acceptance of learning became very clear in the early sixteenth century. In Louvain, for instance, where the studium generale of the friars had been incorporated in the theology faculty since 1447, neither the Coletan Observance of 1499, nor the Regular Observance of 1506 put an end to all links with the university.47 Moreover, it seems that some Observant friars were enlisted in the degree program. This Observant acceptance of learning, and the Observant initiatives to facilitate the work of their preachers, had a serious impact on the creation of substantial libraries in Observant friaries during the early modern period. Franciscan reform and humanism It has been observed that some of the more renowned Franciscan Observant preachers not only shared reform ideas that came close to humanism, but also expressed themselves in an elegant Latin or Italian that drew the attention of contemporary humanists.48 These observations have lead to more wide-ranging discussions about the natheir way to Oxford in the fifteenth century; and when later in the century Observant friaries were founded in England (after 1480), some of their members studied in the Conventual house at the university.’ It seems safe to assume that in those areas where the strife between Conventuals and Observants was not overly bitter, the Observants were able and increasingly willing to send proficient students to the lectorate programs, if not to the degree programs. 45 Cf. ANDRÉS, 1976, I, 142-149. 46 This is epitomized by the ‘primum mores postea studia’ statements in the statutes of Boniface of Ceva (1508-9). FIRMAMENTA, III, 14, 63. 47 BAETENS, 1987, 99. 48 Among Observant preachers with a certain taste for a refined Latin and Italian style we count Bernardino da Siena, Alberto da Sarteano, Roberto da Lecce, and Gabriele Rangoni. Cf. RONZONI, 1899, esp. Ch. IV & VI; GHINATO, 1973, 34; CARRARA, 1957, 95.

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ture of the relationship between fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Observant and non-Observant ideals of Franciscan learning and emerging humanism. As often is the case, this relationship can be portrayed in several different ways. First of all, it is possible to reject out of hand a close relationship between humanism and Franciscan life and thought. Those who reject such a relationship can refer to the age-old Franciscan ideal of simplicitas (to which many Observant spokesmen tried to adhere with more tenacity than their average Conventual colleague), and to the strong French, Italian and English literary tradition that made fun of Franciscan ignorance.49 Such prevailing conceptions of simplicity and ignorance suggest a large gap between Franciscan goals and rustic literary styles on the one hand, and the humanist rhetorical models and scholarly ideals on the other. This chasm has been connected with the alleged dichotomy between ‘medieval’ religious obscurantism and the new humanist learning. This dichotomy, in turn, has been used (if not correctly) to underscore the even more famous dichotomy between renaissance humanism and medieval scholasticism.50 This rejection of a close link between Franciscan (Observant and non-Observant) ideals and humanism, finds support in ceaseless warnings by medieval Franciscan theologians against undue studies of the pagans, and the necessity to subsume pagan learning to Christian wisdom.51 Additional fuel is found among the utterances of Franciscan Observants like Cherubino da Spoleto and Alberto da Sarteano, who engaged in lengthy disputes with humanist criticasters. Cultural historians and art historians, however, have pointed to the long-standing affinity between mendicant religious ideals and humanist stoic reformism, the links between the discourses of Franciscan reform and those of humanist renewal, and the original nature of Franciscan spirituality that seemed to announce a new kind 49 Starting with Rutebeuf, and going via the Roman de la Rose (and Chaucer) to the sarcastic criticisms of humanists like Masuccio Salernitano, Leonardo Bruni, Poggio Bracciolini, Valla, and the the diatribes of early sixteenth-century reformers. CAPASSO, 1904; DENKINGER, 1915, 63-109, 286-313; ROSSI & VALLONE, 1949, 54-59; GARIN, 1958, 1-89; LEHMANN, 1963, 68ff, 188ff, 192ff; GARIN, 1967, 113-132; ERICKSON, 1975, 107-135 & 1976, 108-147. 50 See on this later dichotomy the interesting essay of KRISTELLER, 1969, 553-583. 51 ‘Utilius est Christianis terram arrare quam gentilium intendere libros’. BERNARDINUS AQUILANUS, Chronica Fratrum Minorum Observantiae, 43ff.

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of subjectivity and religious individualism.52 This argument has been pushed to extremes by Alfonso Porzi, who tries to prove the fundamental humanist stances of prominent Observant preachers, with regard to their ethical views, their book-collecting activities, and their rhetorical mastership. 53 P.O. Kristeller and K. Elm have highlighted the many contacts between Italian mendicant and humanist circles throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. This implicitly constitutes an argument against an Observant monopoly on such contacts. Kristeller and Elm estimate that more than 50% of the 200 known ‘religious humanists’ in Italy during the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries were mendicant friars.54 The Augustinian order, relative to its numerical strength, was by far the most open towards new humanist ideals. Among the various Franciscan groups the situation was apparently more ambivalent. A quick inventory makes it possible to trace a substantial number of Franciscan friars who were very much involved in humanist literary studies. In Florence in particular there were long-time contacts between mendicant houses and local humanists. While the Dominicans and the Augustinian Hermits took the lead, the Franciscans also succumbed to classicising influences from the late thirteenth/early fourteenth century onwards.55 Fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Conventual Franciscans, such as friar Illuminato, Tedaldo della Casa, Antonio d’Arezzo, Francesco Michele del Padovano, and Bernardino de Barduccis maintained close relationships with local humanists.56 Another case in point is the

Cf. LADNER, 1952, 31-59; BARON, 1938, 1-37; NAVONE, 1994. PORZI, 1975 almost tries to turn humanism itself into an offshoot of Franciscan evangelical perfection and Franciscan learning. See also BICARELLI, 1938-39, passim; GHINATO, 1975, 184-193; PIANA, 1968, 153-155 (on Augostino da Ferrara); CACCIOTTI, 1998, 241-258. 54 KRISTELLER, 1970, 1-54; ELM, 1976, 51-85. 55 ELM, 1976, 62-63. It shows in the presence of works by Virgil, Servius, Solinus, Eutropius, Suetonius, Horace and Ovid in the St. Croce library in Florence. Roughly at the same time, comparable developments took place among the English Franciscans. SMALLEY, 1960, passim. 56 SARRI, 1933; DAVIS, 1965, 415-435; MATTESINI, 1960, 254-316. Francesco Michele del Padovano is known for his diatribes against (Scotist) scholasticism in the schools of his time: ‘Nam haec vulgaris ac perturbata apud nos theologorum schola, solis quidditatibus, formalitatibus et hecceitatibus plurimum vel frequenter insistit...’ PRATESI, 1956, 90. Cf. PIANA, 1977, 263. See on the prolific humanist Friar Minor Antonio da Rho RUTHERFORD, 1990, 75-108. 52 53

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ongoing interest of different groups of Friars Minor in the work of Dante.57 Many friars, whether supporters of the Observance or not, shared some interest in humanist themes. This can partly be explained by the fact that the mendicant orders predominantly drew from the social stratum that also produced the leading urban intellectuals.58 The Observants’ renewed interest in secure learning (not overly burdened with scholastic distinctions) can similarly be interpreted as a sign that fifteenth-century Observant Franciscans and contemporary humanists at least to some extent shared a comparable outlook with regard to form and content of studies and their moral implications. For evidence of this, one can refer to Bernardino da Siena’s views on learning, to the amazing erudition displayed by renowned Observant preachers (in the fields of biblical study, Latin and Greek patristics, moral theology, canon law, and the classics), and to the ongoing contacts between Observant friars and contemporary humanists.59 Nevertheless, at their core (Observant and non-Observant) Franciscan religious educational ideals were not focussed on matters of style and linguistic purity. Franciscan educators would never have been able to agree with the humanist tendency to indulge in verbal aestheticism. The Friars Minor, whether Observant or not, did not aim for literary prowess per se, but instead tried to reach the populace at large. They took study very seriously,60 but it was a means to an end, not an end in itself.61 Several renowned Observant and non-Observant Franciscan preachers made abundant use of the works of Dante (and to some extent of the works of Jacopo da Todi) in their sermons. But they also devoted separate commentaries to the Comedia. MARETO, 1966, 13-14; GHINATO, 1973, 62. At the non-Observant studium of St. Croce we meet in 1395 the lector Giovanni Bertoldi da Serravalle, who translated Dante’s Comedia and wrote commentaries on the work. See LOMBARDI, 1976. In the fifteenth century we find Antonio di Arezzo as university teacher ad lecturam Dantis (1432). PIANA, 1977, 86, 249. 58 ‘...die Männerklöster von S. Croce, S. Maria Novella, S. Spirito, S. Maria Annunziata und S. Maria del Carmine (...) in erster Linie Spiegelbilder der in ihrer unmittelbaren Umgebung wohnenden politischen, sozialen und kulturellen Führungsschicht waren.’ ELM, 1976, 69. 59 Cf. MUGNAINI, 1943, 3-11; CENCI, 1978, 145-161. 60 This is corroborated by a remark of Cherubino da Spoleto, who asserted that he never climbed the pulpit to preach without seven hours of study and preparation. GHINATO, 1973, 63. This suggests a never ending study in between the liturgical hours. 61 And they often opted for a clear style that was at odds with the rather sterile exercises of contemporary humanists. Cf. ROSSI, 1933, 157. 57

CHAPTER FOUR

PERSPECTIVES ON SCHOOL FORMATION Much as been written about late medieval school formation. Likewise, many scholars dealing with Franciscan educational developments have postulated the existence of a Franciscan theological school of thought. Those who address these issues do not always address the same phenomena. Neither do they always start from the same presuppositions concerning what constituted schools of thought and how they should be identified. At least three dominant approaches towards school formation can be identified. Those who, for whatever reason, focus on the overall development of religious thought and ‘Christian philosophy’, traditionally postulate a ‘dissolution of the medieval outlook.’ This is often presented as having been concomitant with the ‘challenge of the Thomist synthesis’, resulting from the ‘rise of Nominalism’ and ‘Scotist formalism’. Those who want to limit themselves rather strictly to developments in later medieval scholastic philosophy proper (and in particular logic, epistemology, natural philosophy, and metaphysics) prefer to speak about the rise of ‘Nominalist terminism’ (the via nova) and its clash with a variety of defenders of ‘realism’ (via antiqua). Finally, those who concentrate on schools of thought within the Franciscan movement often discern between the old, the middle, and the new Franciscan theological school, with as its most important standard bearers Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, Duns Scotus and his aftermath. Although my main interest here is with the scholarly developments in the Franciscan movement, it seems that these different approaches towards later medieval ‘schools of thought’ have had a tendency to overlap and to cross-fertilise. Hence it is valid to discuss these different viewpoints on school formation to arrive at a satisfactory answer to the question as to whether there did exist a Franciscan school of thought during the medieval period. The ‘dissolution of the medieval outlook’ The first, ‘classical’, approach, which Oberman had christened ‘The

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myth of the Thomist Phalanx,’1 has its roots in the nineteenth-century Catholic backlash against materialist and sceptical enlightenment thought. The latter forces were held responsible for the turmoil of the French revolution and the rise of modern ideologies like Positivism, Darwinism, and Socialism. In Southern Germany, Italy, France, and Spain, the Church and the conservative university establishment sought to counterbalance these destabilising forces of modernity with a fresh re-affirmation of its own ideological core. In these traditionally Catholic countries, this ideological core had been phrased in a Thomist discourse ever since the council of Trent in the sixteenth century. It was therefore natural to revive this Thomist discourse, with a renewed interest in its historical foundations. 2 This not only lead to a deep-probing philological scrutiny of the basic texts of Thomism itself, eventually leading to the famous Leonine edition, but also to a new emphasis on the ‘golden age’ of Church history, in which the magisterial Thomist synthesis of Catholic thought had come into being. Both in Italy and in Germany, this initiated new histories of medieval philosophy by scholars as Joseph Kleutgen, Albert Stöckl, A. Gemelli, and A. Masnovo, who ‘wrote their history of medieval philosophy as a contribution to a conservative political and ecclesiastical agenda.’ 3 Their aim was to vindicate the philosophia perennis that could underlay a truly Catholic ethics and metaphysics, and that could be the answer to the ‘degrading’ philosophies of modern materialism.4 The emphasis on Tommaso d’Aquino provided Catholic theologians, historians, and philosophers a muster for what they saw as the perennial themes of true Christian philosophy. Notwithstanding the reverence for the medieval Dominican theologian, this approach implied that he and his medieval colleagues were judged primarily to be engaged in the study of philosophy, on the basis of nineteenthOBERMAN, 1982, 516-518. HONNEFELDER, 1995, 251: ‘Erst die knappe Mehrheit der Thomistischen gegenüber den Scotistischen Teilnehmern des Trienter Konzils führt dazu, daß die Sprache der Thomistischen und nicht die der Scotistischen Theologie zur Konzilsprache erhoben wird. Die zentrale Stellung, die die Thomistische Theologie durch diesen Umstand in der nachkonziliaren Entwicklung vor allem der sog. spanischen Spätscholastik erhält, führt ihrerseits dazu, auch der Thomistischen Philosophie vermehrt Aufmerksamkeit zu schenken, um ihr eine ähnlich zentrale Stellung zuzumessen.’ 3 INGLIS, 1998, 11. 4 VASOLI, 1991, 167-189. 1 2

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century conceptions of the proper subject matter of philosophy (dealing rationally with the natural world for its own sake) and theology (the identification of theology with matters pertaining to revelation). Hence, the writings of Tommaso d’Aquino c.s. were interpreted according to the standard spheres of Post-Kantian philosophical inquiry, therewith dividing the medieval scholastic message into recognisable philosophical categories (logic, epistemology, natural philosophy, psychology, metaphysics, moral philosophy, and political philosophy).5 This approach created a hegemonic philosophical perspective on the development of medieval thought. The Thomist synthesis (in particular his Summa Theologiae) was seen to be the apex of the medieval philosophical endeavour, in which a balance had been struck between grace and reason, philosophical rigour and Catholic orthodoxy. In the first half of the twentieth century, this approach was given an impressive documentary and contextual foundation, thanks to the stimulating work of a range of outstanding philologists and historians, namely Mandonnet, De Wulf, Baeumker, Grabmann, and Gilson.6 These scholars tended to present Tommaso d’Aquino’s philosophy and in particular his reconciliation of Greek philosophy and Christianity, as the measure against which to judge the philosophical acumen of other medieval thinkers.7 Thus, the allegedly less philosophically inclined theological systems of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and the socalled ‘Augustinian Franciscan tradition’ were treated as a philosophically less fulfilling undertakings, or, as was perceived by Van Steenberghen, as a not wholly satisfactory precursory affair.8 For these philologists and historians, the condemnations of 1277 constituted the traditional breaking point, conveniently placed shortly after the death of Tommaso d’Aquino. These condemnations could be interpreted as a crisis, insofar as the leading circles of the Church and the university backed down in the face of radical Aristotelianism in the Parisian arts faculty. In this crisis, the Thomist synthesis was also implicated. Shortly thereafter, the metaphysical superstructure of thirteenth-century philosophy would have been deINGLIS, 1998, 268. FLASH, 1991, 69-70. 7 INGLIS, 1998, 5. 8 See the chapters on Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Tommaso d’Aquino in STEENBERGHEN, 1966. 5 6

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stroyed by Nominalism. From this perspective, the scholasticism of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was a dissolution of the medieval outlook, just as the developments in the eleventh and twelfth centuries were seen as a preliminary exercise.9 The crisis in late medieval philosophy could easily be placed alongside of the loss of papal prestige during the Avignon period and the subsequent great Schism, the onslaught of the Plague and the Hundred Years War, and the rise of powerful heretical movements in England and Middle Europe. Indeed, historians sometimes even hold Ockham directly responsible for ‘Nominalist anti-clericalism’ in Wycliffite and Hussite circles. For a long time, this ordeal of crisis prevented many neo-Thomist mediaevalists from scrutinising more carefully the intellectual output of fourteenth- and fifteenth-century figures. Moreover, as the scholarly interest in the philosophia perennis focused attention on specific philosophical problems, these historians tended to ignore the dramatic theological developments in the late medieval academic and para-academic world. These developments, which gave rise to immensely popular (Pseudo-)Bonaventuran forms of mysticism and Passion devotion, and a semi-Pelagian sacramental theology, were left to predominantly non-Catholic Church historians. The latter were inclined to treat the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries as darkly significant phases in proto-reformation history, and therefore were for reasons of their own eager to buy into a decay model of late medieval Christianity. This situation only began to change fundamentally with the publication of Heiko Oberman’s The Harvest of Medieval Theology (1968). This work was programmatic for the deconstruction of prevalent visions of the dissolution of the medieval outlook, and provided a sketch for an alternative vision of late medieval theological thought, without subjecting this thought to the traditional philosophical questions raised by scholars interested in the development of a Christian philosophia perennis. ‘Nominalism’ versus ‘Realism’ in the analytical approach The second approach grew from early attempts by intellectual historians and philosophers with neo-Positivist, secular and sometimes even anti-Catholic inclinations to break free from the neo-Thomist 9

GIACON, 1941; LEFF, 1976.

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paradigm. No wonder that, for a long time, this revisionist approach was shaped by the confrontation with neo-Thomist presentations of the late medieval past. First of all, revisionist historians took up the idea that scholasticism during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries was not a phenomenon of decline, but rather a phenomenon of fundamental transition from medieval to modern. As much as the neo-Thomists lauded the thirteenth-century synthesis, the more neoPositivist inclined historians of philosophy looked for the germs of modern thought in the late medieval period, when the yoke of tradition would have been discarded, and foundations were laid for the philosophical and scientific discoveries of the (early) modern period.10 Second, and in direct relation to the same dialectics, many historians of philosophy adopted the perspective of reading the medieval thinkers against the backdrop of modern philosophical problems. The works of late medieval artists and theologians alike were, first and foremost, screened for specific philosophical problems that these modern scholars themselves found interesting (predominantly problems of logic and epistemology). It was in the context of discussions about the transition character of late medieval philosophy that the texts of Ockham, Holcot, the Mertonians, Buridan etc. first received serious scrutiny, re-enforcing the myth of late medieval Nominalism. Early pioneers in the study of Ockham, such as Ritter,11 identified a strong Ockhamist school (nominalistae, terministae, ockhamistae, via moderna), in opposition to more traditional Scotist and Thomist schools in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. In the research tradition after Ritter, the work of Ockham and the Ockhamist or Nominalist school of thought for a long time were seen as the most important developments in later medieval philosophy. 12 The other late medieval intellectual currents were merely seen as backdrop against which the new Nominalist paradigm, with its stress on the individual and the concrete, its primacy of sense perception, and its rigorous logical procedures, could be highlighted. The occasionally virulent discussions concerning the

10 The most influential advocate of this dissolution and transition thesis is BLUMENBERG, 1974, 176ff, 225ff. For a fundamental (philosophical) criticism of Blumenberg’s interpretation of late medieval thought, see BECKMANN, 1994. 11 RITTER, 1921; RITTER, 1922. 12 For a lucid historiographical overview, see HÜBENER, 1983, 87-111; COURTENAY, 1995, 263-292.

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universals at the university of Paris during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries seemed to corroborate the existence of a strong Ockhamist or terminist school. Other evidence, such as the 1474 prohibition of the doctrines of the doctores renovatores at the university of Paris, could be interpreted the same way. The historian’s master narrative downplayed the intellectual standing of non-Nominalist traditions, as being the concern of an intellectually backward conservative establishment. 13 From the 1960s onwards, both of these old urges (the one that focused on the harmonisation of faith and reason, and the one that sought the germs of modernity in late medieval (Nominalist) philosophy) gradually were pushed aside. In the field of late medieval theology, this was due to the example of Oberman, as has been said above. In the field of history of philosophy, it was caused by the logical and scientific interests of modern scholars such as Jan Pinborg, Norman Kretzmann, Paul Vignaux and Lambert de Rijk (main protagonists of the so-called modern analytical approach). 14 As a result, the picture of the late medieval period is no longer solely depicted in autumn colours. Moreover, the search for ‘eine idealtypische Bestimmung des mittelalterlichen Denkens’ has been discredited.15 This has opened the way to seriously consider individual scholars of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries in their own right. However, even though it has become feasible to study late medieval figures without directly forcing them into a mould of decline or transition, the existence of Ockhamism has continued to hover over the study of late medieval thought. An important step was to analyse carefully to what extent the so-called Nominalists/Ockhamists of the fourteenth century adhered to the principal elements of Ockham’s thought.16 This, at least, would show to what extent Ockham’s works actually influenced later medieval scholars. Yet in a 1995 article William Courtenay rightfully commented that the Ockhamist influence thus discovered does not automatically cohere with the elements 13 Wolfgang Hübener in particular has pointed out that the strength of several formalist and realist traditions has been ignored, as well as the importance of late medieval thinkers such as Petrus Thomae and François de Meyronnes. See HÜBENER, 1994, 329-353. Cf. KALUZA, 1986, 496-516; KALUZA, 1988, 91f. 14 For this label, see MARENBON, 1987, 85-87. 15 See for instance Imbach’s review of L.M. de Rijk’s La philosophie au Moyen Age (Leiden, 1985), in IMBACH, 1996, 1-16. 16 See for instance TACHAU, 1988.

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Ockham’s contemporaries thought to be essentially Ockhamist, and does not help us to explain the identification of core Nominalists in the fifteenth-century discussions. Courtenay therefore proposed to look at those ‘who identify themselves as belonging to the school or party of Ockham, or at the meaning attached to mention of the Ockhamistae and doctrina Ockamica in the texts of the period.’17 He came to the conclusion that ‘To be an Ockhamist might and probably did mean different things at different times. It is highly unlikely that there was a continuous stream that we can call Ockhamism from 1330 to 1530.’18 At closer look, there seems to be no evidence for the development of an Ockhamist school in a centre like Oxford during the first half of the fourteenth century, even though several theologians supported some ‘Nominalistic’ positions. And, as Zeon Kaluza argued in 1998: after 1349-50, the university of Oxford became an important centre for several (Scotist and non-Scotist) formalist and realist positions, both in the theology department and in the arts faculty.19 In Paris, the discussions and prohibitions of ‘Nominalist’ positions during the 1330s and 1340s were foremost concerned with some specific matters of logic and physics, and only applied to other perceived Ockhamist teachings in the arts faculty, where Buridan’s Nominalism held sway.20 In the theology faculty, there seems to have been much more eclecticism throughout the late medieval period.21 It can be said that COURTENAY, 1995, 269. COURTENAY, 1995, 268-270. Oberman already had stressed the importance of medieval ‘lines of communication’ and the related self-identification of medieval scholars. Oberman therefore prefers to speak about ‘Nominalistic’ schools and traditions and not about ‘Nominalist’ schools. 19 Kaluza refers to the realism or ‘Scotism’ of Richard Brinkley OFM, whose Summa Logica lays great emphasis on logical proofs for God’s existence. Moreover, in the aftermath of the Wyclif controversy (c. 1360-1380), Nominalist positions were very much on the defense, both in Oxford and in several new universities in Middle Europe, such as Cracow, Prague, Vienna, Cologne, Heidelberg, and Erfurt, even though almost everywhere the work of Buridan in particular remained a major reference point in matters of logic. See KALUZA, 1998, 426-430. 20 COURTENAY, 1997, 45-63. 21 MARENBON, 1998, 428. Cf. HÜBENER, 1983, 90-93; ASZTALOS, 1992, 431; COURTENAY, 1987, 89-107. Courtenay has shown that after the 1320s real school formation did not take place in Oxford. Medieval scholars coming from very different backgrounds could argue for or against specific Ockhamist positions. Yet the use of such positions was not connected with a wholesale acceptance of Ockham’s postulates. For many, Ockham was just one of the many authorities to chose from. The Wycliffite attacks on the Ockamistae in the 1360s and after were directed against allegedly Ockhamist views on universals, simple supposition, quantity, time, and 17 18

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some influential theologians, like Pierre d’Ailly (d. 1420) and Jean Gerson (d. 1429) cherished certain Nominalist viewpoints. At the same time, Gerson urged theologians of the college of Navarra to study the great scholastics of the thirteenth century, therewith supporting a revival of Bonaventuran and Thomist realism at the theology faculties after 1400. Even when, during the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, major disputes took place at the major university centres between Nominalist inclined theologians and the so-called ‘Formalizantes’ (those theologians whose affiliation was more along Scotist lines, but who could defend many different realist or moderate conceptualist positions), no strong school could be said to be hegemonic.22 All these disputes took place in a varied landscape of theological positions, in which forms of Thomism and Dominican maculist ideas came also severely under attack, causing the Dominicans to withdraw from the University of Paris between 1388 and 1403.23 Only later in the fifteenth century was Ockhamism fairly clearly identified with the teachings of a group of renovating theology doctors, whose alleged teachings repeatedly were criticised by more conservative theologians, and eventually fell victim to the prohibitions of 1474.24 It seems that in these subsequent academic discussions, labels like Thomism, Scotism, and Nominalism/Ockhamism could have different meanings. As a matter of fact, these labels enabled identification of varying groups of opponents in specific discussions. Historians should not automatically assume that these groups of opponents actually defended monolithic Thomist, Scotist or Ockhamist ideas in the strict sense of the word. We are dealing with ad-hoc groupings around specific realist, formalist, and propositionalist positions in important debates. For a deeper insight in the actual influence of philosophical ideas there is no alternative to studying fourteenth- and

motion. However, these were not always Ockhamist in the strict sense of the word. The Wycliffite attack seems to have been a backlash against progressive Oxford terminism as a whole. 22 The many theologians labelled as Scotists never formed a homogeneous group. These theologians were less connected through particular positions than by the thought that there could be postulated an intermediate formal level between the real and the conceptual, and that this formal level is normative for our thinking about reality. HOENEN, 1998, 197-209. 23 ASZTALOS, 1992, 437. 24 COURTENAY, 1995, 271-292.

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fifteenth-century thinkers (theologians, philosophers, logicians) individually, rather than as members of a particular school of thought.25 It is also very important to take regional differences into account. The discussions that held Paris in their grip by comparison did not disturb the Italian intellectual landscape. The non-degree mendicant studia in Italy apparently presented watered down or streamlined versions of the teachings of their own magistri (Egidio Romano, Tommaso d’Aquino, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, François de Meyronnes, Duns Scotus etc.).26 Likewise, the Italian universities, most of which were late fourteenth- or early fifteenth-century foundations and only recently had received faculties of theology (often by incorporating existing mendicant schools), did not witness the same philosophical quarrels as the universities of Paris and Oxford. This was partly due to the fact that many daring Italian artists and theologians continued to work abroad, especially in France. The Italian arts faculties were, on the whole, less conflict-ridden, predominantly preparing young students for higher studies in law and medicine, subjects that adhered to different traditions and different polemics than those of theology. Whereas several Italian theology departments supported forms of Thomism or Scotism, major innovations started in the urban grammar schools. There, a humanism began to take shape, which was not so much interested in established teachings of logic, natural philosophy and metaphysics, but increasingly concentrated on literature and philology, political thought and ancient (Platonist) philosophy. In the fifteenth century, this new humanism became a dominant force in the Italian arts faculties, and began to direct the intellectual discourse of the educated clergy and laity alike, thereby changing the theological discourse in the schools of theology.27 In academic centres, the discussions in the arts faculty and those in the higher faculties (theology and law) could vary significantly. Overall, an increasingly independent philosophical discussion in the arts faculties can be discerned (discussions in which at junctures renowned theologians felt obliged to take part), and there it sometimes

COURTENAY, 1995, passim. Especially in the fifteenth century, compilatory handbooks ‘ad mentem Scoti’ etc. took over in the Italian and in some of the German universities. Hübener speaks in this context about ‘ ‘sektierisches’ Schulformalismus des 15. Jahrhunderts.’ HÜBENER, 1994, 351. 27 KALUZA, 1998, 428. 25 26

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is easier to determine some specific philosophical schools. This seems to have been the case in several German universities. Maarten Hoenen has argued that in these predominantly newly established universities, the intellectual currents known as the via moderna, via antiqua, reales, nominales, Albertism, and Thomism, could develop into more sharply defined schools. The (arts) faculties adopted the lead of a specific authority (such as Albertus Magnus or Tommaso d’Aquino) and more systematically took the works of such a leading figure (whether or not in a condensed ‘handbook’ format) as the sole study guide for students in individual study houses (bursae). This facilitated the emergence, at arts faculty level, of Albertist, Thomist, and other schools. These were at once far more monolithic and closed than the various strands of thought that figured in the discussions at Paris and Oxford.28 Yet the existence of such schools of thought should not be extrapolated to stand for determining factors in the intellectual climate of Europe as a whole. Neither should the existence of such more ‘hardcore’ schools be used to express a verdict about the ‘Scotist’ or ‘Thomist’ teachings in the internal schools of the mendicants in Germany and Italy.29 After all, the mendicants did, as a rule, not attend the university lectures at the artes level. Insofar as the study of theology (especially in the Mediterranean) more and more was left to the regulars (esp. Dominicans and Franciscans) and the arts faculties at many universities throughout Europe developed quite independently from the higher faculties into centres for the study of natural philosophy, ethics, metaphysics, and mathematics, the relationship between realist, formalist, and conceptualist positions in the theology faculties and those held in the arts faculties or in the internal studia of the mendicant orders could be quite tenuous. Nearly all the modern discussions about late medieval school formation deal with philosophical problems. The works of medieval

28 HOENEN, 1995, 329-369; HOENEN, 1997, 34-48. He makes a distinction between philosophical traditions and philosophical school formation. The latter is the result of a conscious and explicit creation of tradition around a limited set of postulates, following the lead of an established authority. 29 Teachings at such faculties could be influenced by the sudden influx of important scholars from abroad. This was the case in Prague, Vienna, and Heidelberg, which profited from the exodus of predominantly German scholars from Paris in 1381. Cf. ASZTALOS, 1992, 436.

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artists and theologians alike are appreciated for the truly philosophical elements they contain. Even when scholars like Paul Vignaux acknowledge the problems involved with the ‘classic’ search for a Christian philosophia perennis that for such a long time has hampered the study of late medieval thinkers, it remains bon ton to discover ‘des recherches philosophiques dans les oeuvres théologiques...’30 This ongoing search for philosophy in theological texts means that historians of philosophy continue to focus on issues that are of interest for present-day philosophy. 31 Although this is a fully legitimate procedure, it guarantees that present-day scholarly discussions concerning the late medieval intellectual output predominantly revolve around specific technical, logical, and epistemological issues at the university level. This is not solely due to the specific interests of our modern analytical scholars. Some developments in late medieval thought itself have facilitated the feasibility of this approach. The early fourteenth century saw a stress on epistemological questions in theological discussions, as well as an increase in the adoption of refined terminist methods derived from advanced logic (logica modernorum) and natural philosophy. This resulted from a highly regarded Arab-Aristotelian legacy, which seemed to offer medieval artists and theologians with an unsurpassed conceptual tool set. Lambert de Rijk is undoubtedly right to emphasise that each and every late medieval scholar at the academic level, whether he was an artists or a theologian, had to be a terminist; that is, well versed in the logical-semantical vocabularies that facilitated the philosophical and theological discussions.32 De Rijk’s and Pinborg’s important contributions notwithstanding, modern analytical scholars do not automatically display an interest in the theological context in which many of the medieval logical and epistemological ventures arose. One might presume that not only the technical nature of later medieval debates, or the large amount of field work that remains to be done hamper more comprehensive treatments of late medieval authors as medieval theological thinkers. The philosophical and logical background of many modern scholars enIMBACH, 1996, 20. Hence the ongoing popularity of articles in which medieval philosophical positions are used to shed light on modern philosophical issues. Cf. VIGNAUX, 1977, 293331. For real historians this would be a rather absurd approach to begin with. 32 RIJK, 1985, 85ff. Cf KENNY & PINBORG, 1982, 1-42. 30 31

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gaged in these fields of study might also be an impediment to acknowledge that medieval theologians did not conduct logical and epistemological investigations per se. These theologians were not primarily interested in clarifying the nature of knowledge or the properties of concepts, but wished to understand the power of cognition of the viator, ‘in order to illuminate the moral theological pilgrimage of human beings on their way towards or away from God.’33 In that sense late medieval theology was not a function of philosophy, but the other way round, even when we do perceive a thorough emancipation of the philosophical disciplines in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.34 This emancipation made theologians realise that theology proper was in essence a form of practical knowledge, which, although it continued to have certain areas and habitus of speculation, was directed towards the love of God.35 The great debates revolved about intuitive and abstractive cognition (notitia intuitiva/notitia abstractiva, concepts introduced by Scotus); potentia Dei

33 INGLIS, 1998, 12. Ibidem, 280, note 25: ‘Even medieval discussions of logic are not immune to contextualization. For example, Mikko Yrjönsuuri argues that practical reasons, and not theoretical ones, motivated Ockham to write specific sections of his Summa logicae.’ Inglis probably is too adamant in negating the philosophical character of some medieval texts. It can not be negated that i.) medieval theologians adopted many philosophical categories and a specific philosophical/logical method from their Greek/Boethian philosophical forerunners; ii.) many theological discussions resulted directly from the reception of a large body of Aristotelian-Arab thought that could jeopardise but also enlighten questions concerning the relationship between man and God, the knowledge of the Divine, the nature of creation, human freedom etc.; iii.) there was a long-winded dispute between theologians and masters of arts concerning the autonomy of philosophy during the second half of the thirteenth century, and this dispute was in many ways fought with philosophical arguments and with a common scholastic, that is semantic/logical method (see on this for instance the seminal work of Van Steenberghen and his disciples, and the recent work of Olga Weyers); iv.) many medieval texts present themselves as ‘philosophies’, (even Seuse’s Horologium). See on the latter issue also IMBACH, 1996, 14. 34 GRASSI, 1996, 377-398: ‘Se indiscutibile rimane l’influsso che la teologia mantiene sul sapere in generale e su quello filosofico in particolare – come ha giustamente sottolineato Heiko A. Oberman,‘la teologia del Nominalismo non è una pura e automatica conclusione tratta dalla sua filosofia, ma, al contrario, la filosofia del Nominalismo è una eco della sua teologia’ –, è altrettanto chiaro che I rapporti fra teologia e filosofia mutano radicalmente, rispetto a come si erano configurati nel secolo XIII.’ 35 ‘…dunque con una finalità eminentemente pratico-affettiva. Ma ancora di piu è prova della tendenza a tenere nettamente distinta la teologia dalle altre scienze il modo in cui fu data risposta negativa alla questione dalla teologia come scienza...’ GRASSI, 1996, 386.

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absoluta and potentia Dei ordinata;36 the proper object of theology37 etc. On these questions different answers were possible, depending on the propositionalist or realist positions (or mixtures) the medieval theologians were inclined to adhere to.38 These debates, which were predominantly of an academic nature and were drawn out by the format of university lectures and disputations, in many ways did not mirror the most important theological developments. Partly disguised in and following from these debates were more fundamental theological issues concerning predestination, justification, moral freedom, and freedom of choice. These theological issues had ‘oltre che un valore intrinseco, un’importanza rilevante per la concezione della teologia dei secoli successivi, in particolare per quanto riguarda il suo carattere mistico-devozionale.’39 To do justice to this wider field of medieval theology, historians of later medieval thought should deal with many more texts than the celebrated technical academic exercises. We should not base our verdict on the theological and philosophical outlook of medieval thinkers on the quaestiones and Sentences commentaries alone, but also on their other mature works, such as sermons, Bible commentaries, penitentiary summae and independent religious treatises, which more often than not amount to works of practical theology.

36 This distinction had great religious and speculative repercussions, and gave rise to new forms of probabilistic reasoning. The distinction was as old as Alexander of Hales. But after Ockham, it received a more precise meaning (absolute relates to the power of God as such; ordained relates to the power of God within the limits of creation and the covenant engaged upon by His free will). See in general COURTENAY, 1992². 37 Whereas in the thirteenth century the question concerning theology as a science revolved around its proper method as a scientia and/or sapientia, in the fourteenth century the question revolved more about its immediate object, both in the context of intuitive knowledge and in the context of complex, abstractive/scientific knowledge. 38 Propositionalism started with Ockham: the propositio is the immediate object of complex knowledge. For scholars such as Holcot, the truth of the object cannot be distinguished from the proposition itself. Thus in the context of fides and theology the object is the articulus fidei and not faith itself. For realists such as Walter Chatton the proposition is always linked to a denotatum, and that is the real object of knowledge. Cf. Grassi, 1996, 384-385. 39 GRASSI, 1996, 386.

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The identification of a ‘Franciscan theological school’ Ever since the nineteenth century revival of scholasticism in the Catholic world, Franciscan scholars have tried to make sense of their own intellectual tradition, both to provide their order with an in retrospect more coherent genealogy and to bolster up the medieval and early modern Franciscan intellectual enterprise over against the dominance of neo-Thomism in the Catholic Church. The latter motivation, strengthened by official papal permission to teach the doctrine of their own Franciscan doctors in their internal schools, resulted in a range of attempts by Franciscan scholars to inscribe their own ‘Franciscan school’ in the Christian philosophia perennis.40 Several generations of Franciscan or Franciscan oriented scholars,41 have discerned a succession of Franciscan schools with significant Augustinian undertones. These would have provided an alternative to the ‘Averroist’ tendencies in the philosophical speculations at the later medieval and early modern arts faculties, as well as to the Thomist theological synthesis. Modern scholars normally divide these Franciscan schools into the early/earlier or ‘old’ school (around the teachings of Alexander of Hales and Bonaventura) and the later or ‘new’ school (in particular around the teachings of Scotus (d. 1308), and to a lesser extent, around Ockham’s (d. 1347) Nominalist alternative). Because historians connected Ockhamism with the ‘decline’ of synthetic scholasticism, the rise of sceptical materialism, and Franciscan anti-papal religious dissent, it became feasible among Franciscan scholars to trim down the importance of Ockham and Ockhamism in the internal development of the Franciscan school/s. The emphasis was on Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, and Duns Scotus. These main figures, who conveniently had been elevated to the status of ‘Doctors of the Church’ in the (early) modern period, could be portrayed as pinnacles around which could be grouped the works of ‘lesser’ figures – precursors and disciples. The standard presentation of the development of the Franciscan school has not changed much between the works of Ehrle in the later See on this VASOLI, 1991, esp. 180. See for example EHRLE, 1883, 1-51; BERTONI, 1917, esp. 433-580; VOGT, 1922 & 1925; BETTONI, 1950; HAMELIN, 1961; VEUTHEY, 1996. For a longer list, see VEUTHEY, 1996, XXXIV (L. di Fonzo’s introduction). 40 41

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nineteenth century and the latest rather pious overviews of Franciscan theology by Marcil and Poppi.42 Franciscan learning is held to have started with the teachings of Francesco d’ Assisi himself, whose own life became a model for Franciscan religious practice and learning. His mystical experiences, his love for the suffering Christ and the created world, his concrete life of evangelical perfection, as well as his distrust of ‘sterile’ learning would then have set the tone for later developments. Antonio di Padova, the first ‘official’ teacher in the order, then elaborated this ‘genuinely’ Franciscan foundation into a practically oriented educational program. 43 All this received a secure academic footing in the first synthesis of Alexander of Hales (regent master at the Franciscan studium generale at Paris between 1335-1245) and his collaborators Jean de La Rochelle, Eudes Rigaud and William of Meliton. This first synthesis, which resulted in the famous Summa Halensis, was seen to have already exhibited the ‘distinctive’ Augustinian character of Franciscan theology: “Die ersten Franziskaner gehörten zu der platonisch-augustinischen Abteilung der Scholastiker, während die Dominikaner unter der Führung Alberts des Grossen und des hl. Thomas den neuen aristotelischen Ansichten anhingen.”44

In Oxford, the example of Robert Grosseteste (lector at the Franciscan studium at Oxford between 1229 and 1235) was supposed to have enticed subsequent generations of friars to embark on biblical, and at once more experimental and peripatetically oriented forms of theological scholarship (with as ‘leading figures’ Roger Bacon, William de Ware and Roger Marston). Paris, on the other hand, saw the formulation of the classical Augustinian-Franciscan synthesis in the Sentences commentary, the Breviloquium and the various Collationes of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio (regent master of the Paris MARCIL, 1994; POPPI, 1996, 165-185. For Antonio di Padova’s role in the establishment of a Franciscan theological school, see EPPING, 1949. Much has been made of Francesco d’Assisi’s invitation to Antonio di Padova to teach the Franciscan friars. Antonio’s surviving works reflect his own education in Coïmbra, at the hands of Juan and Raymundo de Coïmbra, who in turn had studied with the Victorines in Paris. Antonio di Padova’s teachings were very much oriented towards the fathers and the major twelfth-century figures (the Victorines, Guillaume de St. Thierry etc.). See for further characteristics the collective volume Le fonti e la teologia dei sermoni antoniani (Padua, 1982) and SILEO, 1996², 649-650. 44 VOGT, 1922, 140. 42 43

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studium in 1257, minister general of the Franciscan order between 1257-1273).45 In the existing overviews of Franciscan theology, Bonaventura’s works are often portrayed as the pinnacle of the ‘early’ or ‘old’ Franciscan school, which offered an alternative to the virulent radical Aristotelians at the Parisian arts faculty, and to the Dominican Albertine-Thomist school: “Après Alexandre de Halés, particulièrement sous l’influence de saint Bonaventura, une synthèse théologie se constitue, d’inspiration profondément augustinienne, mais progressive et ouverte aux rapports de la pensée grecque et au progrés expérimentales. Cet augustinianisme va conduire les théologiens franciscains au primat de la volonté, au primat de la charité, avec toutes les conséquences qui s’ensuivent.” 46

Bonaventura’s synthesis in turn was seen as serving as a major source of inspiration, both for ‘faithful’ disciples like Gautier de Bruges, Guibert de Tournai, John Pecham, and Matteo d’Acquasparta, and for those, such as Pietro di Giovanni Olivi (d. 1298) and Alessandro d’Alexandria (d. 1314), whose works led in this view to the new synthesis of John Duns Scotus. The latter’s teachings were more securely founded on a thorough scrutiny of Aristotelian doctrine and the willingness to penetrate the epistemological problems concerning man’s knowledge of the Divine, taking into account the repercussions of the viator’s ontologically contingent status. The works of Scotus then were held to have become the new focal point for subsequent generations of Franciscan scholars. His teachings gave rise to several forms of Scotism in the fourteenth and fifteenth century, stimulated by the handbooks of François de Meyronnes, Hugh of Newcastle, Antonio Andrea, William of Alnwick, Pietro dell’Aquila and others. Alongside this influential Scotist current (especially in Franciscan Conventualist circles), which in the fifteenth century (notably among the Observants) was modified by a renewed interest in Bonaventuran theology, Ockham’s Nominalist alternative took shape. This ‘English’ alternative has often been portrayed as the direct outflow of the characteristic interests in the concrete, the experimental, and the individual at the Franciscan school of Oxford since the teachings of 45 The allegedly different orientation of the Franciscans in Oxford sometimes has seduced Franciscan scholars to speak of two different early Franciscan schools: ‘…matematico-scientifica quella inglese, teologico-agostiniana quella parigina…’ POPPI, 1996, 166. Cf. SILEO, 1996³, 699-767. 46 HAMELIN, 1961, 72-73.

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Grosseteste.47 Yet many nineteenth- and twentieth-century Franciscan historians looking for the development of their ‘own’ school have been quite hesitant to allot him the same place as Scotus.48 The tendency to portray the subsequent Franciscan intellectual schools of thought as fundamentally Augustinian, anti-Averroïst and even anti-Thomist, has sought support in the controversies during the period 1250 to 1285 concerning the relationship between philosophy and theology. Famous in this regard are Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s, John Pecham’s, and Guibert de Tournai’s attacks on philosophical ‘errors’ between 1267 and 1273.49 Even more renowned are the condemnation of Averroïst and some Thomist positions by Étienne Tempier, the criticism of Tommaso d’Aquino’s use of Aristotle in theological matters by Roger Marston, as well as the unbalanced Correctorium Fratris Thomae produced by the Franciscan theologian William de la Mare (c. 1278). The latter issue lead to the verdict at the Franciscan general chapter of Strasbourg (1282) that the Summa of Thomas should not be read unless accompanied by William’s Correctorium, and even then only by ‘lectores notabiliter intelligentes.’50 Some scholars also point to Pietro di Giovanni Olivi’s De Philosophis Perlegendis, which can be read as a total refutation of the use of Aristotelian philosophy in the sphere of theology, and hence disqualifies all attempts to reconcile Aristotle and biblical revelation. Most Franciscan authors during this period of controversies deplored the autonomous use of Aristotelian concepts and categories in philosophical and theological inquiries, and used the fame of AugusSee for instance POPPI, 1996,168. Veuthey c.s. have posited a range of ‘specific’ Franciscan positions that would have bound together most protagonists of the medieval ‘old’ and ‘new’ Franciscan schools. Most outstanding were the intimate union of philosophy and theology (rejecting the independent position of the former and stressing the practical nature of the latter), the substantial identity of the human soul and its faculties, the substantial union of soul and body, the primacy of will in the liberum arbitrium, and the primacy of love over intellect, the importance of (mystical and affective) experience, the importance of (Divine) illumination in the process of cognition (predominantly in Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and the ‘old’ Franciscan school), universal hylomorphism, the plurality of forms, and the primacy of the Bible and biblical revelation as the basis of the theological enterprise. 49 See for instance Bonaventura’s Collationes de Decem Preceptis (1267), Collationes de Septem Donis Spiritus Sancti (1268), the Collationes in Hexaemeron (1273), and several books in Guibert de Tournai’s Rudimentum Doctrinae. GIEBEN, 1961. 50 DIFFINITIONES ARGENTINAE (1282), 139. 47 48

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tine to fortify their own positions. After an initial alliance between the Dominicans and the Franciscans in the Parisian controversies with the radical Aristotelians of the arts faculty in the 1260s and early 1270s, the position of Thomas himself came under attack by Tempier, and later by the Correctorium of William de la Mare. Thus the outlines of the ‘Franciscan school’ would seem to emerge in the context of the Ausgleich with radical Aristotelianism and Thomism. In their turn, the Dominicans defended their champion Tommaso d’Aquino, for instance with the rather effective Correctoria Corruptorii against Franciscan attacks, and went so far as to embrace Tommaso as the official teacher of the order of Preachers, whose writings had to be used in the order’s studia.51 Such developments would have lead to a Thomist school of thought in the Dominican order, as well as to a Franciscan school, which eventually was to rally around the teachings of Scotus. At first sight, this story of the coming into being of mendicant schools of thought sounds wholesome and complete. In that sense, it has all the benefits of a strong master narrative. However, this presentation of an Augustinian Franciscan school, whether or not along Scotist lines, has had severe repercussions for the scrutiny of the works of alleged Franciscan precursors and disciples, whose philosophical and theological endeavours were only seen in relation to the positions of the acknowledged ‘pinnacles.’ Not surprisingly, as soon as we read these alleged disciples and precursors not for the positions they share with these venerable models but for their own sake, the monolithic Franciscan school starts to disintegrate. Moreover, in order to identify the core elements of Franciscan Augustinianism, modern Franciscan scholars predominantly base themselves on the writings of Franciscan regent masters in medieval conflict situations. It is almost automatically assumed that the other members of the order would have shared their views. However, it might be easy to identify opinions that most Franciscan theologians (and many of their non-Franciscan colleagues) were fighting against, yet it is much harder to evaluate the positions of individual authors in their own right outside the immediate context of polarised debate. 51 The decision was made on the Dominican general chapter of 1286. Cf. HOENEN, 1997, 39-40; ROENSCH, 1964, 25; KRIZOVLJAN, 1961, 133-175. For a discussion of the controversies around the Correctorium Thomae from a Dominican perspective, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 142ff.

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At closer look, the mechanisms of school formation did not automatically imply a complete reduction of the variety in mendicant theological positions. Nearly all Franciscan authors were theologians, and hence were concerned with defending the supremacy of the theological discipline, while subjugating philosophy. Furthermore, many Franciscan theologians, inspired by their own interpretation of the Franciscan experience, developed clear-cut ideas concerning the functions of theology and philosophy in religious life and learning. Franciscan theologians also took pride in the intellectual renown of their own masters. Hence they were more than willing to pay lipservice to the ideas of their venerated predecessors in the introductions to their Sentences commentaries.52 In this respect it is possible to discern among many Franciscan friars a comparable (but not always identical) ‘sensibilité théologique’. This in itself did not automatically disqualify the use of philosophy and terminist methods to clarify specific philosophical and theological problems. Regarding this, Franciscan theologians could adopt radically different positions. 53 52 FELDER, 1904, 206-207. Bonaventura repeatedly referred to Alexander of Hales in such a way as to make it easy for modern scholars to envisage the existence of a Franciscan doctrinal school. See for instance BONAVENTURA, Comm. in I Sent., 1, 2, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, I, 1f: ‘At quemadmodum in primo libro sententiis adhaesi et communibus opinionibus magistrorum, et potissime magistri et patris nostri bonae memoriae fratris Alexandri, sic in consequentibus libris ab eorum vestigiis non recedam (…) [et quando] Magister [that is, Petrus Lombardus] a communi via recessit (…) Et licet fortassis aliquis eum in aliquibus harum opinionum sustineat, verumtamen pater et magister noster bonae memoriae frater Alexander in nulla harum ipsum sustinuit, sed potius contrarium sensit, cuius vestigiis praecipue inhaerere propono.’ Comparable utterances can be found in writings of John Pecham: ‘Quae sit ergo solidior et sanior doctrina, vel filiorum Beati Francisci, sanctae scilicet memoriae fratris Alexandri, ac fratris Bonaventurae et consimilium, qui in suis tractatibus ab omni calumnia alienis sanctis et philosophis innituntur, vel illa novella quasi tota contraria…’ JOANNES PECHAM, Registrum Epistolarum III, 901. 53 ‘Gli errori di Aristotele o quelli di Avicenna e Averroè, come pure i loro migliori apporti liberamente declinati con la tradizione del pensiero cristiano di Agustino, Dionigi, Giovanni Damasceno, a ben vedere, constituiscono insomma lo sfondo comune dell’itinerario che ciascun teologo traccia con la propria opera ed il proprio insegnamento, affrontando questioni cruciali come quelle del rapporto tra fede e ragione, tra esistenza asoluta ed esistenza contingente, tra astrazione ed esperienza della verità, tra natura e grazia, tra la temporalità dell’homo viator e la beatudine eterna, tra fini penultimi e fine ultimo. Voci diverse, itinerari diversi e, quindi, impostazioni sistematiche diverse. Che per pochi o molti degli autori che qui vengono presentati emerga una particolare dipendenza dal pensiero di Bonaventura o di Tommaso, non significa che le esigenze e I condizionamenti delle scuole – pur latenti e inevitabili – abbiano o impoverito o orientato pregiudizialmente I dibatti, cui nessuno è rimasto estraneo, e nei quali è invece fiorita la ricchezza delle diversità, di conflitti e del pluralismo delle soluzioni.’ SILEO & ZANATTA, 1996, III, 10.

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This becomes apparent when we compare Pietro di Giovanni Olivi’s extremist anti-philosophical position with the viewpoints of Matteo d’Acquasparta and William of Ware, who were not in the least opposed to the exploration of philosophical methods in service of theology.54 Olivi did not want to agree with a neo-Augustinian compromise with philosophy. Nevertheless, he proved to be a rigorous and philosophically innovative thinker in his Sentences commentary and his many Quaestiones.55 At the same time, the ‘conservative’ neo-Augustinian positions of friars like John Pecham and Roger Marston should be seen in their polemical context and not automatically be used to identify a Franciscan Augustinian school of theological thought.56 Franciscan figures of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries predominantly have been studied insofar as they could be made to fit in with a Franciscan school of Scotism. Here too, the surface evidence seems to legitimate this. Modern scholars can refer to conscious attempts by late medieval and early modern general chapters to control the Franciscan scholarly output and the Franciscan intellectual identity.57 To modern scholars such attempts suggest that from the early fourteenth century onwards the teachings of Scotus (either the works of the master himself, or the works of one of his many expositors) formed the core of Franciscan higher theological education. They also can refer to direct evidence for a predilection of Scotist teachings,58 and for the existence of a generation of Franciscan theologians 54 With regard to the latter, Putallaz comments: ‘Au lieu de soutenir que, au tout début du XIVe siècle, Guillaume de Ware représente un tournant dans la théologie franciscaine, il serait peut-être plus judicieux de se demander si une telle école de pensée a véritablement existé.’ PUTALLAZ, 1997, 62. 55 See for instance HALVERSON, 1995 & 1998. 56 PUTALLAZ, 1997, 32-58, 57: ‘...on conviendra au moins, que les catégories traditionelles (néo-augustinisme, école bonaventurienne, augustinisme conservateur, anti-Thomisme) échoent lamentablement à rendre compte de la diversité que présentent ces penseurs.’ 57 See for instance NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, 395. Cf. PIANA, 1970, 57*. 58 Master Ruggero de Platea of Sicily, who preached in Florence between 1392 and 1395, made mention of different ‘schools’ in the studia generalia of Florence: ‘Prima erga schola est Eremitarum in Aegidio [Romano], qui vellet tenere quod si primus non peccasset homo, Christus carnem non assumpsisset (…) secunda schola est Praedicatorum in S. Thoma, qui etiam videtur tenere (…) tertia schola fuit Minorum in fr. Ioanne Scoto doctore subtili, quem sequor et meliorem reputo.’ Found in PIANA, 1977, 264. This statement is not much more than a somewhat comic attempt of Franciscan self-fashioning.

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who saw themselves as outright disciples of Scotus. To quote François de Meyronnes, these self-proclaimed disciples spoke about Scotus’ doctrine as the sententia doctoris nostri. To this group of immediate Scotus ‘schüler’ can also be reckoned Antonio Andrea (d. 1320), Giovanni de Bassolis (d. 1347), Anfredo Gonteri (d. 1325), Hugh of Newcastle (d. after 1322), Pietro dell’Aquila (d. 1361), and William of Alnwick. Their Scotist outlook can be charted not solely in their handbook expositions, but first and foremost in their polemics with non-Franciscan theologians who, for instance, denied the Scotist formal distinction or the Scotist teachings concerning the ordo originis. François de Meyronnes even presented such disputes as a struggle between two different schools: the new theology of Scotus versus the ‘old theology.’59 In so far as the works of Scotus were clearly seen as a new beginning by this generation of Franciscan ‘Scotists’ we can speak about the formation of a Scotist school.60 Yet these fourteenth century Scotists had a far more flexible and independent position towards the works of their ‘master’ than, for instance, the post-medieval Scotists of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, which might have been the real era of hard-core school formation.61 Honnefelder in fact complains that among the teachings of fourteenth-century Scotists can be found noteworthy regressions: “Nicht selten zeigt sich, daß die entscheidende weiterführende Pointe des Lehrers nicht erkannt wird und die Interpretation hinter den von Scotus erreichten status quaestionis weit zurückfällt.”62

If we forego this value judgement, which is a philosophical judgement rather than a historical one, Honnefelder’s observation shows that even self-named Scotists could go in different directions. They could defend opposing positions with recourse to the same teachings.63 HONNEFELDER, 1995, 251-254. See on fourteenth and fifteenth century Scotism also BÉRUBÉ, 1984, 9-24; KALUZA, 1988; GHISALBERTI, 1996, 325-374; HOENEN, 1998, 205ff. 60 This coheres with Hoenen’s definition of a school: a philosophical stance concerning specific issues, fleshed out in a polemic. 61 On Bonaventurean and Scotist school formation in the early modern period, see SAINT-BAET, 1899, 299-304; CAYLUS, 1910-1912, passim; FONZO, 1940, 153-186; HOENEN, 1998, 205-207. 62 HONNEFELDER, 1995, 255. 63 Honnefelder therefore concludes: ‘...bedeutet Schulzugehörigkeit (...) einerseitz eine deutliche Abgrenzung gegenüber anderen Lehrmeinungen. Anderseits folgt aber aus der Zugehörigkeit zu einer Schultradition keineswegs der Ausschluß, bzw. 59

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The teachings of Scotus were no doubt very influential, both as a source of inspiration in academic disputes, and as point of departure for the theological speculation of many Franciscan authors in the final phases of their university education (as formed bachelors and incepting masters). However, these teachings did not prevent the elaboration of different theological and philosophical viewpoints. Nor did the more refined ‘Scotist’ teachings automatically reach the rankand-file students in all Franciscan theological studia.64 Scholars have not resisted the temptation to conflate the discerned philosophical and theological positions of the ‘Franciscan theological school’ with the teaching curriculum at the Franciscan studia generalia. The Franciscans, just as the other religious orders, would have taught in their network of studia generalia ‘ihre eigene Ordenstheologie.’65 Yet untereinander und gegenüber dem Lehrer widersprüchlicher Auffassungen.’ HONNEFELDER, 1995, 262; GHISALBERTI, 1996, 361: ‘Questi conservano tutti una fondamentale autonomia speculativa, in forza della quale non accettano mai passivamente le opinione del Dottore sottile (…)’ 64 On the basis of his analysis of Friedrich von Amberg’s book collection, Ruedi Imbach concludes that Friedrich did exhibit an interest in some fourteenth-century theological issues. Friedrich apparently was quite unaffected by Scotist thought, and chose to collect materials that we nowadays associate with the via moderna of Ockham and other English Franciscans (to the extent that they raised questions concerning grace, principles of non-contradiction with regard to the absolute power of God, arguments for future contingents etc.). However, the materials selected by Friedrich do not seem to reflect academic discussions contemporary with Friedrich’s study and book collecting years (the 1380s and 1390s). This might have been a matter of personal interest. It might also be an indication for the actual content of the teachings he was exposed to during his lectorate studies. IMBACH, 1995, 25-44. Cf. COURTENAY, 1988², 603-613. 65 MEIER, 1958, 127-132. More recently, Isnard Wilhelm Frank has in a more nuanced way defended a comparable position. Both in their educational literature and their theological writings: ‘hielten sich die mendikantischen Schriftsteller und Theologen mehr und mehr an die großen Theologen des eigenen Ordens; an Thomas von Aquin die Dominikaner, an Bonaventura und Duns Scotus die Franziskaner, an Aegidius Romanus die Augustinereremiten. Solange diese durch keine anderen lokalen Schulzentren einheitliche Studienorganisation mit ihren Pariser Spitze bestand, war auch die organisatorische Voraussetzung zur Bildung von Ordensschulen im Sinne einer mehr oder weniger einheitlichen philosophischen und theologischen Doktrin gegeben.’ FRANK, 1988, 20-21. Frank nevertheless suggests that this unity started to break down when more and more regional universities came up, so that i.) the whole mendicant study organisation lost its focus on Paris, and ii.) more and more studia inserted in the newly established regional universities followed local doctrinal traditions, certainly where the university as such began to prescribe a certain doctrinal way for the faculties as a whole. The mendicants therefore did not teach automatically their ‘own theology’ from their chair of theology, but taught the theology of the faculty. Whereas in Italy the position of the mendicants in the

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it took almost two centuries before the teachings of Scotus were more or less officially adopted as the school doctrine to be taught at the higher Franciscan theological centres, and even then only to those students who were mentally equipped to handle Scotist refinement (for instance students in the degree program). These regulations left room for other students to study the Sentences of Lombard with the help of other Franciscan authorities, such as Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura, François de Meyronnes or Richard of Mediavilla, or with the use of available non-Franciscan Sentences commentaries.66 Such leniency in the existing regulations seems to cohere with the actual practice at many Franciscan provincial and custodial schools of theology during the later Middle Ages. The surviving handbooks (predominantly abbreviated Sentences commentaries and comparable works) of lectors who taught at Franciscan studia just below university level are rather eclectic, or provide very trimmed down versions of important Sentences commentaries. These handbooks were much more concerned with presenting doctrinally safe information than with echoing the fine points and the distinctions of contemporary academic debate.67 faculties of theology on the whole was strong enough to vindicate their own mendicant theological positions (many Italian and (Southern) French theology faculties consisted predominantly of mendicant studia), in the German lands many of the regional universities themselves decided on the ‘Richtung.’ FRANK, 1988, 28-29. Cf. HOENEN, 1997. 66 ‘Et in studiis generalibus in quibus Sententiae leguntur, in toto triennio teneantur legisse... quatuor libros Sententiarum, cum quaestionibus Doctoris subtilis aut alterius: puta Alexandri de Ales, Bonaventurae, Francisci Mayronis aut Richardi, prout cum auditoribus convenerint. Non enim omnis ad acumina Scoti idoneus est.’ NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, 395. 67 See my section on the theology curriculum. Meier’s analysis of the Sentences commentary of Johannes Bremer, who lectured on the Sentences before 1429, shows a return to a thirteenth-century mode of exposition, away from the fourteenthcentury format. Bremer’s commentary shows a predilection for the teachings of Bonaventura (he cites him no less than 154 times), Scotus (cited 96 times), François de Meyronnes (cited 34 times), Walter Chatton (cited 22 times), Tommaso d’Aquino (cited 20 times). It shows that Scotism did not rule the day, and that later fourteenthcentury authorities did not have a profound impact on Bremer’s teachings. At the same time, Bremer’s commentary exhibits a form of school consciousness. It presents the teachers of the order and places them on equal footing with the evangelists and the Church fathers: ‘Sicut sunt quattuor sensus sacrae scripturae ut iam dictum est, ita sunt quatuor scriptores eam scribentes sc. quatuor evangelistae. Et sunt quattuor antiqui sancti doctores ecclesiae eam exponentes sc. Hieronymus, Ambrosius, Gregorius, Augustinus. Et quattuor sunt etiam moderni fideles doctores legis divinae eam cordibus imprimentes sc. Nicolaus de Lyra et Franciscus Maronis, Bonaventura et Johannes Scotus.’ The text suggests that Nicolas de Lyre parallels Jerome with his

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As a whole the history of the ‘Franciscan school’ has been as much steered by modern Franciscan visions of what should have been (and still should be) as by a vision of what was the case. In this respect, the history of the ‘Franciscan school’ has become a function of what both Veuthey and Hamelin saw as the ‘actualité de l’école franciscaine,’ namely that it still was a secure foundation for a true ‘Christian philosophy’ in the present.68 The historical reality seems to have been more intricate. It is, in fact, misleading to speak about a Franciscan school in the strict sense of the word during the late medieval period. Scotism was a strong force, but did not amount to a single coherent body of doctrine that was taught in the schools. It might simply be better to speak about a Scotist tradition than about a Scotist school. Aside from this and other scholarly traditions, which were re-enforced through a general predilection to cite past reverent doctors from the order, there might have been a ‘Franciscan sensibility’ (Putallaz), in that a relatively large number of Franciscan authors (as well as many Augustinians) had sympathies for a more affective theology. These sympathies were not simply opposed to Thomist metaphysical constructs (as portrayed in the 1270s-80s controversy), but maybe as much to the formalist subtleties of their ‘own’ Scotus. Some of these yearnings for a more affective theology could have built upon elements from Ockham’s Nominalist program, but only in so far as Ockham’s stress on the potentia ordinata as the basis of all human theology put severe limits to speculation about the Divine essence and everything else that belonged to the sphere of God’s unlimited potentia absoluta.69 At the higher centres of learning (such as the degree schools of Paris and Oxford), such an affective theology could not hope to evolve, as the curricular obligations more or less predetermined a explanations of the ‘occulta veteris et novi testamenti.’ François de Meyronnes parallels Ambrose’s allegorical teachings with his exposition of faith. Bonaventura parallels Gregory the Great’s tropological and moral teachings with his own ‘moralia et devota’, and Scotus parallels the anagogical teachings of Augustine with his speculations. MEIER, 1928, 167-168 (which also contains the prologue of Bremer’s Sentences commentary). Even though Scotus is presented as the speculative doctor, and François de Meyronnes as the allegorical doctor, Bremer’s own Sentences commentary nevertheless is firmly based on the doctrinal teachings of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio (and not solely on his ‘moralia et devota’). For the more Scotist inclined Hermann Etzen, see MEIER, 1935, 369-413 & 1936, 176-200, 265-295. 68 HAMELIN, 1963, 75-76; VEUTHEY, 1996, 42. 69 Cf. also SILEO, 1996², 645-649; ARMELLADA, 1999, 79-106.

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rigorous and formalised study of doctrine. The characteristic affective elements of Franciscan theology had far better chances in a ‘paraacademic’ environment. It was in this wider area of theological and religious education that many teachings of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, Giacomo Capelli, John of Wales, Giovanni Marchesini, Pietro di Giovanni Olivi and other Franciscans would constitute the ‘Franciscan Hegemony’ that was to become so crucial for the religious outlook of late medieval Western Europe.70

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RUH, 1956; STEER, 1976; OBERMAN, 1982, 518-520; RUH, 1985.

CHAPTER FIVE

FRANCISCAN LIBRARIES AND THE ACCESS TO BOOKS An organised religious life and the pursuit of studies can hardly be envisaged without proper access to books. A wide range of books, or at least texts, were needed for liturgical purposes,1 for reading the appropriate vitae and the Franciscan rule during the communal meal in the refectory, and for the proper religious and forensic training of novices, future priests and preachers (ranging from devotional texts, to handbooks of moral theology, preaching and confession manuals, and model sermons). In addition, students at convent schools, the custodial schools, and studia generalia, needed access to proper textbooks in the philosophical and theological disciplines. This chapter sketches the way in which book collections and veritable libraries developed in Franciscan convents between the thirteenth and the late fifteenth century, how the access to books was regulated, and how their acquisition was safeguarded. The development of communal libraries Early Dominican regulations assume that every convent had books, administered and cared for by the librarius, armarius or armarista, who was to keep them safe and dry in an armarium or libraria (a book storage chamber, or a wooden box/chest). These regulations also dealt with the books that were not kept in the armarium, but had to be at the continual disposal of the friars of the house.2 These books were kept on reading pulpits in a silent room (which did not have a specific name in the early days). Books not permanently kept on these reading pulpits but stored in the armarium could be handed over to students/friars by the librarian, to have them read in the silent room, or 1 Among these were the formulae and hymns for the Divine Office, the Psalms, scriptural pericopes, as well as the texts pertaining to the Mass itself. 2 Such as Biblia Glosata et Sine Glosis, Summae de Casibus, De Vitiis et Virtutibus, Concordantiae, Interpretationes, Decreta, Decretales, Sermones de Festis et Dominicis, Historiae, Sententiae, Chronicae, Passiones, Legendae Sanctorum, and the Historia Ecclesiastica.

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in their cell.3 The librarian was responsible for the continual expansion of the library collection, by retrieving books from returning students (or from students and master who had died while away from their house, and whose books had to be sent back), by commissioning books (using external copyists or stationarii), and by obtaining books through testamentary bequests (books from friars/teachers and books or money for books bequeathed by lay benefactors). 4 The most influential works to date on mendicant libraries take the Dominican situation as typical of Franciscan developments, and deplore that early Franciscan official documents are less detailed than the Dominican ones, making it almost impossible to access the development of Franciscan library collections in the thirteenth century. These works present such comparative lack of detail as the legacy of the ‘original’, anti-intellectual vocation of the Friars Minor. It is commonly thought that Francesco d’Assisi forbade the buying of books and their possession, and that the 1223 Regula Bullata deals only with the breviary and other liturgical books. Additional early sources signal the reproduction of books, but only as a fight against otium and as an aid for meditation, much along the lines of older monastic principles. Hence the early Franciscan stance towards books would have been negative, and would not have been informed by an ideology of study.5 This interpretation is supported by the fact that the early Franciscan community regarded books as precious objects, threatening the poverty character of the order. Even after 1230, when the bull Quo Elongati of Pope Gregory IX granted Friars Minor the use of books and other moveable objects with the Church as actual owner,6 Franciscan documents and saints’ lives continued to stress the difference between use and ownership of books, and the dangers embedded in precious books for the life of evangelical perfection, rather than discuss the practicalities of library formation. 7 Moreover, throughout the thirteenth century, the topos of the frater simplex remained popular; the friar who without formal theological education See on all this HUMBERTUS DE ROMANIS, Instructiones de Officiis Ordinis, II, 263-265. See in particular AMARGIER, 1975, 405-417. 5 ABATE, 1950, 77-126; HUMPHREYS, 1963; LENHART, 1974, 344-385; POLICA, 1978, 400-402; COSTA, 1991, 215-283. 6 BULLARII, 229-230; GRUNDMANN, 1961, 3-25. 7 THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Secunda S. Francisci, Cap. XXXII (contra curiositatem librorum), in: Analecta Franciscana X, 168. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 48. 3 4

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and access to book learning could preach more convincingly than the learned friar.8 While early Franciscan sources are not rich, and seem to indicate that the Friars Minor were rather ambivalent towards book learning and the acquisition of books, reading itself was certainly not frowned upon in the early Franciscan community. According to Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Epistola de Tribus Quaestionibus, Francesco and his early companions cherished the biblical text not only as a sacred object, but also as a text to read.9 Even impeccable spiritual sources mention the existence of books in the earliest friaries, in order to supply the friars with much desired reading materials.10 After around 1210, Francesco and his early followers had breviaries for reciting the Divine Office, as well as some additional books for study. A closer look at the pre-Narbonne constitutions edited by Cesare Cenci further indicates that, at least from the 1230s onwards, the Franciscan order dealt with the access to books in a systematic way.11 In this respect, developments within the Franciscan order might have been quicker than sometimes is assumed. Apparently, many Franciscan book collections started as a series of liturgical books kept in the sacristy, with some other books being kept separately in the refectory for the refectory readings. These basic sets of books were subsequently complemented by reference books and preaching aids that were kept in a safe place (either on reading desks or in an armarium).12 When convent schools and higher studia began to POLICA, 1978, 409. Salimbene compared the learning of Guillaume d’Auxerre with the efficacious simplemindedness of Gherardo da Modena. Roger Bacon raised comparable issues, which was rather ironical, as Bacon in many ways was a protagonist of the new learning. Cf. ROGER BACON, Compendium Studii Philosophiae, ed. Brewer, 427-428. 9 ‘audivi ego a fratre, qui vivit, quod, cum novum testamentum venit ad manus eius [namely Francesco], et plures Fratres non possent simul totum habere, dividebat per folia et singulis communicabat, ut omnes studerent, nec unus alterum impediret.’ BONAVENTURA, Epistola de Tribus Quaestionibus, 334. 10 See for instance the LEGENDA TRIUM SOCIORUM, Chapter 11: ‘nihil insuper sibi propria vindicabant, sed libris et aliis collatis, eisdem utebantur communiter.’ See also FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 315. Humphreys speaks in this context about libraries, but it is probably more realistic to speak about very small collections. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 47. 11 CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 91-92. The pre-Narbonne constitutions provide a substantial amount of information about scribal activities, the organisation of access and distribution, and the book provision of students. These elements will be dealt with in the course of this chapter. 12 HUMPHREYS, 1963, 57; COSTA, 1991, 216-217. 8

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appear from the 1220s onwards, these various sets of books expanded, to include the basic textbooks needed for the education of friars at different levels.13 Most of the Franciscan convent libraries that emerged in the thirteenth century, and sometimes as early as the 1220s,14 started out as reference libraries. The books had to be kept in an accessible place for all friars who needed them. They could not be borrowed, except on short-term loan, or if they were deemed to be expendable extra copies.15 Thirteenth-century Franciscan regulations provide more information about the provision of books to individual friars than about library collections per se. The 1336 constitutions promulgated by Benedict XII do indicate, however, that the core of Franciscan communal libraries was formed by reference collections for general use. These constitutions assumed that the library books of Franciscan friaries, and in particular those manuscripts containing works of theology, philosophy, grammar, and logic were not to be distributed or given out on loan, unless the friary had obtained sufficient spare copies. The number of copies on these subjects had to be in accordance with the number of friars, and the status of the convent in the school hierarchy.16 This leads to the conclusion that a large part of the Franciscan communal book collection consisted of books (normally) not meant for loan. At least in settlements with custodial schools and higher study houses, this reference collection would gradually have been supplemented with a second series of books. After adequate provisions had been made for the reference collection (especially in subjects dealt with in the schools of the order), additional books had to be distributed, first among those friars of the community who had to See on these textbooks my chapter on the school curriculum. The Porziuncola library began to take shape between 1212 and 1226. ABATE, 1950, 93-97. 15 The thirteenth-century provincial statutes of Aquitaine declare: ‘Item nullus liber conventualis ad studium deputatus, fratri alicui assignetur, nec ad vitam acomodetur, nec etiam ad longum tempus, scilicet ultra annum, nisi forte essent libri parvi valoris, inepti conventui, et tunc fiat, sciente conventu, et cum auctoritate ministri.’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 481 and 486. These remarks in the Aquitaine statutes show that ‘short-term loan’ is a relative concept. 16 CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 356. Cf. KLUKOWSKI, 1947, 206-208; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 55, 86. On the organised multiplication of books for study purposes in convents with higher studia, see ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 161-162. 13 14

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study but did not have access to the proper books, and second to other friars in the convent (or the custody) who needed books to perform their religious or educational tasks. 17 Therefore, the emergence of several distinct book collections in Franciscan houses can be traced as early as the later thirteenth century. Specific study libraries and so-called double libraries can be charted especially for convents with studia particularia (custodial schools) and studia solemnia or generalia. These double libraries consisted of a public reference library and a ‘secret’ collection. The public reference library (bibliotheca publica) consisted of books not meant for loan. Hence, its most precious volumes were often chained to desks or plutei. This public library was complemented by a ‘secret’ library (bibliotheca secreta or privata), containing books for loan to friars (and, under certain conditions, to outsiders as well).18 Both of these public and secret library collections would have contained works on theology, philosophy, the arts, and preaching matters. These library collections supplemented the basic set of liturgical books, and the texts meant for communal reading, both of which could be found in nearly all convents from the very beginning. These liturgical texts and texts for communal reading were normally kept in the church or in the sacristy, alongside other precious objects and important documents (e.g. privileges and statutes).19 In many larger Franciscan houses (at least one in every custody) one would also find books meant for novice training - manuscripts with basic instructions concerning the Franciscan religious life, additional vitae of Francis, and a wide range of devotional texts. 20 In addition to the collections at the convent level, which for the fifteenth century sometimes can be differentiated even further in a HUMPHREYS, 1963, 86. COSTA, 1991, 224. 19 In the chapter definitions of Marchia Trevisina of 1290, a distinction is made between ‘...omnes libri armarii et libri quibus fratres utuntur in choro, missalia et alii libri...’ STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE , 460, n. 29. The 1449 addition to the Assisi catalogue speaks about ‘pulchriores ad conservandum in sacristia.’ ALLESSANDRI, 1905, 145. 20 Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 56; COSTA, 1991, 224-225. The 1356 St. Croce library rules say about the books for the novices as a separate collection: ‘Insuper libri novitiorum usibus deputati, sive sint pro divinis officiis, sive sint edificationis ac devotionis ad mores, similiter a magistro novitiorum resignetur ad partem. Et nichilominus ad partem ab armarista cum aliis registrentur, ne sic de facili amittantur vel etiam distrahantur.’ ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 151. 17 18

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(double) library for students and the studium, and a library for the convent itself,21 Franciscan sources make mention of books and book collections on the custodial and provincial level. It is unlikely that custodial libraries existed everywhere. Nevertheless, a number of books did belong to the custody (even if these books were kept in different convent libraries, or held on loan by individual friars).22 The custodial books were partly supplied from collections of deceased friars who had studied at the sub-provincial level or at a studium generale outside the province. The custody and its convents often were responsible for providing their new arts and theology students with books, or rather with the necessary funds for buying them.23 After the return of these and other books from the ‘custodial collection’, the custodian redistributed such books among the friars and friaries of the custody. The custodian had to ensure that these books remained within the custodial boundaries, unless permission was given to do something else with them.24 Likewise, there was a number of ‘provincial’ books. These were to be distributed by the provincial minister, with the advice of the diffinitores and the custodians. Such provincial books were explicitly reserved for use by lectors at custodial schools and studia generalia.25 21 This might have been a typical English development. DOBSON, 1992, 562-3: ‘The first half of the fifteenth century saw a new emphasis on the provision of purpose-built and properly stocked common libraries within both friaries and monastic colleges. By this date there were two libraries at the Greyfriars, one for the student-friars and one for the convent itself...’ 22 In Cambridge there is made mention of two different libraries in the Franciscan house. One of these was the study library of the convent. The other was a library for the custody: ‘...the only evidence (I think) that we have of this interesting institution’ LITTLE, 1943², 142. Little refers to the article of H.M. Bannister, who described the surviving manuscripts (half of which are in the Vatican Ottoboni collection) of Franciscan convent libraries in the British Society of Franciscan Studies Collectanea 1 (1914), 124-136. See also KERR, 1987, 15-16; MOORMAN, 1952, 57. 23 The custos had to ensure that students of the arts at the custodial schools had sufficient study books at their disposal during their preparatory studies. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 497. Likewise, the custodians, in collaboration with the provincial minister, had to ensure that students sent to studia generalia were provided with the necessary books or with sufficient money to buy them. ‘Fratribus studentibus Parisius provideatur a suis custodibus in XXX libris turonensium, qui in libris utilibus convertentur; qui libri post mortem eorum ad suas custodias libere revertantur.’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 475. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 57-8. The pre-Narbonne constitutions (c. 1239) still see the provision and management of such books as a (predominantly) provincial affair: ‘Et libri omnium fratrum tam ministrorum quam aliorum decedentium, remaneant in provintiis, de quibus sunt idem fratres.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 93,

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Most of our information concerning the growth and the character of these various book collections is based on actual inventories and catalogues. For the thirteenth century, however, no catalogues for Franciscan libraries seem to have survived. All that remain are a few separate book lists indicating specific donations, such as the 1266 list of fourteen books donated to the Friars Minor of Exeter,26 the 1286 book donation to S. Fortunato in Todi,27 and the late thirteenthcentury list of donations to the friary of Ipswich.28 The first real inventories are the result of regular checks that librarians and guardians were supposed to make on the conventual book collections.29 At first, this resulted in lists of books that were no. 81. See also 93, no. 82: ‘...pro qualibet provintia possint esse duo studentes Parisius. Provideatur autem missis ad studium pro lectoribus a provintiis suis in libris et necessariis scriptis...’. 24 For further details concerning the distribution of custodial books see esp. the provincial statutes of Tuscany (shortly after 1316): ‘Statuimus quod deinceps libri Fratrum decedentium assignentur custodibus custodiarum de quibus sunt oriundi; quos minister cum concilio custodis et aliquorum discretorum dicte custodie (detractis expensis dicte custodie quibuscumque et provisione fienda studentibus de ipsa custodia oriundus) distribuat fratribus dicte custodie, sicut ei videbit expedire; Item dicimus de libris apostatantium et etiam fratrum qui propter suos excessus privantur libris et etiam de libris vel rebus locorum dimittendorum vel destruendorum; Tenantur autem custodes in quorum custodis et guardiani in quorum locis moriuntur fratres aliarum custodiarum, per obedientiam libros fratrum decedentium diligenter inquirere et custodire et custodiis illis unde oriendi sunt fratres decedentes, cum ab eis fuerint requisiti, mittere integre et perfecte.’ ed. G. Abate, Miscellanea Franciscana 33 (1933), 37-38, no. 8-10. Cf. also comparable statements in the STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 497-498 and the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 356. 25 CONSTITUZIONI PROVINCIALI INEDITE, 129. Cf. also CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 357 on the circulation of books from the conventual, custodial and provincial book collections. 26 The books were donated by Roger of Thoriz, archdeacon of Exeter. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 99; LITTLE & EASTERLING, 1927, 59. Interestingly enough, it was expected that both Franciscans and Dominicans of Exeter would have the use of these books (the latter would have access when it was not inconvenient for the Friars Minor). 27 By Cardinal Bentivegna. MIGNINI, 1886, 523-535. 28 HUMPHREYS, 1963, 99. 29 The appointment of a librarian asked for the consent of the provincial minister and the advice of the discreti. At least, that was the case in the Tuscan province from the early fourteenth century onwards. Cf. ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 149-151. Together with the guardian, the librarian was responsible for the care of books in the armarium, the provision of books to friars, their recall when the loan period was over (or the friar had died), and the registration of new books. The guardian and the librarian had to check the contents of the library twice a year (at Christmas and Easter), and the librarian himself was also expected to take stock

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missing or lent out, as was the case with the list of books produced for the Auxerre convent in 1302. 30 This kind of control stimulated the introduction of more inclusive lists, eventually leading to catalogues. From the early fourteenth century onwards (witness the Benedictine ordinations of 1336 and the Caturcian constitutions of 1337), guardians were expected to make lists of books as part of the annual convent inventory. A new guardian had to examine the books within a month of his taking office, after which he was supposed to add books subsequently obtained by the community. Once or twice a year, the guardian read out loud a list of those friars borrowing books from the convent library. Custodians were expected to do the same for the custodial book collection. Hence, lists of conventual and custodial book collections made their appearance, as well as lists of conventual and custodial books on loan.31 of the books and their condition on each Sunday (with the help of a friar assigned to that task by the guardian). CONSTITUTIONES PROVINCIAE VENETAE (1290), 460, no. 29. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 61. The 1316 provincial constitutions of the Roman province imply that in the sacristy of each convent was kept a book in which were listed all important moveable objects, and that books lent out should be listed in this book. CONSTITUTIONES ROMANAE (1316), 365-366. Comparable rulings can be found in the provincial statutes of Tuscany (1312 and 1316) and France (1337). Cf. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 480; DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 533. See also Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 24 (1931), 398-402 for a list of books for the convent of Auxerre. 30 The 1302 list mentions eight Bibles, ten breviaries, six sermonaries, two Summae Casuum, one copy of Quaestiones Abbreviatae and the Lectura in II, III et IV Sententiarum of Alessandro d’Alexandria, all borrowed by friars. CALLEBAUT, 1931, 400-402; SÉRENT, 139-142. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 99; COSTA, 1991, 273. 31 On the guardian’s obligation to make a list of books (and other precious objects) within a month of taking office, see CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 1937, 357. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 61. The provincial statutes of France insist that the guardian ‘…fiat registrum de libris ad vitam fratribus concessis, qui ad conventum pertinere noscuntur, quia frequenter multi libri propter huiusmodi negligenciam sunt amissi, et conventus quamplurimi defraudati.’ Comparable regulations were repeated in subsequent provincial constitutions and other regulations. The 1356 ordinations for the St. Croce library of Florence show that books handed out to friars had to be registered, and that the armarista had to be present when books of deceased friars were listed. Moreover, the armarista of the St. Croce convent was required to read out loud (every two weeks or at least every month (which in 1367 was changed in every four months)) the ordinations pertaining to the use of books and the conditions under which books could be borrowed. ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 150151, no. 6, 7, 8, 9, 11, 20. The provincial constitutions of Tuscany (1360) order that books given to friars for life should be shown to the armarista at the moment when the yearly inventory was made up. MEMORIALI (1933), 325, no. 14. The 1362 constitutions of the same province order that in every convent ‘...fiant duo inventaria, quorum unum apud guardianum et aliud apud custodem reservetur. Et assignetur novis

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The inventories resulting from the checks made by guardian and librarian normally followed the order of the books on the shelves. Such inventories usually provided nothing more than the name of the authors (if known) and a short title of the works included in that particular manuscript.32 As the shelf division of the libraries was normally arranged by subject, most inventories (consisting of a single or a double row of entries, depending on the fact whether or not the catalogue made a division between books for the public and the ‘secret’ library) were divided according to subject matter as well. They often started with biblical texts and commentaries, followed by patristic works and other theological texts (including scholastic theology), philosophy, moral theology and/or canon law, preaching aids and other subjects. In this way, veritable catalogues started to develop. The earliest known surviving conventual library catalogue dates from 1347 for the convent of Regensburg, and provides information regarding 86 volumes. Compared with the nearly contemporary catalogue of the Regensburg Dominicans, which lists 224 volumes, the Franciscan book list looks rather modest. Nevertheless, we do not know exactly whether the Franciscan catalogue is a complete listing of all the different conventual book collections. It gives in any case an indication of the type of books that could be found in a mid-fourteenth century Franciscan library, in a house to which a studium was attached. Just over 30% of the volumes (29 volumes) mentioned in the catalogue were glossed books of the Bible, biblical commentaries, concordances and Brito’s biblical dictionary. Almost 10% contained patristic writings, whereas an almost identical percentage contained pre-scholastic medieval theological works by Alcuin, Hugues de St. Victor, Bernard de Clairvaux, Anselm of Canterbury and Peter of Riga. Scholastic guardianis cum inventario supradicto. Et quicumque guardianus vel alius ex sua negligentia permiserit aliquid notabiliter perdi, cogatur de sua eleemosyna satis facere loco dicto.’ MEMORIALI (1933), 331; ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 164. 32 The Assisi 1381 library catalogue is an exeption. See for more details esp. CENCI, 1981. In the English province a number of houses seemed to have followed the same reference method (using a subject title and/or an author’s name, followed by a letter or number indication of the shelf position). HUMPHREYS, 1963, 89. He mentions the convents of Bristol, Cambridge, and Chester. The 1430 catalogue of the St. Croce library mentions the place of books in a double row of numbered shelves (one row of shelves on the church side, and one row of shelves on the cloister side of the library room).

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theological works strictly speaking were limited predominantly to three copies of the Sentences and the Sentences commentaries of Alessandro d’Alexandria, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, and Guillaume d’Auxerre. However incomplete this catalogue might be, it suggests a rather traditional via antiqua collection, and a school situation in which neither the influence of Scotus, nor a Nominalist via moderna had taken hold. Moral theology and canon law was wellrepresented, which implies a heavy emphasis on pastoral care and confessional activities. The catalogue mentions no less than three copies of the Decretum and the Decretals. In addition it lists several major penitential Summae of Dominican and Franciscan origin (among which the Summa de Virtutibus (two copies) and the Summa de Vitiis of Servasanto da Faenza). Copies of Cicero’s Rhetoric, a Summa Dictaminis, and the Metamorphoses of Ovid further suggest the pursuit of grammatical and rhetorical studies.33 From the middle of the fourteenth century onwards, more catalogues appear (or at least survive) with information about the size and content of Franciscan libraries.34 Important examples are the mid33 In the midst of all the other works Ovid’s Metamorphoses might seem somewhat remarkable. Humphreys therefore thinks that it might have been a gift from a lay benefactor. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 101. 34 Sometimes another source provides such information as well, for instance when rather large book collections of convents and individual friars had to be used to settle debts. See for instance the following remarkable transaction in 1269: ‘1269, die Veneris, 12 exeuntis mensis aprilis, ven. p. d. Petrus [Laurentius], Dei gratia Concensis episcopus, dixit se confessum fuisse, recepisse et habuisse ex causa commodati ad obligandum et pignorandum a fr. Raymundo lectore bononiensi ord. fr. Minorum novem libros seu volumina librorum in theologia, extimatos 90 lib. bonon. Item a fr. Alfonso Hispano de dicto ordine 12 libros seu volumina librorum in theologia et philosophia extimatos 220 lib. bonon. Item a fr. Vitali custode bononiensi de dicto ordine 5 libros in theologia extimatos 100 lib. bonon. Item a fr. Gandulfo bonon. de dicto ordine unam bibiam et unum librum Historiarum extimatos 50 lib. bonon. Item a fr. Pellegrino custode parmensi de dicto ordine unum librum Geremie et Isaie glosatum extimat. 20 lib. bonon. Item ab eodem unum par decretalium et unam bibiam extimat. 120 lib. bonon. Qui dictus episcopus dixit se dictos libros pignoribus tradisse et obligasse d. Bartolomeo Amanati de Pistorio, nomine et occasione debiti, ad quod eidem tenebatur in solidum cum pluribus condebitoribus, ex instrumento Michaelis Franzonis not. Quapropter ipse d. episcopus promisit Benvenuto Bonaventure not. et d. Dominico Poete, stipul. nomine et vice dictorum fratrum sive omnium quorum interest, restituere eis dictos libros hinc ad proximas kalendas iulii in civitate Bononie et conservare et liberare ipsos fratres indemnes. Ex instrumento dicti Benvenuti Bonaventure not. facto heri apud locum fr. Minorum in capitulo intra claustrum secundum, pp. fr. Ioanne episcopo Galucensi [probably friar John Martini, then bishop of Cádiz] fr. Gondisalvo eius socio [friar Gonsalvo Hispano, master of theology in Paris and later minister general] mag. Fernando canonico

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fourteenth-century library catalogue of St. Francis at Fabriano,35 the 1355 book list of the Franciscan house in Pisa,36 the inventory of the Gubbio convent library (c. 1360),37 the library list of La Verna, compiled in 1372 by Gabriele da Volterra,38 the important catalogue of the Assisi convent libraries drawn up in 1381,39 the fourteenth-century book list of Pavia,40 the 1396 and 1449 inventories of St. Anthony in Padua,41 the 1417 catalogue by Marco Trivixiano conOvetensi, mag. Ioanne Martini canonico Pallentino, d. Martino Alfonsi canonico Hispalensi et Iacobo d. Petrizoli d. Septe, testibus.’ PIANA, 1970, 6-7. In 1445, the Friars Minor of Lucca sold no less than 49 books to the procurator of Cosimo de Medici for 250 gold ducats. The actual number of volumes is quite remarkable. Was it a forced sale, the disposal of double copies from an overstocked library, or are we nevertheless looking at evidence for substantial scribal activity at the Franciscan convent? See on the last incident HUMPHREYS, 1963, 115. 35 FILIPPINI, 1890-92, 18-185; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 102; COSTA, 1991, 225. The inventory was drawn up by Nicola Vignuzi, guardian of the convent between 1348 and 1357. 36 FERRARI, 1904; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 102-105. This inventory proves the existence of a double library: one consisting of 86 chained reference books in the armarium, and a library with 291 volumes that could be made available for loan. 37 FALOCI-PULIGNANI, 1902-5, 156-163; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 105-106. The 1360 inventory contains (with later additions) a record of 234 volumes. No information is present concerning a possible division in a reference library and a general library. 38 MENCHERINI, 1914-15, 212-222; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 106. The lack of philosophical books and the predominance of sermons and biblical literature seems to suggest the convent’s predisposition towards moral theology and meditation. 39 ALESSANDRI, 1906; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 107-108; CENCI, 1981. The catalogue shows the presence of two collections: a public reference library of 181 chained works without duplicates and a secret library with 537 works, among which several duplicates or triplicates. These latter books were to be distributed among clerics, teachers, masters, bachelors, lectors and all other clerical friars in accordance with their needs. References to such a double library can also be found in Louvain, Cambridge (early fifteenth century), and Pisa. 40 Contained in MS Rome BAV Vat.Lat. 4394 f. 4v. See BRUYNE, 1931, 196-198. This article contains also information about the manuscripts for the personal use of Francesco della Rovere. 41 The 1396 inventory lists 94 service books, 113 chained books in the armarium, 33 additional volumes that were kept outside the armarium, and over 164 volumes in the lending collection. The chained collections predominantly contained Bibles, glosses, commentaries, and concordances, as well as copies of the Sentences and Sentences commentaries (by Bonaventura, Scotus, Pierre d’Auriole, Egido Romano, Tommaso d’Aquino), with some additional distinction collections, old-testamental histories, Summae de Poenitentia (by Monaldo and Raimundo de Peñyaforte), and Boniface VIII’s Liber Sextus. In the lending collection, the largest section was devoted to copies of the Sentences (7) and Sentences commentaries (no less than 56, predominantly of Franciscan masters), followed by considerable collections of Decreta and Decretals and accompagnying Summae (more then 30), as well as c. 30 sermon collections and preaching handbooks. All this indicates the presence of an important

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cerning the library of Candia,42 the 1362 and late fifteenth-century catalogues of Görlitz,43 as well as the catalogues of various Sicilian houses.44 Those interested in the content of Franciscan study libraries can fall back on the 1421 catalogue of the important Bologna convent library,45 the catalogue of St. Croce in Florence, dating from 1426,46 and the early modern catalogues of Troyes47 and Göttingen.48 school (custodial school or studium generale). HUMPHREYS, 1963, 108-110; HUMPHREYS, 1966. The latter work also contains information about the catalogue of 1449, when the library contained around 1025 codices. On these and later catalogues (1755, 1764, and later) see also CENCI, 1976, 496-520. 42 HOFMANN, 1942, 317-360; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 110-111. 43 When the studium of Görlitz developed into a studium generale after 1458, there were serious attempts to enlarge the library. Especially thanks to the activities of lector Maurizius (active in Görlitz c. 1475) the library collection grew to c. 300 volumes (on all the major subjects of the arts and theology). Compare: the book list of 1362 counted only 69 titles aside from the books used for the choir. See DOELLE, 1927, 249. 44 The sixteenth-century manuscript Rome BAV Lat. 11278 contains catalogue information about late medieval conventual libraries on Sicily, divided into custodies, cities and manuscripts in use by single friars. This material has been used by CICCARELLI, 1987. See also CICCARELLI, 1995. 45 FRATI, 1890, 110-120; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 111-112; ABATE, 1950, 104-110; PIANA, 1970, 14*-16*. The catalogue lists 649 manuscripts: more than 100 volumes of sermons and connected praedicabilia, 80 Bibles, glosses and concordances, and a further 100 biblical commentaries; 50 volumes of patristic writings (predominantly works of Augustine, Gregory the Great and Ambrose); 15 volumes with the Sentences of Peter Lombard and a wide range of (foremost Franciscan) Sentences commentaries (predominantly Bonaventura (almost 30 volumes), Alexander of Hales (16), and a few commentaries of later writers like Duns Scotus (five volumes), Alessandro d’Alexandria (four volumes) etc.); a large collection of 44 (moral) theological summae, seventeen philosophical volumes, and a range of logical texts (ranging from the ‘old logic’ to the more modern works of Peter of Spain and Ockham). As far as theological education is reflected in this collection, it again shows (for what it is worth) an emphasis on the via antiqua in teaching and reading. For late medieval and early modern developments, see FRATI, 1890, 110ff; LAURENT, 1943; ZANOTTI, 1968, 190194. 46 MAZZI, 1897, 99-113, 129-147. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 112-115. 47 AUGER, 1967-68, 183-250. This was a big library (established in 1237), containing two series of eleven pulpits that also served as book shelves. The 1527-28 inventory lists 445 works, among which were around 60 manuscripts. 18% of the library consisted of sermons, 24% contained material pertaining to doctrinal and apologetical theology, and 7% was devoted to moral theology. In addition, the library contained some manuscripts and printed books on medicine and science. 60% of the authors listed were mendicants. See for later developments COSTA, 1991, 272. 48 SCHLOTHEUBER, 1996, 116-128. The author compares the early modern Franciscan library of Göttingen (430 titles), with those of Brunswick (420 titles) and Grünberg (493 titles).

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Since the retrieval and publication of such old catalogues is an ongoing process, this listing is by no means exhaustive.49 Moreover, the actual content of medieval Franciscan libraries can be reconstructed by means of more indirect evidence, as has for instance been done for the library of the Grey Friars of London,50 the library of Dole,51 the library of St. Marien in Lüneburg,52 the library of the Hildesheim convent,53 the library of the Riddarholmen friary in Stockholm,54 the convent libraries of Flensburg and Uppsala,55 and the fifteenth-century library of Fribourg in Switzerland.56 49 The survey of COSTA, 1991, 250-271 contains lengthy analyses of and bibliographical references to more than 30 medieval Franciscan libraries. 50 KINGSFORD, 1915, 22, 42, 44, 53. The library was (re-)built by Thomas Wynchelsey in 1420-1421 on the north side of the great cloister. This library had 28 desks with reference books. 51 The library of the Franciscans of Dole is reconstructed by DUCOUT, 1981, 6584. This convent, connected with the local Burgundian university would have contained around 1500 at least 79 manuscripts and 25 incunables, acquired by means of legacies, monetary acquisitions (by studying friars) and transcriptions made by friars themselves. Although not very big, the library contents are interesting: seven Bibles, Bible commentaries, nine breviaries, two psalters, three summae de casu conscientiae and eleven sermon collections among which figured the famous Evangelium Eternum of Bernardino da Siena and the Flos Theologiae of Juan de Torquemada. It shows a library fully geared towards preaching. 52 LOGEMANN, 1996, 26-27. 53 GUTOWSKI, 1994², 127-129. 54 ROELVINK, 1998, 122-151. 55 COLLIJN, 1917, 101-172; RASMUSSEN, 1977, 51-80. 56 The oldest materials of the library go back to the founding years of the convent (c. 1256). The medieval library (until the moment of death of guardian Jean Joly in 1510) contains around 90 manuscripts, complemented with a series of incunabula and early printings. More than 50% of the surviving manuscripts of the medieval library were collected by two friars of the convent, namely Friedrich von Amberg and Jean Joly. LADNER, 1995, 11-24. This Franciscan library contained many scholastic texts, connected with the education of friars at higher centres of learning. On the other hand, it also contained many pastoral works. Friars like Friedrich and Jean Joly brought to the convent a wide range of texts that they themselves had copied, bought, or excerpted during their student years at different studia generalia. In the course of their adult life they added to these several other manuscripts (with a strong focus on pastoral care). The late medieval Franciscan library of Fribourg contained logical and ‘philosophical’ questiones, several Sentences commentaries (an interesting mix of ‘Scotist’ commentaries and ‘English’ via moderna commentaries), works on ecclesiological and political matters (such as the Defensor Pacis of Marsiglio di Padova, MS 28), canon law works, just two chronicles (the Flores Chronicorum of Bernard Gui and a part of the chronicle of Isidore of Sevilla), several mathematical and medical treatises, a wide range of pastoral and exegetical auxilia (for instance the Novus Graecismus of Konrad von Mure and the Mammotrectus), some grammatical works (which might be an indication of custodial schooling for young novices), many ser-

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Some of these Franciscan libraries were quite substantial, although they could not compete with some of the large monastic libraries, such as that of Clairvaux, which apparently had 2318 volumes in 1472.57 The library of the Grand Couvent des Cordeliers in Paris was famous for its book collection. Yet no inventory has survived, and the library burnt to the ground in November 1580. Little, therefore, is known about the actual contents of its medieval book collection.58 The same is true for various other important studia in France and England.59 For an insight into the library build-up of Franciscan mon and exempla collections, as well as related devotional texts and texts for basic religious instruction (like De Septem Itineribus Aeternitatis of Rudolf von Biberach and the exposition on the Pater Noster of Godfried von Erlach). 57 MARTIN, 1988, 121 mentions 1200 volumes for the library of Citeaux (1480-82) and 2318 volumes for Clairvaux in 1472. These Cistercian libraries were predominantly used by monks for their own instruction. But we know that mendicant friars sometimes worked there as well. Even in these libraries, preaching materials formed a seventh of the library stock. GERZ-VON BÜREN & NEBBIAI-DALLA GUARDA, 1982, 3-4; VERNET, 1979. 58 The library of Siena likewise perished completely in the fire of 1588. ABATE, 1950, 108-110; FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 329. 59 The Franciscan house in Paris had already a substantial book collection in the later thirteenth century. In 1270, Louis IX donated a large number of his theological books to the Parisian Franciscans (predominantly Bibles and biblical commentaries). In 1289, Jean Colet donated his books to the friars, on the condition that both Franciscan friars and other poor theology students could benefit from them. For more details on the friary of Paris, and on other large Franciscan friaries from which no catalogue seems to survive (such as Toulouse, Bordeaux, Lyon, and Montpellier), see COSTA, 1991, 271-272. With regard to the Franciscan book collections in England (in Oxford, Cambridge, and other convents) scholars face comparable problems. The Oxford convent probably received its first ‘considerable’ book collection from Adam Marsh, to whom his uncle, the bishop of Durham (Richard Marsh), bequeathed his library in 1226. In the 1230s, friar Agnello purchased a volume of the Decretals to steer the studies of his friars towards useful pastoral matters. In 1253, Robert Grosseteste left a series of books (commentaries, translations, philosophical and pastoral texts) to the Oxford Minorite community. From then onwards, the friary must have had a fully equipped study library, alongside a library collection for all clerical friars. In the fourteenth century, the study library was big enough to arouse the jealousy of Wycliffite critics. The remarks of John Lathbury (1329-1362) suggest that there was a well-stocked reference library with (probably chained) books on designated reading desks. From the later fifteenth century onwards, the study library was in decline, to disappear from view around the dissolution of 1538. For more information, see LITTLE, 1892, 57ff; HUNT, 1955, 121-145; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 46-66, 99-118; PARKES, 1992, 407-483; ROUSE & ROUSE, 1987, 377-379. MOORMAN, 1952, 54-60 elucidates the history of the convent of Cambridge, for which no catalogue has survived. He argues that the Cambridge Franciscan house had three separate libraries, one for the convent, one for the students, and one for the custody. In all, these collections together might have contained over 600 volumes. For the Franciscan library of Canterbury, see COTTON, 1924, 32ff. For London, see

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studia generalia, we can, as said above, look at the development of the library collection in the Florentine St. Croce convent. Initially, the library was a collection of books for the friars who were living there on a permanent basis. Sources mention the donation of a New Testament text as early as 1230. In 1246, the guardian (Guido della Frassia) bought a large copy of the Decretum with the glosses of Bartolomeo da Brescia.60 At the end of the thirteenth century, when a new and greater convent was built, we see the emergence of a library geared to the needs of the (non degree) studium generale. On the basis of the catalogues of 1426 and 1430 (the latter of which mentions no less than 785 manuscripts), Raoul Manselli points out that the fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century library was wellequipped with works of canon law (44 volumes of Decreta, Decretales and commentaries), anti-heretical treatises, the logical and philosophical works of Aristotle and their major commentaries, and a large number of biblical glosses, commentaries, and concordances (especially compared with the number of Bibles). The library contained numerous Sentences of Peter Lombard, as well as an impressive number of (predominantly mendicant) Sentences commentaries. Out of 91 volumes containing Sentences commentaries, 21 were copies of the commentary of Bonaventura, which made him by far the most important scholastic commentator present in the St. Croce library. Furthermore, the library catalogues mention a wide range of theological summae and non-scholastic theological works (many texts from the Church fathers as well as the works of modern theologians), historical works (like Benvenuto da Imola’s Compendium of Roman History, and the chronicles of Eusebius and Martin von Troppau), encyclopaedic works (such as Isidore’s Etymologiae), polemical treatises (especially with regard to Joachimism and the conflict between spiritual and conventional factions), ‘administrative’ texts (ranging from the Regula Bullata and papal privileges to charters), and liturgica. Also of interest is the surprisingly large amount of classical and (humanist)

KINGSFORD, 1915, 34. Whereas in England many libraries and much information about such libraries disappeared in or after the dissolution, in the Low Countries and various German regions several Franciscan library collections did not survive the reformation. In France, most damage was done during the French revolution. 60 ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 141; DAVIS, 1963, 399-414; LENZUNI, 1996, 67-74 (esp. 67). For the donation of books in the late thirteenth century and thereafter, see PIANA, 1977, 107-108.

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vernacular literature, which includes the works of Dante (with Franciscan commentaries and translations), and Boccaccio.61 After the fire of 1422, the library room and the dormitory of the St. Croce convent were rebuilt, partly with donations from the Florentine ‘Calismale’ merchant fund.62 According to the 1430 catalogue, which lists 785 manuscripts, the new library room contained two rows of shelves, one against the wall facing the church, the other against the wall facing the cloister. The 35 ‘banchi ex parte ecclesia’ contained 414 chained books for public reference. The shelves ‘ex parte claustri’ contained the other manuscripts. The library continued to flourish until the later eighteenth century, when its collections were confiscated and placed elsewhere by order of Duke Peter Leopold I of Etruria.63 An interesting phenomenon is the development of substantial libraries in many Observant centres. At the same time as the Observants changed policy with regard to theological studies (after 1420), the first notable Observant book collections came into existence. Bernardino da Siena stimulated the formation of libraries in the Observant house of Monteripido (Perugia), the Capriola convent of Siena, the Porziuncola, and elsewhere. 64 Comparable initiatives were launched by other prominent Observant friars such as Giovanni da Capistrano, Pietro da Mogliano, and Giacomo della Marca, who themselves were active book collectors.65 The concern of Observant leaders for the development of proper libraries is also evident in the decision of the Bolognese province in 1451 and 1452 to make an inventory of all Observant libraries of that province.66 This Bolognese initiative might have found response in other areas where the 61 The presence of the works of Boccaccio was partly due to the donations of friar Tedaldo della Casa in 1406. MANSELLI, 1978, 358-363; MAZZI, 1897, 16ff; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 112-115. 62 ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 142. 63 On the travels and further whereabouts of the collection until 1866, when the religious convents were ‘suppressed’ and their books moved to state and city libraries (in the case of the St. Croce library to the Biblioteca Nazionale and the Biblioteca Laurenziana of Florence), see ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 143144. 64 STOLFI LIBERATI, 1945, 264f; PACETTI, 1965, 3-43; BISTONI, 1973, 378-404. 65 GHINATO, 1973, 62: ’Il carico dei libri accompagnava dovunque I predicatori [osservanti], e il somarello era più spesso necessario per portare il prezioso carico che per trasportare I pellegrini apostolici...’ 66 Apparently, this inventory did not survive. PIANA, 1982, 263.

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Observants were active. The Vatican library houses several late sixteenth-century manuscripts that contain information about medieval catalogues of Observant Franciscan libraries on Sicily.67 Outside the Italian area, we can point to the catalogues of the Observant convents of Grünberg in Oberhessen, Corbach in Waldeck, and Mengenberg (in Oberpfalz).68 Compared with their non-Observant counterparts, Observant libraries tended to concentrate more on works of moral theology (confessional handbooks, related summae, and more extensive canon law collections), large numbers of sermon collections, and additional praedicabilia. However, in some Observant convents, such as S. Paolo in Monte, the collection of books became sufficiently large to pass for a library of an average Franciscan studium generale. The oldest surviving catalogue of the S. Paolo convent, made by the humanist Fabio Vigili in 1512, shows a very rich collection indeed. At that point in time, the library not only had its normal stock of canon law manuscripts, penitential handbooks and sermon collections, but also contained a wide range of scholastic works (predominantly Sentences commentaries by Franciscan authors), as well as some Greek manuscripts and humanist writings by Leonardo Bruni and George of Trebisond.69 Overall, the ‘average’ medieval Franciscan convent library had much in common with its Dominican counterpart, as has been previously observed by Humphreys and Costa.70 In Franciscan and Dominican libraries alike, there was a heavy emphasis on praedicabilia (sermons as well as preaching instruments, such as exempla collections and encyclopaedic compendia), works on moral theology, biblical and patristic writings. In the average Franciscan library, the emphasis might have been slightly less on the philosophical works of Aristotle and his major Arab and Latin commentators, yet this difference was less marked in the largest Franciscan study libraries such as those in Bologna and Florence, in which all of these various categories were well-represented. As far as scholastic theology is concerned, there normally was a heavy emphasis on Franciscan authors (although See for instance MS Rome BAV Lat. 11268. See CICCARELLI, 1988, passim. DERSCH, 1914, 438-478; BUCHNER, 1920, 39-74 (catalogue on 47ff). 69 Cf. PIANA, 1982, 263-264. 70 See for an overall evaluation of the character of Franciscan libraries HUMPHREYS, 1963, 118; COSTA, 1991, 236-249. 67 68

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works of other, mendicant and non-mendicant, authors were not discarded). Among the Franciscan authors present in Franciscan libraries until the later fourteenth century, we find predominantly the Summae and Sentences commentaries of Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, and (to a lesser extent) those of François de Meyronnes and Duns Scotus. During the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, a number of more ‘Scotist’ theological handbooks make their appearance in many library collections (predominantly in non-Observant centres). Surviving library catalogues suggest that, for a long time, many Franciscan custodial schools and higher studia without degree options adhered to the Franciscan representation of the via antiqua in matters of theology and metaphysics. The writings of Ockham and later Nominalist-inclined scholars were, on the whole, not well represented. Aside from the encyclopaedic works, like Bartholomaeus Anglicus’ De Proprietatibus Rerum, texts on the secular sciences did not exist in large numbers in Franciscan library collections prior to the fourteenth century, with English libraries (Oxford, Norwich and Cambridge) as possible exceptions. Thereafter, the surviving evidence indicates an increase in the collection of a wide range of philosophical texts. Likewise, Humphreys notices little direct evidence for grammar studies during the very early period, which can be ascribed to the original Franciscan policy regarding the age of novices. Costa qualifies this picture with regard to the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, providing information on several grammatical works (such as those of Papias, Priscian, and Britto). This again coheres with the need to establish grammar schools for the teaching of the young. The larger study centres in particular always seem to have housed a decent range of logical works. On the whole, Franciscan libraries did not contain many medical materials. Neither were there many manuscripts to suggest wide-spread studies of other (Greek or Oriental) languages, despite various attempts to persuade friars to study them.71 Beyond discussing the content of Franciscan libraries, observations can be made regarding the format, execution, and content of the 71 HUMPHREYS, 1963, 118. He refers to the proposal of master Lorenzo d’Aquilea to ensure that ‘studium grece lingue, arabyce ac tartarice plantaretur Parisius.’ Cf. LUCA, 1951, 233. Humphreys also refers to Benvenuto Montanari da Modena’s library of other language books, and the Greek books collected and brought back by Haymo of Faversham from Constantinople. See for more information on language studies in the Franciscan curriculum my second chapter.

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individual manuscripts themselves. The typical Franciscan (or mendicant) manuscript is a convolute manuscript, frequently of a moderate size, to facilitate transportation.72 Such a manuscript contains a range of different works (or extracts thereof), or comparable works by various authors and commentators. Sometimes access is facilitated by a series of different tables of content or indices. Hence, the number of manuscripts mentioned in library catalogues is not automatically a good indication of the actual number of works present in a Franciscan library. Many surviving manuscripts contain sections written by different hands. Some of these manuscripts bear evidence of having been copied by friars during their years of study (varying from lecture notes to outright pecia copies), while others appear to have been produced by professional scribes. In either case, we frequently find a cursive script, containing many abbreviations, with little attention to embellishment. Exceptions are the larger liturgical manuscripts for the reading stance in the choir, as well as the Bibles, copies of the Rule and vitae manuscripts that were meant for the reading stance in the refectory. Often, these latter manuscripts had a different origin and received more careful attention with regard to lay out, script, illumination and binding. The same holds for large chronicles and encyclopaedic texts that were written at special commission. The regulation of access to books The book collections of individual houses, custodies, and provinces were at the disposal of the friars, depending on order regulations and the decisions of order officials. Every adult clerical friar was supposed to have access to a breviary that contained the texts for the Divine Office.73 Furthermore, he had access to additional liturgical works and reference books necessary to perform his routine functions as friar and cleric in the convent. Most of these books would be present in the ‘public’ reference library (where they could have been chained to a lectern), in the refectory, or the convent Church. Moreover, he See on the typical vademecum books of Franciscan preachers D'AVRAY, 1980. This did not imply that he had a complete Bible for his personal use. For that he normally had to use the reference library. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 74. 72 73

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was expected to feed his mind with appropriate religious and devotional materials during free hours. For this purpose, books were assigned to friars by the librarian and the guardian. Further access to books depended very much on the status of the friar. Clerical friars with preaching or teaching assignments were able to borrow books from the secret library.74 These books were usually not the most expensive ones, and had to be returned within a set time period, or at least had to be shown to the librarian and/or the guardian at certain intervals. Moreover, friars were not allowed to travel with these books without first receiving special permission.75 It was policy to keep such books in sight, to ensure that they remained within the province boundaries.76 Nevertheless, when, for study or for pastoral purposes, friars were sent to regions outside the province, they could be given books from the convent library or, if need be, from the book collections assigned to the custody or the province. Such friars were asked to leave behind a list of the more precious manuscripts that they had taken with them.77 A friar could have the use of some books for life. These books could have been given to him directly, bought with money provided for that purpose by outside benefactors, or donated to the friary by the friar himself for his personal use after the noviciate. These books could also have been part of the conventual, custodial, or provincial collection prior to their assignment to a lector or a special preacher for permanent use. For such permanent loans, special permission was According to information from 1381, books of the secret library of Assisi were deliberately ‘...ordinati ad praestandum praelatis, magistris, lectoribus, bachelariis et omnibus aliis fratribus clericis secundum quod uniuscuiusque sufficientia sive facultas de hiis requiret.’ ALESSANDRI, 1906, 49. 75 See on this the 1356 library ordinations for the St. Croce library, and in particular the statement ‘...quod libri qui fratribus ad studium commodantur semper de quindena in quindenam vel ad tardius omni mense pro dispensione guardiani, ad pulsationem campanelle, armariste fideliter resignentur. Et qui contrarium fecerit, sequenti die in prandio a vino abstinere firmiter teneatur et nichilominus per mensem libris armarii sit privatus.’ ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 149-150, esp. 150, no. 8. Cf. also DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 534. 76 The pre-Narbonne constitutions state: ‘Omnes libri qui de cetero pretio scribuntur vel emuntur, remaneant in provinciis, in quibus empti sunt vel scripti; et hoc idem dicimus tam de factis et emptis [in margine: nondum] aliqui specialiter deputatis, quam de faciendis et emendis, preter illos qui per consanguineos scribuntur vel emuntur per licentiam ministrorum.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (1239), 92, no. 76. See also 93, no. 81. This was repeated in greater detail in later regulations. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 357. 77 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 74. 74

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needed from the provincial minister, the custodian and/or the guardian, and the discreti. At least twice a year, such books had to be shown to the librarian and other superiors at the convent and custody level.78 Novices formed a special category. After c. 1240, these incumbent friars were not allowed to access books for study purposes, even if they had brought such books with them upon entering the order.79 The only texts available to them were those necessary for learning the Divine Office, and for introducing them further to the life and the mind-set of the Friar Minor. The disposal of such books was in the hands of the novice master and the librarian.80 After their noviciate, many friars would receive additional training to become priests, or to embark on further studies in the (sub-)provincial school network. Insofar as the initial teaching on these matters was not predominantly an oral affair, with the lector’s notes as basic grid, the textbooks for studies at these levels (catechetical and homiletic works, as well as the standard logical, philosophical, and theological textbooks) would often have been present in the library collections of the house were these courses were given. Standard textbooks for further studies at all levels were not to leave the library or, if so, only for a limited time span, as all students and lectors should be able to have proper access to them.81 Cf. ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 149, no. 2, 10, & 13: ‘..qui habent libros armarii ad vitam, teneantur semel in anno custodi, guardiano et armariste presentialiter demonstrare. Et qui contrarium fecerit, ipsis libris priveretur et ad armarium revertantur.’ After the death of these friars, such books had to be returned. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 355. If the provincial minister was the one who was to keep books for life, he needed the permission from the minister general, the custodian, the guardian and the discreti. ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 149-150; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 62-63. It seems that this rule goes back as far as 1239. See CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 92, no. 79. 79 See the next section. 80 See on this CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 151, no. 17 & 162. No. 17 states: ‘Insuper libri novitiorum usibus deputati, sive sint edificationis ac devotionis [vel] ad mores similiter a magistro novitiorum resignentur ad partem’ Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 56 & 65; COSTA, 1991, 217. 81 Books in the library that were explicitly assigned for use in the studium were not to be borrowed: ‘Nullus liber conventualis ad studium deputatus, fratri alicui assignetur, nec ad vitam accomodetur, nec etiam ad longum tempus, scilicet ultra annum, nisi forte essent libri parvi valoris, inepti conventui, et tunc fiat, sciente conventu, et cum auctoritate ministri.’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIIIXIV), 481 (in this case the Aquitaine Provincial Chapter of 1300). See also chapter six of this book. 78

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Matters changed for students who were sent abroad to study at a studium generale. Early Franciscan regulations regarding students who went up for higher study to a studium generale were not very detailed.82 Yet the pre-Narbonne constitutions (c. 1239) already mention that provinces should provide their outgoing students with books and the necessary writings.83 These pre-Narbonne constitutions, as well as Narbonne Constitutions of 1260, leave specific elements concerning the book provisions to the discretion of the provincial minister and the provincial chapter.84 Later regulations provide more details. At the general chapter of Montpellier (1287), it was declared that the custodies had to organise the financial support for the studia generalia students.85 The late thirteenth-century provincial statutes of Aquitaine mention a set amount of money for buying books (30 pounds of Tours) that the convents and the custodies had to give to new students bound for Paris or another studium generale.86 With this amount of money, students (no doubt advised and assisted by the guardian or the librarian of the convent to which they were sent) were meant to be able to acquire copies of the necessary textbooks for the lectorate course. Frequently, however, such funding was insufficient to procure the necessary texts. Hence in later years this stipend was increased. Friars returning from these studies brought home the books with which they had been provided by the custody or the province, or which they had bought with the money assigned for that purpose. Additional texts acquired or copied during their student years abroad supplemented this collection. If such friars subsequently were as82 Dominican students received from their convent three books to begin with, namely the Sentences, the Bible, and the Historia Scholastica. They were entitled to take these books, as well as their own note books, to the higher studia. After their studies they were expected to bring these books back. 83 ‘Provideatur autem missis ad studium pro lectoribus a provintiis suis in libris et necessariis scriptis; quorum usum habeant si de una ministratione in alium transferantur.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 93, no. 82. 84 ‘…quibus provideatur in libris secundum arbitrium provincialis Capituli et Ministri.’ CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 72. 85 See for details especially CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 160-161, where the subsequent regulations concerning the book provisions of Franciscan students are compared. 86 ‘Fratribus studentibus Parisius provideatur a suis custodibus in XXX libris turonensium, que in libris utilibus convertuntur; qui libri post mortem eorum ad suas custodias libere revertantur.’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 475. See also the DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 533 and HUMPHREYS, 1963, 57-58. See for more details about inflation and rising costs my studia chapter.

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signed teaching positions in their home province, they normally would be granted the use of these books for an indeterminate period. However, these books were retained by their convent, custody or province either when such friars left permanently for another province, or when they died.87 Ultimately, all book assignments were at the discretion of the guardian or (more often) the custodian and the provincial minister, who could decide that a friar had an overabundance of books in light of his tasks.88 Ordinarily, books belonging to the convent, the custody, or the province had to remain within the provincial boundaries (with the exception of those books assigned to students going to higher schools outside this region).89 Teachers, preachers, and higher order officials who left their home province as a result of their assignments, could receive permission to keep the books granted to them either temporarily or for an indeterminate period. When these friars died or no longer needed such texts, the books were to be returned to the province (custody and convent) that had, with the help of gifts and alms, provided for their acquisition.90 All this remained at the discretion of 87 Salimbene quoted the following sardonic comment of the provincial minister Enrico da Pisa: ‘Nunc dividimus libros decedentium fratrum, sed poterit esse, quod usque ad breve tempus dividentur et nostri.’ SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 185. Shortly thereafter Enrico himself died, and his prophecy was fulfilled. 88 The distribution of such books initially was the responsibility of the diffinitors, and later predominantly that of the provincial ministers and the custodians. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 74; CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 160-161; STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 476. 89 Or better, these books had to stay within the confines of the place or region (convent, custody, or province) to which they belonged to begin with. The Tuscan provincial statutes (c. 1316) say on these matters: ‘Nullus liber conventualis vel alterius loci extra Ordinem vel locum sive conventum ad quem pertinet ipse liber, commodetur, nisi de concilio discretorum. Et tunc redigatur inscriptis in Inventario loci...’ MEMORIALI (1933), 37, no. 7. 90 This rule goes back as far as the pre-Narbonne constitutions: ‘Predicatoribus autem translatis liceat libros, sibi concessos in vita sua, ad suum usum habere; et post eorum decessum libri, de elemosina scripti, ad priorem provintiam suam sine contradictione aliqua remittantur.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 93-94, no. 83. See also the CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260),73: ‘Si contingat aliquem Fratrem transferri de una provincia ad aliam ad morandum, libros sibi concessos, ad usum possit habere. Post mortem vero suam, libri scripti vel empti de eleemosyna, ad illam Provinciam revertantur, ad quam dicta eleemosyna pertinebat.’ Cf. comparable rulings in the CONSTITUTIONES ASSISIENSES (1279), 81-82, the CONSTITUTIONES PARISIENSES (1292), 81-82, and the constitutions of Tuscany (c. 1316), MEMORIALI (1933), 37-38, no. 8-10. On the sportula or book bags used by travelling friars, see ABATE, 1950, 92.

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the provincial (and general) minister who, in certain cases, and after consultation with the appropriate guardians, librarians and discreti, could also permit individual friars to dispose of these books to other friars or to other persons or friaries.91 Friars who left the confines of their community, to embark on a higher educational or ecclesiastical career (as papal penitentiary, bishop, or the like), normally had to hand over their books before they were appointed or consecrated in their new position. The minister general, however, had the power to dispense with this rule (at least for a certain time span).92 Guardians and librarians could take away books from a friar. They could do so, when they deemed the use of these books unnecessary, or when they had other, disciplinary, reasons. Likewise, provincial and general ministers could, on their visitations, take away books from friars, or forbid them access to books. This could befall those suspected of harbouring heresy, or deemed to be disobedient, such as Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino, who was imprisoned and lost the use of his books because of the scandal caused by the unlicensed publication of his Introductorius in Evangelium Aeternum (1254). The lector Pietro di Giovanni Olivi was temporarily denied access to books in 1283, when some of his teachings were under suspicion.93 Strangely enough, the fourteenth-century visionary Jean de Roquetaillade, who spent many of his adult years in confinement because of his wild eschatological ideas, continued to be allowed to use of books, ink, quill and parchment.94 Convents within the same custody could draw on each other’s book collections, if necessary.95 It can be assumed that in many such cases friars of the same custody travelled in person to a neighbouring house to copy a needed manuscript there and then. Inter-library loan between custodies seems to have been less common.96 Especially in

HUMPHREYS, 1963 59; ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 157. See also the information from Michele da Cesena’s chancellery, FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA, 154, 157, 158. 92 HUMPHREYS, 1963, 63. 93 KILMER, MARMURSZTEIJN & PIRON, 1998, 35, note 11. 94 LEE, REEVES & SILANO, 1989, 75ff; BIGNAMI-ODIER, 1981, 75-284. 95 MARTIN, 1988, 123, mentions such inter-convent loan between Dôle and PetitThon. Cf. ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 157-158. 96 Arlotto da Prato forbade intercustodial borrowings unless it was absolutely necessary. CHRONOLOGIA, I, 34; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 62. 91

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England, the Franciscans were very keen on establishing the availability of books in their vicinity, but particularly in the nonFranciscan collections. The famous English Franciscan Tabula Septem Custodiarum and the Registrum Anglie de Libris Doctorum et Auctorum Veterum contain information concerning patristic works and florilegia in c. 180, predominantly monastic, libraries. These registers were ordered according to the territories of the Franciscan custodies in which these libraries were situated.97 Interestingly enough, the original listing (which would have been prepared before 1250) failed to mention Franciscan libraries.98 This could mean either that many Franciscan collections (with Oxford as possible exception) at that early period were not worth speaking of, or that Franciscan libraries outside custodial boundaries were not the first targets for inter-library loan. Friars were not expected to lend to others those books that they themselves had borrowed from the convent, the custody, or the province.99 The convent book collections, however, were not totally closed to outsiders. The reference library normally was open for consultation by other clerics. These could be friars or monks from other orders, as well as secular priests from the immediate neighbourhood. In houses involved with the university, such as those of Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge, the reference libraries would also be open to university teachers and students, unless quarrels prevented such access. In later fourteenth-century England, secular clerics, and later the Lollards complained that the mendicants kept their books to themselves. This lack of access most likely resulted from the rather fierce contemporary mendicant-secular controversy, which would have made mendicants wary of giving secular students and masters access to their book collections.100 This complaint might also have been made in reaction to the unwillingness of the Oxford and Cambridge friaries to lend out copies from their secret library without proper 97 98

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LITTLE, 19434, 225; DOBSON, 1992, 564; COSTA, 1991, 226-227. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 60-65; ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 157-

HUMPHREYS, 1963, 64. LITTLE, 1892, 61; MOORMAN, 1952, 54-55; DOBSON, 1992, 564. See also ROUSE & ROUSE, 1987, 369-384. According to their analysis of the late fourteenth-century defense of Franciscan lending practices, written by William of Woodford (former regent master and provincial minister of England during the controversy), the access to books indeed was restricted. 99

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security – a security that might have been beyond the means of an average student or secular master. Apparently, lending books from the secret libraries against security was a rather common procedure, not only in England, but also in the Italian and French order provinces.101 The acquisition of books: donations, scribal activities and personal book collections In the early decades of the thirteenth century, the Franciscans did not actively engage in an organised acquisition of books. Minorite settlements and individual friars depended on gifts, either in kind, or monetary (via the designated friends or procurators of the order), for the acquisition of nearly every book needed for performing their religious life and studies.102 After inspection, books given to the friaries per se immediately were placed in the armarium, or on the designated lecterns in the refectory or the church, to be used by the community as a whole (at the discretion of the librarian and the guardian).103 From the 1240s onwards, postulants from wealthy families started to bring their own books (which, thus, were donated to the convent) or made up a will in which funds were set aside for the buying of books for the friar’s own use within the order. 104 Apparently, these wills were to be respected by Franciscan superiors. Hence guardians and provincial ministers were forbidden to dispense with 101 Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 64. The practice is also attested for the provinces of Tuscany and France in the later thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. See for further details MEMORIALI, 37, no. 8 & 325, no. 3 (respectively the statutes of Tuscany of 1316 and 1360). The statutes of the French province (1337) make clear that ‘...libri extra Ordinem ultra spacium unius mensis nemini accomodentur, sine memoriali sufficienti, quia per hoc libri quamplurimi sunt amissi.’ STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 458. The demand of a pledge certainly was at odds with the Lollard progressive ideology that books were the common possession of all, and therefore should not be hidden from the faithful. 102 COSTA, 1991, 219-221. 103 Whatever the status of such books, the Narbonne constitutions of 1260 make clear that the provincial ministers had the last say in these matters. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 73; CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 155-156. 104 HUMPHREYS, 1963, 49; COSTA, 1991, 222; PIANA, 1970, 14*-15*. Piana mentions for instance the will of Lambertino da Bologna, who left no less than 400 Bolognese pounds for the acquisition of books after his profession. If he died beforehand, the sum should be used by other friars.

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books or funding for such books left in that manner for or by a postulant. These funds or books had to stay in the convent.105 There are signs that such practices continued in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries,106 even though the general chapter of 1310 (as well as subsequent regulations) decreed that novices could not leave anything to themselves in the will they made when entering the order (although they were allowed to be provided with books from the stock they had donated to the friary).107 Individual friars and individual friaries received books or money for books from relatives or other outside benefactors, who left books or money for their acquisition either as a pious donation or as a testamentary bequest. Such bequests and donations can be charted throughout the later medieval period, and administrative sources suggest that they took place in nearly all Franciscan order provinces. Outside benefactors could be wealthy individuals, but also penitentiary groups, confraternities, and urban or ecclesiastical authorities that were well-disposed to the friars and their pursuit of religious learning.108 Many towns saw the book provisions and the monetary support of friar-students as a public duty of the urban community. 109 If a book grant to an individual friar was in the form of money, such funds could not be used for anything else. The money, however, had to be spent within a year.110

Cf. HUMPHREYS, 49, n.26. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 65. 107 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 42 & 49 (Additions to the Narbonne constitutions). 108 In 1249, Innocent IV conceded to the Franciscan order the library of the monastery S. Maria in Campidoglio. Later popes repeated such gifts. KLUKOWSKI, 1947, 195-199; FRASCADORE & OOMS, 1964, 328. In the testament of the Florentine citizen Michele Guardini, drawn up on March 8, 1426, Guardini left his legacy in the hands of a group of merchants who had to spend these resources ‘in usos publicos.’ On April 5, 1427, this group of merchants decided to provide the St. Croce friary for four years with funds to rebuild its library (which had been damaged in the fire of 1422). ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 142. 109 Hence Grosseteste left his book collection to the Oxford Franciscans. For donations of this kind to the Franciscan convents of Asissi and Bologna, see PIANA, 1970, passim. Ciccarelli has collected quite a few instances of lay donations to Franciscan convents/libraries on Sicily, especially during the fifteenth century. CICCARELLI, 1987, 198. 110 ‘Caveat ne eleemosynas sibi missas pro libris in alios usus commutent, nec libros fieri faciant curiosos.’ CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 73. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 51. 105 106

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When books were left to an individual friar, he had to inform his guardian prior to accepting them. It was the guardian’s duty to provide friars in the convent with adequate study materials and the books they needed to perform their religious and intellectual duties. If, according to the guardian’s opinion, a friar already had a sufficient number of books, or if other friars or the friary itself desperately needed these books, the guardian could refuse their personal use. Regardless, books donated to a friar were judged to be part of the convent library, even if a friar received permission to keep them for personal use or was allowed to take these books with him when he left the province.111 After the death of the friar, or at the moment when his superiors deemed it necessary, these books reverted to the home convent (or home province). This explains why the librarian always had to be present when the possessions of a deceased friar were evaluated.112 The books of the deceased would return to the book collections of the friary, the custody or the province, and thereafter could be assigned to other friars. Normally, these books would not be returned to outside relatives or friends of the deceased.113 Even though the inflow of books must have been substantial from the 1240s onwards, complaints about the scarcity of books and inadequate means to provide study houses and students with the necessary texts, can be heard well into the fourteenth century. The acquisition of books was a costly affair and the financial possibilities of Franciscan houses were limited. After all, the order was not expected to be wealthy and was not expected to build up material reserves to support a continuous inflow of books. During the first 140 years, when the number of friars and friaries was growing rapidly, access to books sometimes might have been problematic.114 As said before, Franciscan students sent to Paris, Oxford, or other cities with universities and comparable studia generalia (normally urban centres with commercial stationarii and libraries of their own) received

CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 359. ‘...armarista sit semper unus ex illis qui libros fratrum decedentium cum prelatis, vel aliis ad hoc specialiter deputatis, videre et registrare habuerint, ut cognoscat et sumat qui ad armarium revolvuntur.’ ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 150, no. 11. Cf. COSTA, 1991, 223. 113 ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 161. 114 For testimonies concerning the scarcity of books and problems of acquisition, see ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 73. 111 112

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funding to acquire the necessary textbooks from their home custody or home province. This book allowance could be augmented by monetary alms from benefactors. Franciscan students were not expected to use these funds to obtain very expensive books, or to obtain books that were not directly connected to the studies in which they were engaged.115 However, some Franciscan friars did succeed in building up a substantial book collection during their student years.116 If not outrightly supported by external benefactors, enabling them to purchase books commercially, these students would either have relied on fellow friars willing to sell their own books cheaply,117 or they would have copied important texts themselves. Student-friars could also find other clerical friars to copy books for them. 118 Many surviving reportationes, former student notebooks and convolute manuscripts testify to such copying activities.119 Good examples of this are found in the impressive book collection of the Fribourg convent in Switzerland, which to a large extent originates from the copying and collecting activities of two individual friars, Friedrich von Amberg (c. 13501432) and Jean Joly (fl. second half of the fifteenth century). These two friars bequeathed to the Fribourg convent 18 and 31 manuscripts

115 They were, for instance, not expected to use monetary alms for the acquisition of expensive Bibles, unless that was necessary for study or preaching purposes. And even then they had to obtain permission from their provincial minister. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 51. This goes back as far as the pre-Narbonne constitutions: ‘Et nulla biblia emenda pretium XX librarum turonensium excedat.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 92, no. 77. This was taken up again by the CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 74. 116 DOBSON, 1992, 562-563. 117 If they bought books from another Franciscan friar (at the moment of his death, or when he for whatever reason was leaving the order or accepted an ecclesiastical position), the money was paid to the convent of the friar whose books were sold. In that way such a convent was able to acquire other books. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 51. 118 MEIER, 1958, 32 gives the example of Jakob Adam von Breslau, lector secundarius and student at Erfurt in 1465/66, who was able to enlist the help of Jodocus Graspach de Herbipoli (custos of the St. Kilian Church). Jodocus copied for Jakob’s use a Tractatus de Peccato Originali et de Preservatione Gloriosae Virginis Mariae (now MS Breslau, Stadtbibliothek, Cod. 300. See for evidence of these scribal activities ff. 311, 319 and 333). 119 MS Munich, Cod. Lat. 8950 ff. 224r-v (Quaestio Disputata in Conclavi Anno 1424: Utrum Corpus Christi existens in sacramento Eucharistiae vere et realiter ibidem existat modo quantitativo atque commensuraliter) is a quaestio directed by Matthias Doering, then regent master at the Erfurt Studium, and written down by the student Johannes Sack.

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respectively (in all, more than 50% of the surviving books of the medieval Franciscan library).120 Friedrich, who in his mature years taught as a master of theology and functioned as provincial minister of the upper Germany province, acquired many of his manuscripts during his student years in Strasbourg (where he followed a lectorate course), and later during his degree studies in Paris and Avignon. In one of the manuscripts that he may have copied himself (MS Fribourg, Cordelier 51), we find a question on the Visio Beatifica (stemming from the controversy during the pontificate of John XXII), 37 quaestiones on moral and ethical issues that go back to an unknown Franciscan theologian of the early fourteenth century, John de Fonte’s Compendium Sententiarum, questions on natural problems, and fragments of Ockham’s Tractatus de Principiis Theologie (esp. concerning contradiction in the context of God’s potentia absoluta). The entire manuscript stems from Friedrich’s student years. This is most likely also the case for another of his manuscripts, namely Fribourg Cordelier 26, containing several Sentences commentaries from the 1370s.121 These manuscripts betray some English influences in Franciscan studia generalia like Strasbourg, whereas they also show that the lector teaching at such studia did not follow the latest fashion in university debates.122 After his student years were over, when Friedrich became active as a teacher and preacher, he continued his book-collecting activities, showing great interest in sermons and praedicabilia. Friedrich copied sermons given by renowned preachers, such as the Lenten sermons of the Spanish Dominican friar Vincent Ferrier, who preached in 1404 in Fribourg and the neighbouring region.123 Friedrich also acquired, copied and compiled complete sermon collections, whether or not interspersed with exempla. In addition, he compiled full-blown exempla manuscripts (e.g. MS Fribourg, Cordelier 82, containing a sermon collection to which Friedrich himself added an alphabetical subject index). The exempla collections compiled by Friedrich von Amberg and by his even more active fellow bookcollector Jean Joly were heavily dependent on exempla collections that circulated throughout Europe (especially among the Friars Minor), such as the 120 121 122 123

JONG, 1975, 1-117; FLEURY, 1912, 27-33. See on this manuscript especially COURTENAY, 1988², 603-613. IMBACH, 1995, 25ff. Cf. RAEDLÉ, 653-661; TREMP, 1995, 120.

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Liber Miraculorum et Visionum (produced c. 1300 in the Franciscan province of Saxony) and the famous Gesta Romanorum.124 The impressive book-collecting activities of Friedrich von Amberg and Jean Joly do not stand alone. A substantial number of Franciscan friars became significant book collectors in the wake of their studies at studia generalia, and during further preaching and teaching assignments. For the thirteenth century, we can point to the book-collecting activities of friar Benvenuto da Modena, who had studied in Paris and had been corrector mensae of the Parisian convent.125 Also renowned is the book collection of Matteo d’Acquasparta who, shortly after his nomination as minister general, donated his 76 books to the convents of Assisi and Todi.126 For the fourteenth century, fine examples are the book-collecting activities of the theologian and preacher Francesco Venimbeni da Fabriano (d. 1322), who established a substantial library in Fabriano,127 the book collecting efforts of Jacques de Guise,128 as well as those of Paolino da Venezia, who brought together a wide range of books during his years as ambassador and as bishop of Pozzuoli, and was responsible for the production of several large and well-

124 ‘Sie sind ein beachtliches Zeugnis für die vielfältigen Verbindungen der Franziskaner, welche die Grenzen der Länder und Ordensprovinzen überschritten.’ TREMP, 1995, 111-131. On the activities of Friedrich von Amberg and Jean Joly, see also JÖRG, 1975, passim and MOSBERGER, 1983, passim. See further my chapter on Franciscan preaching. 125 SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 630-31. Benvenuto was famous for his knowledge of Latin and Greek. He was active as lector of theology and preacher, and ‘commensal habituel’ of several cardinals. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 30. 126 36 of his manuscripts were sent to Assisi and 40 to the St. Fortunato convent in Todi (his former home convent). MENESTÒ, 1982. On Cambridge friars with substantial personal book collections, see MOORMAN, 1952, 59-60. 127 Church fathers, scholastic authors, Bibles and biblical commentaries, philosophical and mathematical works. Francesco was able to build this library thanks to a generous bequest of his deceased father (a medical doctor). Francesco Venimbeni saw his library as an arsenal for the struggle against the enemies of faith and as a repository of documents for teaching catholic doctrine to the faithful. SESSEVALLE, 1935, I, 37. 128 In 1397, the Franciscan chronicler Jacques de Guise and his brother, the canon Jean de Guise left their libraries to the Franciscan convent of Mons (Bergen), situated in the Artesian custody of the French province. A century later, these gifts were supplemented by Antoine de Bourgogne, who donated a precious Missale Romanum to the Franciscan book collection and financed the construction of a special library room for the convent. LIPPENS, 1921, 249-255; CEYSSENS, 1995, 122.

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designed encyclopaedic chronicles.129 In the fifteenth century, comparable activities were deployed by Niccolò da Spinello during his years as lector in Padua (around 1437),130 Francesco della Rovere (the later Sixtus IV),131 and the Stockholm friar Knut Jönsson.132 Strictly speaking, books collected by and in personal use of Franciscan lectors were not personal property. That would not have been in accordance with their mendicant status.133 The situation was different for friars who, like Matteo d’Acquasparta, Paolino da Venezia and Francesco della Rovere, embarked on ecclesiastical careers beyond the fold of the order. Insofar as these friars had not yet been able to build up a significant book collection before their rise in the ecclesiastical hierarchy, and did not have to leave these books behind when they accepted such an ‘external’ post, they often succeeded in greatly augmenting their book collections in the course of their further career.134 Eventually, this could be quite advantageous for the Franciscan order, as these Franciscan church dignitaries frequently bequeathed part or all of their books to their former community, or to the convent in the vicinity of which they had their see. The Moravian friar Friedrich von Pernstein (d. 1340), who had become archbishop of Riga in 1304 but spent most of his time in Avignon due to problems with the Teutonic Knights, donated all his books to his home convent.135 In the course of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, comparable donations or bequests were made by other friars who had embarked on an ecclesiastical career. 136 The The compilation, indexing and illustration programs in these manuscripts point to a workshop or a scriptorium with professional scholars, scribes and illustrators. GHINATO, 1951; ROEST, 1996, 245ff. 130 Niccolò bought several of his books in Venice. In 1446 he obtained his master’s degree in theology in Florence. PIANA, 1977, 148. 131 On the large book collection of Francesco della Rovere, see MAIER, 1953, 411415; FONZO, 1986, 293-294. 132 COLLIJN, 1917, 151-155. 133 These book collections nevertheless often were treated as such. We even come across friars who received permission to sell some of their books within the order to provide for their own medical care and special food that could not be provided by the convent. STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 242. 134 Ciccarelli mentions for instance the personal libraries of Giovanni Graffeo (bishop of Livari, Sicily), Antonio, bishop of Malta and Matteo de Cumis, archbishop of Palermo. Cf. CICCARELLI, 1987, 203. For the books of the Franciscan bishop-saint Louis de Toulouse, see OLIGER, 1932, 495-500. 135 COSTA, 1991, 233-234; VALENTIN, 1933, 46a-66b. 136 On the personal library of friar Matteo della Porta (d. 1377), archbishop of Palermo, see MONFRIN, 1961, 223-251; COSTA, 1991, 234-235. Matteo apparently 129

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Franciscan bishop of Bisaccia even received permission from minister general Francesco Sansone to construct a library room of his own in the local Minorite house. The friars had to promise not to interfere.137 Many more examples can be given, not only among the Conventuals,138 but also among the Observants, several of whom were avid book collectors. Bernardino da Siena was known to collect books in order to provide his friars with sufficient praedicabilia and penitential guides.139 Renowned are the collections of Giovanni da Capistrano, who late in life built a considerable library in the Capistran friary to receive the books that he wanted to leave to the order.140 Giacomo della Marca (d. 1476) was another Observant ‘pillar’ with a passion for books. His interest in pagan classical authors even tempted several historians to discern strong connections between the Italian Observance and the contemporary humanist movement.141 These book-collecting activities notwithstanding, Observants had more than 114 manuscripts in his possession, among which quite a few (French) literary works. He also had been involved in copying such manuscripts himself. The auxiliary bishop of Regensburg, the Franciscan preacher Ulrich Aumayer (d. 1468) bequeathed 45 precious books to the Franciscan convent of Regensburg. L ANDMANN, 1926, 358, no. 100. The theologian Francesco Vitale de Noya, Scotist commentator and bishop of Cefalù in 1484, donated his library to the church of Cefalù. CICCARELLI, 1987, 204. Georg Antworter (1479-1499), the auxiliary bishop of Würzburg, left to the local Franciscan convent no less than 70 books. Cf. L ANDMANN, 1926, 358, no. 101. See for comparable examples also KRAFT, 1935, 37-57. 137 ‘ut non se intromictant aut impediant vel molestent predictam librariam.’ CICCARELLI, 1987, 199. 138 Such as Hermann Etzen, who left his books to the convent of Hildesheim. On his book collection, the late medieval convent library of Hildesheim, and donations by the Hildesheim canon Heinrich von Munden, see GUTOWSKI, 1994², 127-128. 139 On the library collection of Bernardino da Siena, see BACCI, 1895; PACETTI, 1965. 140 CENCI, 1971, I, 12, 45-52. For Pietro Lucca de Albaregali’s inventory of Giovanni da Capistrano’s library, see CHIAPPINI, 1927, 5ff., 87-291. 141 On the links between Observant friars and contemporary humanism, see PORZI, 1975, as well as my chapter on learning in the Observant movement. The personal library of Giacomo della Marca, which became the first nucleus of the library of Monteprandone, consisted of books ‘...quod ipse ad usum personalem habuit secumque in suis itineribus predicationis causa portabat, aut in aliqua domo religiosa collocatos tenebat.’ LASIC, 1971, 13-41; LASIC, 1974, 79; PAGNANI, 1952, 171-192 & 1955, 131-146; GATTUCI, 1981, 313-354. Observant book collecting activities were by no means restricted to the Italian provinces. Pellikan tells us, for instance, that the cathedral preacher Jodocus Gallus (d. 1517) left his books to the Observant convent of Rufach. Later, when he was guardian of Rufach (1517-1519), Pellikan would make a catalogue of the books present in the convent. LANDMANN, 1926, 358.

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voiced concern about the purchase of books for their own sake. The provincial chapter at Kempten (1489) decided that Observant friars should not obtain such a large number of books that money was needed to transport them (that is, to rent a mule or a cart). The same decision was repeated at Rufach in 1507.142 In many cases, the friars copied themselves the texts they needed, both during their student years and in the course of their further religious life and career.143 From the mid-thirteenth century onwards, higher order officials (provincial ministers and general ministers), bachelors and masters of studia generalia would have had a socius and sometimes even one or more scribes at their disposal. Such assistants provided them with copies of important texts, and transcribed their personal drafts. Well-known are the scribal activities of Bernard de Besse, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s secretary and a renowned spiritual author in his own right. In the course of time, subsequent minister generals developed their own bureaux with secretaries and scribes to help cope with the administration of the order. 144 Hence, scribal activities can be proven in the case of many individual friars and some order institutions. Another matter, however, is NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, II, 518 & 545. Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 359. Examples of manuscripts with information about the copying activities of Franciscan friars are plentiful. We can, for instance, point to the examples gathered by CENCI, 1981, 493, 567, and in CENCI, 1976, 508-520. (with information concerning the scribal activities of Albertino de Montesilicis and Francesco di Padova (de Crosara). We can also point to the remarks of Ciccarelli and Meier with regard to MS Rome BAV Lat. 2187 and MS Firenze Bibl. Nazionale Conv. Soppr. D.2.502. On f. 78r and 120v of the Vatican manuscript, for instance, we can read that it was copied by friar Francesco da Ferrara in the convent and the province of Genoa between 1442 and 1443 for friar Nardo, a Sicilian friar studying in Padua (f. 78r: ‘Ego frater Franciscus de Ferraria conventus et provincie Ianue scripsi hoc opus Padue MCCCCXLII; f. 120v: Hoc opus scripsit frater Franciscus conventus et provincie Ianue ad laudem Dei et affectionem dilectissimi fratris sui domini Nardi de Cicilia tunc temporis Padue studentis, MCCCCXLIII.’) On f. 121v can be read that the manuscript was bought by Francesco della Rovere (the future pope Sisto IV, famous nepotist and book collector) in 1444 from friar Nardo in Padua, where Francesco della Rovere was finishing his master degree (f. 121v: ‘Ego frater Franciscus de Rovere de Saona, sacre theologie magister, hunc librum Padua emi pro 4 ducatis cum dimidio a fratre Nardo siculo, 1444 die 28 aprilis, quo tempore magistratus sum in felice universitate Patavina.’) A ‘fautore dell’Osservanza in sicilia’, Niccolò d’Amato wrote on f. 97r of MS Firenze Bibl. Nazionale Conv. Soppr. D.2.502: ‘complevi ego frater Nicolaus de Amato, siculus, huius auree questionis scripturam 3a die mensis septembris, hora qua Vespere cantantur, cum essem lector phylosophiae Senis, 1489.’ Cf. CICCARELLI, 1987, 202, no. 181 & 203; MEIER, 1953, 412. 144 See the information concerning the FORMULAE MICHAELIS DE CESENA and the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 365. 142 143

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the existence of scriptoria to extend the library collections in a more systematic way. There is some evidence for scriptoria-like scribal activities in the Franciscan order, predominantly in the context of reproducing liturgical books. Friars needed breviaries, and each and every friary needed a full set of liturgical texts. This would have asked for substantial and regular scribal activities in many minorite settlements. The attempts to provide all Franciscan houses with proper and uniform liturgical books, which resulted in the distribution of model liturgical texts on the general chapter of 1227 and in subsequent years, was most likely dependent on a boost of scribal activity in the Assisi convent.145 The ongoing expansion of the order, as well as the liturgical reforms announced at the general chapter of Rome (1256), decreeing that all liturgical works should be corrected according to the exemplars prepared under the direction of the general ministers Haymo and Giovanni Buralli, kept Franciscan scribes busy. Such scribal activities probably did not take place in the Assisi convent alone, but would also have been performed in many of the provincial centres from whence these liturgical reforms were coordinated.146 Throughout the later medieval period, the copying process of liturgical books remained an important aspect of Franciscan scribal culture, more so because this process was regarded as far too important to place in the hands of outsiders.147 This is reflected in the large number of surviving Franciscan Antiphonaria,

145 The many liturgical manuscripts that can be traced back to Assisi enticed Abate to postulate the existence of a scriptorium in the Assisi convent from the late 1220s onwards. ABATE, 1950, II, 77-126, esp. 95; DIJK, 1960, 213ff. 146 See on these liturgical reforms in particular DIJK, 1960, 213f.; DIJK, 1963, I, passim. JOANNES DE PARMA, Ceremoniale, 55-81. In the context of the liturgical reform, which were based on master copies produced under the leadership of his predecessor, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio initiated a set of instructions for scribes in provincial writing centres in 1260. BONAVENTURA, Statutum, 402-412; BONAVENTURA, Statuta liturgica, 62-73. Cf. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 66. 147 The scribal instruction mentioned in the previous note first states that ‘...quemlibet librum scriptum post exemplaria ter ad minus, antequam ligetur vel ponatur in choro, corrigant diligenter tam in lettera quam in nota, ne ista opera, sicut solitum est, propter defectum correctionis corrumpantur.’ BONAVENTURA, Statutum, 409. This work had to be done by friars, as seculars could not be trusted: ‘Nec faciant huiusmodi opera scribi vel notari a secularibus aliqua ratione, si habere valeant fratres Ordinis qui hec scribere et notare noverint competenter. Quod si nesciunt, addiscant et cogantur ad hoc per suos superiores, quia seculares omnia fere que scribunt vel notant corrumpunt.’ Ibidem, 409-410.

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Missalia, Breviaria, Diurnalia, Psalteria, Martyrologia, Gradualia, Ceremonialia, and related texts that explicitly mention Franciscan copyists.148 The rather extensive copying of liturgical texts might, in some instances, have allowed for veritable ‘liturgical scriptoria.’ Yet there is no straightforward evidence for continual and large-scale copying activities of other books in Franciscan convents. The early Franciscans, like the Benedictines before them, certainly saw copying as a fruitful handicraft. Unlike the early Dominicans, the early Friars Minor were not adamant about the strict separation of the studentes and lectores from the scriptores. The latter were those who reproduced books, and Dominican friars themselves were expected to belong to the former two categories only. The copying of books by Dominican friars was dependent on the authorisation of the prior, ordinarily never taking up more than one day in the week (which, in itself, is not a negligible time span).149 Among the early Franciscans, the copying of books was regarded as useful manual labour with which friars could earn their living, and as such it appears in the Rule and in several subsequent constitutions.150 Moreover, there can be found thirteenth- and fourteenthcentury notices suggesting that convents and individual friars engaged in professional scribal activities.151 The 1260 and 1316 148

164.

Cf. LEISIBACH, 1995, 59-69; ORDINATIONES FR. BERNARDI DE GUASCONIBUS, 141-

BARONE, 1978, 152-3. Dominicans became very active on the book market. As many urban professional scribes were female, there was a concern to limit the contacts between the young students and these copiists. POLICA, 1978, 397; BARONE, 1978. K.W. Humphreys has argued that mendicant friars were not expected to spend more than one day each week with scribal activities. HUMPHREYS, 1977, 213220. Yet this picture, as always, is predominantly based on the Dominican situation. 150 KLUKOWSKI, 1947, 193-227. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 78ff. The pre-Narbonne constitutions (c. 1239) indicate that: ‘Fratres tam clerici quam laici compellantur per suos superiores in scribendo et in aliis sibi competentibus excerceri. Quod si ipsi superiores negligentes in hoc fuerint, a visitatoribus puniantur.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 91, no. 74. This was repeated in the C ONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 69 and in later regulations. In Valenciennes, the friars at first were involved in copying and bookbinding to make a living. Cf. MGH Scriptores, 30, I, p. 284. There also are notices concerning friars in Venice, who made a living by binding and selling books. ABATE, 1950, 81; POLICA, 1978, 397. 151 The papal legate for Germany, Albert Behaim, left in the 1250s his Libellus de Plantis et Formularium Penitentiariorum behind in the Franciscan convent of Linz, Austria, as a mastercopy for the friars Gerard and Carolus ‘...ut sibi habeant originale et mihi dent pulchrum scriptum cum bona littera et bono pergamento. Et pergamentum optimum (...) in quaternis.’ OLIGER, 1912, 777; LITTLE, 1892, 55-57 mentions a number of manuscripts transcribed around 1312 in Oxford by William of Notting149

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constitutions prohibited friars from writing books for (individual) profit, but this did not put an end to Franciscan scribal activities for people outside the order.152 References to individual Franciscan scribes, illuminators, and bookbinders continue to appear throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. However, notable temporary exceptions notwithstanding (in particular with regard to the convents of Assisi and Florence, and the presence of a bookbinding workshop in Fribourg), the sources do not reveal many full-blown Franciscan scriptoria.153 Whereas (especially in the Conventual wing of the order), the presence of house scriptoria in many cases can only be asserted tentatively, the use of lay scribes for non-liturgical books was already quite common by the end of the thirteenth century, at least in the larger friaries of the Venetian province.154 The Observants, on the other hand, ham. For notices concerning scribal activities and book illumination in the Hildesheim convent and elsewhere during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, see GUTOWSKI, 1994², 120; CIARDI DUPRÉ DAL POGGETTO, 1982. 152 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES, 73. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 53 suggests that this was directed against copying for individual profit. Comparable prohibitions can already be found in the CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 92, no. 78: ‘Et nullus fratrum libros scribat vel scribi faciat ad vendendum...’ In 1338, we find a friar who was paid as a scribe for pope Benedict XII, and in 1351 we find an entry about a friar from Cambridge, who received money for copying and illuminating a manuscript for Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady of Clare. LITTLE, 1943², 142. 153 A remarkable exeption is the Franciscan friary on Gråmunkeholmen in Stockholm, which eventually also had its own printing press and produced the first printed book in Sweden in 1483. LINDBERG, 1983, 7-11. For a positive view on the existence of Franciscan scriptoria see in general ABATE, 1950, 80f. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 54 refers to several individual friars involved in serious scribal activities. He mentions, for instance, friar Johan Lydiconis, custodian of Roskilde, and friar Johan van Valkenburg, active in Cologne. He also suggests that the similar style of writing in Assisi manuscripts is an indication of a scribal school. Furthermore, he provides the names of at least 20 friars who were active as scribes in the St. Croce convent in Florence. Several friars were renowned illuminators, such as Bonaventura da Bologna. HUMPHREYS, 1963, 54, n. 71. The manuscript evidence collected by MARTIN, 1988, 122 shows that some mendicant friars, such as the Franciscans Pierre aux Boeufs (c. 1400) and Louis Peresi, copied full sermon collections (See MS Anger 401 (388), MS Paris BN Lat. 3296, MS Clermont-Ferrand BM 44). Such a task could take the best part of a year. Friars tended to place the manuscripts that they had acquired during or after their student years in the convent library, and had them bound and chained. Whereas the existence of real scriptoria often can not be proven, we do sometimes find bookbinding workshops. The Fribourg convent had a fully equipped bookbinding workshop when Jean Joly was guardian (the workshop was headed by friar Roletus Stoß). HORODISCH, 1944, 207-243; LADNER, 1995, 11-24. 154 The convents of Padua and Venice as well as other places with sufficient means to do so were allowed to keep a non-Franciscan scribe to copy books for the

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continued to regard copying as a worthy enterprise. They frowned upon the use of remunerated external scribes as late as 1467.155 Fifteenth-century Observant preachers spent a lot of their time copying exemplary sermons and suitable moral theological texts. Copies produced this way frequently ended up in the common library. 156 The evidence for a large number of scribes in or near the Perugian convent of Monteripido, where Bernardino had organised his momentous courses on moral theology shortly before 1440, has given rise to the suggestion that a scriptorium of some kind was present in the Observant house of Monteripido itself, or in the aligned convent of Poor Clares. Yet existing source materials do not seem to confirm this. 157 Eventually, the Observants did not want the copying of books to stand in the way of preaching or study, which, after all, were seen to be more profitable occupations for the better trained.158 Observants and Conventuals alike increasingly used the scribal (and printing) services of Poor Clares, tertiaries, and penitential groups connected with the mendicant orders in the Italian peninsula, the Rhineland, and the Low Countries.159

library ‘...quod in conventu Padue et Veneciis et aliis conventibus, qui sustinere poterunt, teneatur continue unus scriptor, qui scribat libros necessarios et pro armario opportunos.’ STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 460. Cf. BARONE, 1978, 233; HUMPHREYS, 1963, 55; COSTA, 1991, 220-221. 155 The general chapter of the Observants at Mont-Luçon (1467) forbade friars to make use of other scribes to obtain the books they needed: ‘Quod nullus Frater praesumat facere scribi libros extra vel intra conventum, maxime per saecularem personam, neque sibi procurare partiales eleemosynas sine speciali et expressa licentia Vicarii Provincialis super his obtenta.’ NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 428. Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 360. 156 This was to promote the accessibility of these books to all friars of the convent, and to limit the growth of personal libraries. See on this the decrees of the general vicar of the Observants Giovanni Philippi (1467-70). LANDMANN, 1926, 359-360. 157 In favor of the existence of a scriptorium is NICOLINI, 1971, 101f. For more sceptical views, see BISTONI, 1973, 382f.; PIANA, 1982, 264. 158 As late as 1518, the general constitutions of the Observants stated that the writing of books and related scribal activities should be the work of those not devoted to study or preaching. MATANIC, 1975, 64. 159 In the fifteenth century, Umbrian friars of the third order, who spent much of their time in manual labour and contemplation in the small carceri or romitori, frequently engaged in scribal activities for friars of the Observant movement and other religious groups. A case in point is the tertiary Antonio da Montebono, who copied a range of religious works. CAPPELLI, 1954, LXVI-LXXI. In Perugia, a friar Tommaso ‘ex pauperibus tertii Ordinis beati Francisci’ donated in 1442 a Bible to the monks of the monastry of St. Peter in Perugia. Cf. NICOLINI, 1979, 93-94.

CHAPTER SIX

THE CONTEXT OF STUDIES IN THE FRANCISCAN RELIGIOUS LIFE The importance attached to the formal curriculum of Franciscan higher learning can lead to a one-sided emphasis on the scholarly activities of the Franciscans and those elements of their evangelical mission that depended on a thorough theological training, namely doctrinal preaching, and inquisitorial tasks. From this perspective, there is a fundamental contrast between the primitive Franciscan fraternity and the clericalised and hierarchised order after the midthirteenth century, which is presented as a professional organisation, fully geared to pastoral tasks and organised study. In the original Franciscan fraternity, the various elements of the active and the contemplative life stood side by side. There was no absolute hierarchy of importance between manual labour, caring for the sick, begging, penitential adhortation, prayer and contemplation, that is, in so far as these activities were all informed by the same evangelical spirit of minoritas. Francesco d’Assisi held priests in very high esteem, as they were authorised to administer the sacraments. In this respect, liturgical activities (and the Eucharist in particular) had a special place in the order from the very beginning. Yet in all other matters, all (clerical and lay) friars were equal. It was explicitly stated that Friars Minor were servants to one another.1 After the death of Francesco d’Assisi in 1226, and in particular after the deposition of Elia da Cortona in 1239, the ongoing clericalisation and access to the schools led to downplaying the spiritual aspects of manual labour and other non-clerical tasks. This had severe repercussions for the status of lay friars. They had been barred 1 POMPEI, 1993, 19-29; IOZELLI, 1977, 259-313; VOVK, 1976, 75-89; ESSER, 1965, passim; ESSER, 1966, passim; BÖRNER, 1988, 44-67; LANDINI, 1968. As said before, the Regula Bullata forbade lay friars to pursue the study of grammar, but this was in agreement with the idea that each friar should do what he was equipped for when entering the order. It was not meant to subordinate lay friars. In later constitutions, however, when it had become normal to advance through learning, this same stricture was used to keep lay friars subordinated. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 71.

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from further learning from the outset (some exceptions notwithstanding).2 By 1240, they were also excluded from higher office. Subsequent regulations confirmed their subordinate status in the fabric of the order.3 From this moment onwards, the fraternal life of Franciscan communities was geared to the needs of the clerical friars, and became jeopardised by increasing hierarchy. More than the lack of allegiance to the original poverty standards, the privileges given to students, teachers, and order officials destroyed the sense of equality among the friars. Masters and bachelors received special rooms, socii, and servants, as well as dispensation from communal meals and communal religious obligations. This, among other things, can be interpreted as an indication of the overall importance attached to study.4 2 FELDER, 1904, 333 mentions for instance the lay friar Henry, who first was guardian in Cornhull near London (in 1224) before he embarked in theological studies. 3 CHRONICA XXIV GENERALIA, III, 251:‘Hic Generalis frater Haymo laicos ad officia Ordinis inhabilitavit, quae usque tunc, ut clerici, exercebant.’ Whereas in the Rule commentary of the four masters manual labour still is presented as an important aspect of Franciscan life with its own spiritual value, this is missing in later interpretations of the Franciscan life. Even Hugues de Digne, by many seen as a precursor of Spiritual tendencies in the Franciscan order, no longer presented manual labour from such a sanctifying educational perspective. Later authors, like Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Pecham only presented manual labour as a remedy against otium. The necessary manual tasks more and more reverted to the lay friars, and to non-clerical internal and external servants who did not form part of the fraternity. REDONDO, 1983, 85-129; POMPEI, 1993, 54. Yet both the pre-Narbonne and Narbonne constitutions indicate that ‘Fratres tam clerici quam laici compellantur per suos superiores in scribendo, studendo et aliis laboribus sibi competentibus exerceri..’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 91; CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 69. 4 If these friars were engaged in important matters of study and administration, they were exempted from the convent mass, the breviary prayers in the choir and the compline service. Cf. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 58. The Narbonne constitutions and the constitutions of Benedict XII also granted that lectors of studia generalia, as well as provincial and general ministers could received a private cell separate from the common dormitory. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 57; CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 36. Cf. FELDER, 1904, 375-380; BRLEK, 1942, 81-84; FLOOD, 1978, 311ff; CONTI, 1982, 321-346; POMPEI, 1993, 57-58. In 1343, friar Robert Lamborn received a special papal licence to reside in the London convent in a ‘decent’ chamber, and to have one designated socius, one clerk, and two servants. KINGSFORD, 1915, 19. There are reasons to believe that the hierarchisation of the Franciscan movement never became as absolute as in some of the traditional orders. In the Franciscan order, the comparatively democratic election of administrators as well as the limited duration of their office did much to keep the relationship between superiors and ordinary (clerical) friars on more equal terms, even though lay friars did have a more subordinate position. A major rejuvenation of

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The emphasis on study and the corresponding privileged position of masters, bachelors and advanced students probably was most pronounced in the large convents where important custodial schools and studia generalia were situated. There, out of necessity, the organisation of communal life to a large extent was geared to facilitate the great number of students and teachers in the pursuit of learning. In all the other convents, however, the emphasis was different. Moreover, in nearly all Franciscan settlements there continued to be room for a wide range of manual and religious activities by lay and clerical friars alike.5 Higher studies never constituted the single most important element in Franciscan religious life, nor did they fully determine the character of Franciscan religious education. This is revealed by an analysis of the religious life of Franciscan communities and a scrutiny of Franciscan writings that clearly circumscribed the scope of the liberal arts, philosophy, and scientific theology in a broader conception of Franciscan religious learning. For the former, we can for instance look at the character of the Franciscan noviciate, or at the liturgical and devotional practices in Franciscan communities throughout the later medieval period. These elements indicate that in most friaries the communal religious life was never completely reduced to a mere facilitative shell for students and teachers. For the latter, we can fall back on encompassing views on the overall means and goals of Franciscan education, as provided by Franciscan masters of theology such as Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Guibert de Tournai.

the fraternity ideal was eventually constituted by the Observant movement. POMPEI, 1993, 59; PULIGNANI, 1927; BRENGIO, 1963. 5 Subsequent constitutions indicate that several activities outside study that came close to ‘manual labour’ (copying manuscripts, painting, textiles, horticulture, ‘sartoria’, ‘falegnameria’) remained within reach, and were seen to be worthy occupations. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 69; CONSTITUTIONES PERPINIANENSES (1331), 414. Cf. BARONE, 1978, 242-243. In many parts of Europe, caring for the sick remained a typical Franciscan activity throughout the Middle Ages. In the German lands, France, and the Low Countries the friars were in charge of hospitals, and they provided emergency help in the face of plague epidemics. In Tienen, the friars also acted as fire fighters. Cf. CEYSSENS, 1993, 132.

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Francesco d’Assisi and his early followers were all adults. They opted for a total renunciation of wealth and comfort, often renouncing a substantial career in the world. When Francesco d’Assisi and his band of penitents received the tonsure in 1209, the movement obtained the character of a religious order, with its own rules regarding the ways in which its members were supposed to behave and had to perform their religious activities. This development found its outcome in the codification of the Franciscan way of life in the Rule of 1221 and the Regula Bullata of 1223, along the evangelical precepts of humility, obedience, chastity, and poverty. These two rules not only dealt with the lifestyle of existing members of the Franciscan community, but also paid attention to the acceptance of new postulants in accordance with the bull Cum Secundum (1220) of Honorius III.6 Ordinarily, those who wanted to join the Franciscan order were expected to complete the noviciate period, which lasted a year. During this period, the postulant had to be initiated in the basics of the Franciscan way of life.7 At the end of the noviciate, the novice could be admitted to the profession of obedience and be allowed to exchange his noviciate clothes for the friar’s habit, but only when the responsible superiors thought the candidate was suitable, and once the latter promised to observe the Rule and the Franciscan vita apostolica.8 BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 60. Cf. BERNARELLO, 1961, 37. See on the noviciate in general HUERGA, 1982, 483-495. In the early Franciscan movement, the initiation of new postulants was done by Francesco himself. Celano writes about this: ‘Coeperunt multi de populo, nobiles et ignobiles, clerici et laici, divina inspiratione compuncti, ad S. Franciscum accedere, cupientes, sub eius disciplina et magisterio perpetuo militare. Quos omnes sanctus Dei, velut caelestis gratiae rivus uberrimus, charismatum imbribus rigans, agrum cordis ipsorum virtutum floribus exornabat (…) Omnibus quoque tribuebat vitae ac salutis viam in omni gradu veraciter demonstrabat.’ THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Prima, c. 15 (Quaracchi, 1926), 41. On the acceptance formulae, see ASPURZ, 1967, 190-200. At first, learned clerical postulants were able to enter the order without or after a very short noviciate. In 1244, pope Innocent IV tried to curb this exemption, making a noviciate period of twelve months a prerequisite for entering the order. Cf. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 342-343. The thirteenth-century provincial statutes of Aquitaine, however, make clear that dispensations continued to be granted. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 470. 8 In accordance with the Decretal Consulti Sumus, and subsequent Papal bulls, the Franciscan Rule made it possible for new postulants to enter the noviciate conditionaliter or absolute. In the last case a postulant had to make clear through words 6 7

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The noviciate period gave postulants the possibility to test their vocation, and gave the order a means to find out whether or not a postulant was worthy of the habit.9 The ongoing clericalisation of the order implied that new postulants had to undergo a more thorough religious training before they could function properly as full clerical members. This was the reason why the order authorities were keen to accept clerical postulants with some prior training in Latin and religious learning. The pre-Narbonne constitutions (-1239) already stipulated that new postulants should be clerics competent in grammar, logic, law, or medicine. Other clerics and lay men without such a background should only be accepted if their entry to the order would greatly edify the populace at large.10 This drastically limited the influx of uneducated lay people to the Franciscan order, as is confirmed by remarks in the chronicle of Salimbene.11 At the same time, however, the order started to accept adolescents, who needed significant additional guidance, turning the noviciate into a quintessential period of religious instruction. Neither the Rules of 1221 and 1223 (which mentioned the noviciate) nor early Rule commentaries paid much attention to the influx and/or deeds that he did not have the intention to return to a secular life. After such a statement it was in principle not possible to renounce the religious life therafter. Postulants also could express their intention to be admitted absolute before their noviciate period was over, by expressing their wish to do so and by taking on the cloth of the friar and shedding the cloth of the postulant. Such intentions could only be effectuated when the provincial minister was willing to accept this wish and did grant the postulant the friar’s habit secundum Deum. In the case of mature and welleducated candidates, such as priests and advanced students or teachers of theology, it was at first possible to dispense with the noviciate period with mutual consent (of the candidate and the responsible order officials). That possibility apparently came to an end with the Decretal Non Solum of Innocent IV (1244). For more details concerning the various legal aspects of these matters, the way in which they were dealt with in canon law, the Rule of 1221 and that of 1223, and in subsequent Franciscan Rule commentaries and order regulations in the Conventual and Observant branches, see BONI, 1994, 162-168, 172, 174, 178-188, 245-253, 285ff, 354-360; BONI, 1996, 21264. 9 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 76; CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 39; STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 484; DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 532. 10 ‘Nullus recipiatur in ordine nostro nisi sit talis clericus qui sit competenter in grammatica instructus vel loica vel medicina vel decretis vel legibus vel theologia, aut nisi sit talis clericus vel laicus, de cuius ingressu esset valde famosa et celebris edificatio in populo et in clero.’ CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 75. This was repeated in the CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 39. 11 SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 103-104.

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of very young postulants.12 Looking at subsequent constitutions, it would seem that matters changed only very slowly. The 1260 Narbonne constitutions still stipulated eighteen years as a minimum age for incoming friars. Younger boys from fifteen years onwards could only be admitted in exceptional circumstances. The same regulations were repeated in 1279 and 1292. 13 Only the general constitutions of 1316 lowered the age of admittance to fourteen. For lay friars, who had been reduced to a subservient position after the deposition of Elia da Cortona as minister general, the minimum age of eighteen years was maintained. The 1325 statutes of Lyons and the Farinarian constitutions of 1354 finally not only repeated this minimum age of fourteen for clerical friars, but also mentioned oblates, who could be presented by their parents, presumably at a younger age.14 The text of the general constitutions would suggest that throughout the thirteenth century the admittance of friars under eighteen was still rather exceptional. Other sources tell another story, thus indicating that legislation and practice could differ significantly.15 In his Bonum Universale de Apibus, written around 1260, the Dominican 12 In contrast with the Poor Clares, the 1253 Rule of which expressively provides regulations for the acceptance of girls younger than twelve years. OLIGER, 1915, 394. 13 CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 39. Dominican legislation from 1265, in contrast, allowed the entrance of boys who had reached their fifteenth birthday. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 84. 14 ‘…aetate xiv annorum ad minus, nisi fuerit a parentibus oblatus.’ See on these developments OLIGER, 1915, 394-400. Cf. MOORMAN, 1952, 106-107. The pueri oblati should be distinguished from mature oblati: adults who offered themselves with their possessions to a monastery or a convent, in order to live a religious life in service of the religious community in question. This practice is well-attested to throughout the Middle Ages. In the various mendicant orders comparable practices can be discerned, either or not denoted with the same terminology. In the Franciscan order, we do find (from the second half of the thirteenth century onwards) so-called famuli, familiares, conversi, pinzochere, semifratres. These groups, which to a large extent seemed to overlap with the various groups of penitents and tertiaries, could live in close symbiosis with or even in a convent of the Friars Minor or the Poor Clares. They could have more or less the same functions and standing as the Franciscan lay friars and the mature oblati in other orders (like the older monastic orders, as well as the Augustinian Hermits, the Carmelites, and the Servites of Mary). See on this phenomenon in particular PINO, 1994, 33-67; LOPEZ, 1996, 120-121. 15 ‘Praxim vero legislationi non semper respondisse valde suspicare possumus, plurimus de causis.’ OLIGER, 1915, 403. Provincial constitutions are sometimes more candid. See for instance the STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1341), 261: ‘In primis itaque statuimus ut nullus puer de cetero recipiatur ad Ordinem nostrum, nisi XIII annum compleverit in aetate.’

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friar Thomas de Cantimpré made mention of a pious boy from Flanders who, at his own volition, joined the Franciscans at the age of five, only to die two years later in the ‘scent of holiness.’ This is a fantastic story, yet it indicates that the acceptance of very young postulants was not necessarily frowned upon. 16 The chronicler Salimbene seems to confirm this with a story about the Franciscan lector Stefano de Ianua, who had joined the order when he was very young.17 Pietro di Giovanni Olivi asserted that he himself had joined the Franciscan order at the age of twelve, and comparable information is found concerning Bonaventura d’Iseo, Ubertino da Casale, and Giovanni da Firmiano (d. 1322). The latter had been made a regular canon at the age of ten, to enter the Franciscan order when he was only thirteen.18 One might interpret these examples as incidental events. Yet from the 1250s onwards, we hear the repeated complaints of parents and secular masters (like Guillaume de St. Amour and Gerard d’Abbeville) that the mendicant orders lured young boys into their folds, either with or without the acquiescence of their legal guardians. As a matter of fact, mendicant spokesmen did not deny these allegations. On the contrary, they defended such recruitment practices, claiming that the intake of young friars was beneficial for their own soul, and in compliance with accepted ecclesiastical rules. From the mendicants’ perspective, the acceptance of young arts students between fourteen and eighteen years of age made perfect sense; the practice provided them with young, intelligent and already literate friars, who could be given an additional theological training as soon as their noviciate period was over. Both the complaints of outsiders and the defence of the mendicants are an indication of the relatively frequent acceptance of these young postulants. This seemingly concurred with the contemporary emergence of custodial schools for the training of the young, which implies that the intake of postulants younger than eighteen was not limited to students at the arts faculties, but included promising young adolescents in other regions as well.19 16 THOMAS CANTABRIGIENSIS, Bonum Universale de Apibus, Liber II, Cap. 28. Found in Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 8 (1915), 396-397. Cf. MOORMAN, 1952, 106. 17 SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 296. Cf. MOORMAN, 1952, 106. 18 EHRLE, 1887, 411. 19 Oliger mentions in this context the writings of Tommaso d’Aquino for the Dominicans and John Pecham for the Franciscans. OLIGER, 1915, 404ff. For Pecham’s disputed question on the practice see Ibidem, 414ff.

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Throughout the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the acceptance of fourteen-year-old postulants and even younger children and/or oblates apparently was common practice (at least among the Conventuals), partly motivated by recurrent Plague epidemics that decimated the number of friars.20 Only the Observants were far less eager to accept pueri oblati and young postulants. Depending on the region, their youngest novices were usually sixteen years or older. 21 Particularly in missionary areas outside Europe the Conventual practice of enlisting young children was deemed both practical and morally justified. Interesting in this regard is a letter from the Franciscan missionary Giovanni da Montecorvino, who was active in China in the 1320s. He wrote to his superiors in Europe that he had bought 40 boys between the age of seven and eleven. He had baptised them and had started their religious training. The letter provides an interesting view on missionary tactics and recruitment policies.22 Giovanni actually was following an established practice with respect to the (forced)

20 Arnoldo da Serano claimed that two-thirds of the order population died during the Plague years of 1348/9, a mortality rate almost equalled during the epidemic of 1361. Chronica XXIV Generalium, 544-545, 558. This stimulated the acceptance of very young postulants. In 1378, the Dominicans made it possible to receive oblates as young as seven years of age and as yet completely unschooled. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 96. The Franciscan friar Francesco della Rovere, the future pope Sixtus IV, entered the order as an oblate at the age of nine in 1423. Such practices sometimes annoyed outsiders. Some incidents can illustrate this: In 1372 the people of Siena complained to the provincial minister Gabriele da Volterra that a boy of eleven years had been taken in as an oblate, apparently not in accordance with the parental wishes. Cf. MOLLAT, 1955, 195-1196. Early in the fifteenth century, the boy Henry Wytbery of eleven years old was handed over to the Friars Minor of Exeter by his father, allegedly to exclude him from succeeding to his inheritance. In 1402, the English parliament legislated against the recruiting practices of the friars. Henceforth, the mendicants were forbidden to receive any boy who had not begun his fourteenth year without the consent of the parents, relatives or other responsible guardians. MINER, 1990, 200. At the eve of the Dissolution of 1538, there is made mention of a novice at Grantham who was thirteen years old. MOORMAN, 1952, 111; LITTLE & EASTERLING, 1927, 24; RÖHRKASTEN, 1996, 453-454. For additional information on these matters see in general OLIGER, 1917, 271-288. 21 Even among the Observants, the acceptance of very young postulants proved tempting, witness the continual warnings against this practice in Observant constitutions. Cf. the Observant STATUTA SAXONIAE (1467-1494), 104. 22 ‘Item emi successive XL pueros, filios paganorum etatis infra VII et XI annorum, qui nullam adhuc cognoscebant legem, et baptizavi eos, et informavi, eos licteris latinis et ritu nostro, et scripsi pro eis psalteria cum ynnariis XXX et duo breviaria ex quibus XI pueri iam sciunt officium nostrum.’ SINICA FRANCISCANA, ed. A. van den Wyngaert, I, 347.

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intake of ‘pagan’ or non-Christian children, in order to ‘rescue’ and to provide them with a Christian education.23 Whatever the motivation, the increasing numbers of adolescents and mere children made it necessary to take the noviciate period very seriously, and to ensure that novices and young friars who had completed their noviciate period were properly coached and monitored. Hence, we see the emergence of the novice master around 1240, followed shortly thereafter by the magister iuvenum, responsible for younger friars under the age of 20 (or sometimes 25). In addition, it became customary to select one or two specific convents within each custody to take care of incoming novices in a more regulated manner.24 These centres normally also housed the custodial arts schools that provided the young with additional training in the arts (and subsequently in theology) after their noviciate period was over. Young friars would be under continual surveillance, first by the novice master, and thereafter by the magister iuvenum and the magister studentium (who was responsible for their scholarly progress).25 23 We can, for instance, point to the initiative of King Louis of France, who had two children taken in the Middle East and gave them to the mendicants (the Dominicans and Franciscans) to be educated. OLIGER, 1915, 403. 24 Cf. the CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 40: ‘Ut autem novitii melius valeant informari, volumus ut in qualibet custodia a Ministro assignetur domus aliqua magis apta, vel duae, si una non sufficit, in qua vel in quibus omnes novitii de custodia collocentur usque ad tempus professionis suae.’ These constitutions also provide some information about the qualities of the novice master: ‘Ad quos informandos assignetur frater religiosus et circumspectus, qui eos doceat pure et frequenter confiteri, ardenter orare, honeste conversari, humiliter obedire, servare cordis et corporis puritatem, zelare sacratissimam paupertatem et ad omnis perfectionis apicem anhelare,’ Ibidem, 40. Further information concerning the novice master and the magister iuvenum is provided by the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 336-337. Cf. BERTINATO, 1954, 80ff; BERNARELLO, 1961, 38-39. 25 At first, new friars became directly subject to the guardian after their noviciate. Yet the Narbonne constitutions stress the necessity to continue monitoring the ‘conversatio’ and the ‘praesumptio’ of the younger friars. BRLEK, 1942, 67 therefore suggests: ‘Nil magis naturale quam ut magister novitiorum adhuc aliquo tempore vigilet et curam habeat de ipsis.’ The 1316 provincial constitutions of the Roman province make mention of magistri in individual custodies for the novices and the ‘neoprofessi’ up to their twentieth year. These magistri had to inform these young friars about the religious disciplines and liturgical traditions. They also were responsible for the punishment of novices who had transgressed the rules. The 1336 constitutions of Benedict XII eventually prescribed two magistri: one for the novices and the other for the ‘juvenes usque ad 25 aetatis annum.’ (the minimum age for priests). It seems, however, that these functions often were combined by one and the same person. Cf. BRLEK, 1942, 68: ‘Ex omnibus hucusque dictis concluditur quod juvenus sub moderamine magistri remanebant usque ad sacerdotium.’

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After the 1240s, Franciscan novices were no longer expected to devote their probation time to rigorous studies of theology.26 Instead, they were expected to learn the Divine Office and the breviary prayers, and to fully internalise the principles of their chosen vocation: the life of evangelical perfection. This amounted to an overall program of personal transformation, which comprised complete discipline over body and mind, gearing the novices towards poverty, humility, obedience, self-negation, and the love of God. For this personal transformation, the Franciscan novices were subjected to various forms of communal religious instruction, manual labour, and exercises in singing, private reading, prayer, and meditation. To facilitate this program, which in a way resembled older, Benedictine, Cistercian, and Victorine educational programs for incumbent monks, specific manuals and treatises began to appear as early as the 1240s.27 Of fundamental importance were a group of writings that have come down to us under the collective title De Exterioris et Interioris Compositione Hominis. This work contains a Formula de Compositione Hominis Exterioris ad Novitios, a Formula de Interioris Hominis Reformatione ad Proficientes, and De Septem Processibus Religiosorum. All of these were written by David von Augsburg, master of the novices of the Regensburg convent in the 1240s, and were first of all produced to guide novices and young friars in Regensburg and in the other convents of the Strasbourg Province. These three treatises, both together and separately, soon found their way throughout Europe, frequently in combination with other works of the same author. They became the 26 Salimbene, who had learned to read and to write Latin before he entered the order in 1238, started his lectures in theology during his noviciate period. Later in the century, this was no longer possible. CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 40: ‘Et ut vacent melius ad praedicta et ad divinum Officium addiscendum, toto probationis tempore studio non intendant, nec promoveantur ad ordines sacros, nec confessiones audiant, si fuerint sacerdotes, nec libros studii habeant specialiter assignatos.’ Other thirteenth-century statutes give a similar message: ‘Item statuimus, quod de novo professi non mittantur ad studium, nec processu temporis promoveantur ad ordinem dyaconatus, donec in cantu, si ydonei sunt, instructi fuerint competenter. Et de hoc adimplendo solliciti sint custodes et etiam gardiani.’ STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 459. Cf. also the STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1309), 255, the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 337, and FELDER, 1904, 342. See for the Dominican situation also BARONE, 1978, 154 and MULCHAHEY, 1998, 106. 27 Cf. BARONE, 1978, 229. For Dominican manuals from roughly the same period (writings of Humbert de Romans, Jean de Montlhéry and the ‘frater anonymus tolosanus’), see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 75-129.

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object of manifold reworkings and translations between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries, thereby stimulating the dissemination of ‘Franciscan’ religious ideas among religious and lay communities alike.28 Moreover, David von Augsburg and his circle of friars already complemented such Latin texts of religious instruction with multifarious vernacular treatises that were overtly directed to lay brothers, Poor Clares, and lay penitents. In a clear language and with careful substitution of conceptual terms with more concrete vernacular equivalents, these texts predominantly developed the same themes as their Latin counterparts. This shows that, the difference between literati and illiterati notwithstanding, all groups addressed by the Latin and the vernacular texts were exposed to a comparable encompassing program of religious education.29 Inspired by Gregory the Great’s theme of three levels leading to religious perfection (a theme also pursued in Guillaume de St. Thierry’s Epistola ad Fratres de Monte Dei), David focused in his Formula de Compositione Hominis Exterioris ad Novitios on the edification of exterior man, thereby providing behavioural guidelines and instruments to strengthen virtue and to avoid vice. Chapters 27 to 41 present these elements in a condensed form as the Viginti Passus de Virtutibus Bonorum Religiosorum ad Novitios. The Viginti Passus, which introduces twenty steps to fortify the virtues that make it possible to conform oneself to Christ, often survives as a separate treatise as well. The Formula de Interioris Hominis Reformatione ad Proficientes, and De Septem Processibus Religiosorum deal with the subsequent stages of religious perfection from the viewpoint of interior man. The first of these two treatises stresses the reformatio of the powers of the soul, namely ratio, memoria, and voluntas, which are hampered by sin. Through their spirDAVID DE AUGUSTA, De Exterioris et Interioris Compositione Hominis Libri Tres (Quaracchi, 1898). For an Italian translation of the work, see: I MISTICI, 1995, 171280. David also wrote several instructory letters to various novices and their teachers. Some of these are included in the editions of De Exterioris et Interioris Compositione Hominis. Other letters of comparable import have been edited separately. See DAVID DE AUGUSTA, De Officio Magistri Novitiorum & Qualiter Novitius se Praeparat ad Horam ed. E. Lempp, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 19 (1899), 340-343; IDEM, Tractatus de Oratione, ed. Lempp, Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 19 (1899), 343-45. For an introduction to David’s main Latin works, see MATANIC, 1991, 163-177; BOHL, 1994. 29 For the impact of David von Augsburg’s Latin and vernacular heritage, with works like Die Sieben Staffeln des Gebets, see for instance RUH, 1985, 283-289; PEZZINI, 1997, 251-259; STEER, 1987, 99-118. 28

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itual reformatio, man’s soul once more can become a true image of God.30 De Septem Processibus Religiosorum thereafter provides a sevenfold progression of spiritual man; a progression that eventually will lead to perfection. Though initially presented as a further step in the noviciate training, this treatise is directed to the mature religious in their more elevated spiritual stages.31 Of comparable importance to David’s instructions for novices and young friars was the Speculum Disciplinae of Bernard de Besse, a friar from the Aquitaine province who for some time was custodian of Cahors, and later became Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s trusted secretary and socius. Bernard’s Speculum Disciplinae which because of its Bonaventuran character was for a long time ascribed to the minister general himself,32 also concentrates on the disciplinary constraint of body and mind as a means of reaching a state of evangelical perfection.33 Bernard argued, in accordance with Hugues de St. Victor’s De Institutione Novitiorum, that the exercitium disciplinae formed the foundation of the proper religious life that could lead to beatitude.34 His treatise therefore opens with the preparatory conditions for a proper disciplinary training, defined as the depositio vetustatis, stabilitas mentis, and subiectionis humilitas.35 An internalisation of these preparatory con30 Concerning the internal reformation, David informs us that: ‘Interior reformatio in spiritu mentis consistit, quia et interior homo et imago Dei est mens rationalis (…)interior autem homo in bonis de die in diem renovatur et proficit in similitudinem eius, ad cuius imaginem creatus est.’ DAVID DE AUGUSTA, De Exterioris et Interioris Compositione Hominis, 88. Bonaventura da Bagnoregio developed the theme of interior and exterior man on the basis of Paul’s second letter to the Corinthians: ‘Scriptura distinguit hominem interiorem et exteriorem, sicut habetur secundae ad Corinthios [II Cor., 4, 16]: licet is, qui foris est, noster homo corrumpatur; tamen is qui intus est, renovatur de diem in diem. Exteriorem autem hominem vocat non ipsum corpus tantum, sed corpus cum viribus animae, per quas habet his sensibilibus intendere, et eis in haerere. Interiorem autem hominem vocat ipsum spiritum rationalem, secundum quod habet circa coelestia se ipsum occupare.’ BONAVENTURA, In II Sent., d. 2, dub. 3, in: Opera Omnia, II, 587. Cf. BERNARELLO, 1961, 29-31. 31 See in particular RUH, 1993, 526-531; BERNARELLO, 1961, 24-26. 32 As was the case with David’s De Exterioris et Interioris Compositione Hominis. 33 BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 583-622. Cf. BERNARELLO, 1961, 39f. 34 ‘Nam, ut ait Hugo de sancto Victore, usus disciplinae ad virtutem animum dirigit, virtus autem ad beatitudinem perducit; ac per hoc, inquit, exercitium disciplinae esse debet inchoatio, virtus perfectio, praemium virtutis aeterna beatitudo.’ BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 583. 35 ‘Praeparatoria sunt per modum principii, medii et postremi depositio vetustatis, stabilitas mentis adversus tentationes diaboli et subiectionis humilitas. Primum praeparationem inchoat, secundum continuat, tertium vero consumat. Servanda erit ubique maiorum et minorum paragraphorum distinctio ad seriei et ordinis eviden-

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ditions, of which humility is presented as the most pressing one,36 would enable the pupil to tackle the main elements of discipline. The second section of the first part of the Speculum Disciplinae deals with discipline itself. This section, which fills an additional 25 chapters, defines the essence of discipline, once more with recourse to Hugues de St. Victor.37 In addition, this section touches on the ways in which discipline can be maintained in all the different aspects of religious life, ranging from prayer, confession, and the participation in the Divine Office, to eating habits, bodily care, corporal exercise, and the proper comportment towards guests and strangers. 38 In a second part, the Speculum Disciplinae contains six additional chapters with general rules with respect to the friar’s relationship with God and himself, his attitude towards his fellow friars and incoming postulants, and his dealings with received goods. 39 Such themes are also emphasised in Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s short Regula Novitiorum, which meant to provide a practical solution to the necessity of taking the noviciate period more seriously.40 Heeding Paul’s admonition to the Romans, the Regula Novitiorum contains basic guidelines for the life of evangelical perfection to newcomers, so that they who desire to reform themselves in spiritu et moribus, can try to change themselves in a regulated manner. The emphasis is on order and repetition to ingrain the main elements of religious life in body tiam ampliorem. BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, Prologus, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 584. 36 In the first section of the Speculum Disciplinae, the depositio vetustatis and the constantia mentis both receive a small chapter. The subjectionis humilitas, however, receives a fuller treatment in four chapters. 37 ‘Disciplina est, ut ait Hugo, conversatio bona et honesta, cui parum est mala non agere, sed studet etiam in his quae bene agit, per cuncta irreprehensibilis apparere. Item, disciplina est omnium membrorum motus ordinatus et dispositio decens in omni habitu et actione (…)’ Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 591. 38 Pars Prima, chapters seven to 32. BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 591-614. 39 ‘Principalia huius opusculi expedita, secundaria haec pauca epilogat et supplet quaedam, ut novi discipuli Christi, qualiter ad Deum, ad se, ad proximum et ad res etiam, quas aliquando servare vel tractare contingit, se habeant; quibus differentiarum indiciis de sua conversione discernant; qualiter denique ipsi ad professionem recepti se gerere debeant, vel breviter in aliquibus instruantur.’ Pars Secunda, Quae de Generali Exhortatione Loquitur. BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 615-622, 615. 40 BONAVENTURA, Regula Novitiorum, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 475-490. See for these and other educational writings of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio for young friars also the Selecta pro Instruendis Fratribus Ordinis Minorum Scripta S. Bonaventurae, una cum Libello Speculum Disciplinae (Quaracchi, 1942), 237-257.

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and soul.41 The Regula Novitiorum teaches the incumbents in sixteen chapters how to frequent the Divine Office, how to pray, to confess their sins, and how to receive communion; how to eat and to fast, to behave during day and night, and to resist to the most important temptations of body and soul; how to be obedient and to practise religious virtues by means of silence, poverty, and a range of devotional, meditational and disciplinary exercises. Thus, incumbents could prepare themselves for the religious profession and the full adherence to the precepts embedded in the Franciscan Rule. 42 If we can rely on Giovanni da Capistrano’s 1452 letter of instruction to Albert Puchelbach, the guardian of the Nürnberg convent, it would seem that fifteenth-century Observant works dealing with the noviciate exhibit many of the same concerns.43 These and comparable works of initiation trained novices to see all their daily occupations, including basic activities such as eating and ‘Reformamini in novitate sensus vestri, ut probetis, quae sit voluntas Dei bona, beneplacens et perfecta. Haec dicit Apostolus ad Romanos in persona novitiorum, ut hi qui fuerunt per peccatum in saeculo deformati et erant tenebrosi, modo in Religione positi, per finalem poenitentiam reformentur et fiant luminosi, ut dicatur de eis: Eratis enim aliquando tenebrae, nunc autem lux in Domino; ut filii lucis ambulate. [Eph. 5, 8] Qui ergo desiderant in spiritu et moribus reformari studeant vitam suam subscriptis rationibus reformare (…)’ BONAVENTURA, Regula Novitiorum, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 475. 42 For the role of the teacher in these matters, see in particular BONAVENTURA, De Sex Aliis Seraphim, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 132f. 43 Albert just had received no less than 34 novices who wanted to join the Observants in the aftermath of Capistrano’s preaching tour through the German lands. Albert was asked to ensure that the novices learned how to sing (without spending too much time on it), to meditate, to confess their sins, and to regularly engage in mental prayer: ‘i.). Placet mihi, quod Novitii discant cantare; magis tamen placeret, ut discerent plorare et orationi vacare; quia quotidie cantare parit nobis Fratrum penuriam, mentem vagam deducit, et adeo tempus consumit, ut nullus vestrum evadere possit in officio praedicandi clarus et peritus (…); ii.) Item, quod Magister saepenumero hortetur Novitios suos, docatque meditari Passionem Christi, propriam miseriam, diem mortis, infernales poenas, propria peccata perpetrata, et gloriam post poenitentiam eis repromissam; iii.) Item, quod Novitii bis saltem in hebdomada confiteantur, revelando malas phantasias et cogitationes, ut tentati ad vomitum non redeant.; iv.) Item, quod singulis diebus faciant coronam beatae Mariae virginis cum septem meditationibus (…); x.) Item, quod instituatur pro Novitiis una hora pro oratione mentali, ut discant semetipsos cognoscere (…) et alias devotas Orationes faciant quotidie.’ Found in: LUCAS WADDING, Annales Minorum, XII (Quaracchi, 1932), 183-185. Cf. GLASSBERGER, Chronica, in: Analecta Franciscana II, 342. For additional letters from Giovanni da Capistrano to novices, see Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 4 (1910), 116, in which the influence of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Regula Novitiorum is clearly visible. 41

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sleeping, as points of departure for spiritual exercises.44 The incumbent friar should give his undivided attention to all of his occupations. Never should he give in to otium.45 Through these reiterative daily activities, the incumbent would acquire the knowledge and the appropriate disposition to live a proper religious life.46 The vision of religious life portrayed in these Franciscan works for novice-training was very much inspired by older monastic ideals, which ultimately went back to the spiritual educational programs of Augustine, Gregory the Great, Benedict of Nursia, and Cassiodore.47 In that respect, there was a strong continuity between high monastic manuals for novice training and their Franciscan counterparts. This also is revealed in the immediate sources of David von Augsburg, Bernard de Besse, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, and others; sources through which these authors received many monastic educational themes. Aside from the Bible (and the Psalms and the Gospels in particular), the major immediate sources were Guillaume de St. Thierry’s Epistola ad Fratres de Monte Dei, the spiritual writings of Bernard de Clairvaux, and De Institutione Novitiorum of Hugues de St. Victor and Gerard Ithier. This shows that, with the transformation of

44 ‘et sicut Bernardus dicit: ‘Cum comedis, non totus comedas, sed attendas lectioni, si fueris in loco, ubi legatur; si vero non legitur, ibidem cogita de Deo, ut uterque homo sit propria refectione refectus.’ BONAVENTURA, Regula Novitiorum, in: Opera Omnia, VIII, 481b; ‘In lecto autem sic positus, donec somnus te occupet, dicas Psalmos, vel aliud utile meditare, vel quod utilius est, imaginare Iesum in cruce pendentem. Quod si sollicite cogitabis, vix aut numquam poterit te diabolus molestare...’ Ibidem, 483a. 45 ‘stude semper expendere tempus tuum aut in oratione, aut in lectione, aut in bona meditatione, aut in servitiis.’ BONAVENTURA, Regula Novitiorum., in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 476a; ‘In his ergo maxime exerce te, scilicet in frequenti et ferventi oratione et lectione et in servitiis, et per ista tria tota vita tua decurrat, ut semper ores, aut legas, aut servias, et potissime senibus, forensibus et infirmis; et perfectis servitiis, non stes cum Fratribus otiosus, sed statim vade ad cellam, ut ibi ores vel legas, et sta in ea quotidie usque ad Tertiam...’ Ibidem, 484 a-b; ‘Numquam otio turpeant, sed semper aut lectioni, aut orationi, vel officio addiscendo, aut aliis, non quae ipsi elegerint, sed quae iniuncta fuerint, faciendis intendant.’ BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 617b. 46 ‘Scientiam, quae ad institutionem recte et honeste vivendi pertinet, multis modis hominem colligere et comparare sibi oportet: partim ratione, partim doctrina, partim exemplo, partim meditatione sanctarum Scripturarum, partim assidua inspectione operum et morum suorum.’ BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, in: Bonaventure, Opera Omnia, VIII, 591a-b. 47 See, aside from LECLERCQ, 1975, II, 169-194 and LECLERCQ, 1990 also RICHÉ, 1982, 15-29 and GEHL, 1984, 219-243.

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the Franciscan fraternity into a more regulated religious community, the Franciscan way of life of evangelical perfection was modelled more along the lines of high medieval monastic spirituality.48 Religious instruction of Friars: liturgical, devotional and mystical aspects After completing their noviciate, the intellectually more promising friars would embark on curricular studies in the custodial schools and beyond. Yet apart from these curricular studies, young friars would continually to be immersed in the daily liturgical activities and religious exercises of their convent community. Apparently, students of theology at the sub-provincial level were only absolved from attending the hora minores during actual course hours.49 Since 1209, it became common practice for the clerical friars to recite the Divine Office, and to adhere to the other liturgical routines connected with the daily mass and the festivities of the liturgical year.50 Both novices and young friars needed to be well-acquainted with the various formulae of the Divine Office and the Mass, the accompanying Psalms, antiphons, hymns, readings, and responses. This included a thorough familiarity with the breviary and other liturgical books, music (reading musical notations, singing practice and, in some cases, training in the use of musical instruments), and the physical acts (genuflections, prostrations, processions, vigils etc.) connected with the manifold ordinary and extraordinary liturgical

48 See for a detailed analysis of these and other works of David von Augsburg, Bernard de Besse and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio in particular BERTINATO, 1954 and BERNARELLO, 1961. These authors also deal with the monastic sources used by these Franciscan authors, and with the main characteristics of the Franciscan life of evangelical perfection rising up from their works. See on the influence of Guillaume de St. Thierry also HEERINCKX, 1933, 332-347; WILMART, 1971, 249, no. 1. 49 See my section on the scholarly year and the privileges of students. In the Dominican order, students had more dispensations with regard to liturgical obligations. Cf. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 17-39. 50 According to the third chapter of the Regula Non Bullata (1221) III, 3-10, in: Écrits, 128, the clerical friars would perform their liturgical obligations ‘…secundum consuetudinem clericorum.’ Lay friars ‘…dicant Credo et viginti quattuor Pater noster.’ The third chapter of the Regula Bullata (1223), in: Écrits, 184-185 indicated that ‘Clerici faciant divinum officium secundum ordinem sanctae romanae Ecclesiae, excepto psalterio, ex quo habere poterunt breviaria.’ Cf. also the Franciscan Rule for hermits.

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moments.51 The friars were immersed in the intense liturgical rhythms of the day, the week, and the year, with their high peaks during Annunciation, Advent, Nativity, Easter, Pentecost, the feasts of Francesco d’Assisi, Clara d’Assisi, Antonio di Padova, and other important Franciscan and non-Franciscan saints (including feasts devoted to the Apostles, Mary, Anne, and Mary Magdalene). In the context of these liturgical celebrations, to which we should add the death cult for deceased friars and benefactors, as well as the liturgical obligations towards allied confraternities and guilds, friars would be exposed to thematic sermons that reiterated doctrinal matters and issues pertaining to religious virtue.52 The proper preparation of friars in these matters, as well as the vocational training needed for priesthood and the preaching licence, also implied a thorough acquaintance with training manuals for incumbent priests and preachers, and more in-depth explications of the doctrinal and allegorical meaning of the Mass and other liturgical acts. An impressive legacy of Franciscan writings testifies to these forms of religious instruction.53 The daily schedule of novices and friars alike also included hours set for bodily penitence,54 private reading, meditation, and prayer. In medieval monasticism such activities were presented as necessary pendants to the communal liturgy with its public prayers and benedictions, and found their rationale in the biblical message itself.55 51 For the adoption of the liturgy of the Roman curia along the lines of the liturgical reforms of Innocent III and Honorius III, and the standardisation of Franciscan liturgy under Haymo of Faversham and Giovanni Buralli da Parma, see in particular DIJK, 1969, 86-116, 192-217; NOCILLI, 1978, 23-54; O’CARROL, 1995, 189-227; COSTA, 1982, 298-303. 52 Cf. CONSTITUTIONES PRENARBONENSES (-1239), 80; CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 334ff; STATUTA FRANCIAE ET MARCHIAE TERVISINAE, 459-462; STATUTA SAXONIAE (1467), 105-114 (Observant statutes of the Saxon province). With regard to thematic sermons in the context of the commemoration of saints, we can, for instance, refer to the many sermons de sanctis held in Franciscan communities, in which the moral and theological virtues of Franciscan saints were dealt with in depth. 53 See e.g. the Rationale Divinorum Officiorum of Guillaume Durandus (d.1296), Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Tractatus de Praeparatione ad Missam, and the Instructiones circa Divinum Officium of Gautier de Bruges. 54 Cf. BERNARELLO, 1961, 51ff. To my knowledge a thorough study of Franciscan bodily penitential actions is missing. Most authors refer to the asceticism and selfmortification of Francesco d’Assisi. The position of these elements of religious life in Franciscan communities needs further clarification. For the Dominican penitential use of the whip after the Compline service, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 100. 55 Monastic authors maintained that not only personal prayer and meditation were rooted in the biblical message (cf. Matthew 6, 6), but also the Mass and the Divine Office (cf. Matthew 18, 19-20 & Acts 2, 42 & 46). WILMART, 1971, 13-25; CHÂTILLON, 1986; LECLERCQ, 1961; ACHTEN, 1987.

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Various scholars have shown that individual ‘mental’ prayer was an intrinsic part of the Franciscan religious life from the very beginning, even though more elaborate regulations concerning this religious activity only were issued in the statutes of the Ultramontan General Chapter of Barcelona (1451), and in the Coletan constitutions of friar Henry de Baume (c. 1430).56 Individual mental prayer was regarded as spiritual food that nourished the soul.57 The importance of this element of private devotion (both for the spiritual welfare of the friar himself as for his progress in further study) shines through in Francesco d’Assisi’ rules for friars and hermits, in the sections of Saints’ lives devoted to the teachings and the religious habits of Francesco d’Assisi and other Franciscan saints (such as Egidio d’Assisi, who was famous for his life of prayer), as well as in all of the important spiritual writings of later Franciscan authors.58 In their hours of private reading and private meditation, the friars were to make themselves thoroughly acquainted with the biblical books and devotional texts, committing them to memory in a ruminative process; a reading process that was complemented with structured exegesis in the order’s schools of theology.59 In their hours of private reading, over the years Franciscan friars not only learned by heart all the Psalms and large portions of other biblical books, but also a range of other inspired writings that in one way or another testified to God’s might and benevolence. These private readings

FELDER, 1904, 93ff.; BRADY, 1951; ALOSTO, 1939. Henry de Baume’s constitutions in particular stress the importance of individual prayer in the cell after Compline and after dinner. Cf. LIPPENS, 1948, 232ff. 57 Cf. BONAVENTURA, Sermo I Domin., I in Quadr., in: Opera Omnia, IX, 207: ‘Sicut corpus indiget recreari et sustentari cibo materiali, sic spiritus cibo spirituali, qui quidem cibus est verbum Dei quod reficit spiritum.’ 58 Thus the Speculum Disciplinae of Bernard de Besse insists that the novice (both during his noviciate and throughout his life as a friar) should at least spend one hour a day in mental prayer. Ubertino da Casale emphased the close interaction between study and prayer in several of his writings. He saw the culture of prayer being threatened by the unlimited pursuit of learning in the order. See UBERTINUS DE CASALI, Responsio, 75: ‘Fuit ergo sua [namely Francesco’s] intencio, quod in communi essent aliqui libri ad divinum cultum et spirituale studium, et quod fratres, quibus daret Deus aptitudinem intellectus, in illis legendo et alios instruendo proficerent, ita tamen quod magis esset principalis intencio et occupatio oracionis quam studii, et studium oracionem diriget, et oracio studium illustraret.’ 59 The ruminatio-simile, which was such a popular term to describe the digestive monastic reading process, apparently went back to Leviticus 11, 3 and Deuteronomy 14, 6. 56

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provided additional tools for their hours of prayer and meditation after the midnight office and in the early morning (the hours of silence),60 opening their souls to the contemplation of spiritual truth. In addition, the friars’ concentration on these texts and their virtuous message reduced the danger of succumbing to alien influences in moments of solitude.61 Salimbene da Parma relates how, aside from private reading, friars also shaped a specific religious atmosphere through various communal reading practices. Hagiographic texts were read aloud during the communal meals in the refectory. So was the Franciscan Rule on Fridays.62 During afternoons and in the evenings (in between the hours of the Divine Office), friars regularly assembled in chapter, to read aloud stories drawn from legendaries and chronicles, to receive additional instruction on the observance of the Franciscan Rule,63 to exchange reading materials, and to listen to travel experiences, missionary exploits, and admonitions by visitors from abroad. This shows that the communal reading of a wide range of educational

60 Concerning these hours of silence ‘…a dicto completorio usque post Pretiosa,’ see the CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 56. Cf. also the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 335-336. 61 ‘Lectionibus quoque divinis est anima nutrienda (...) De quotidiana lectione aliquid quotidie in ventrem memoriae dimittendum est, quod fidelius digeratur et sursum revocatum crebrius ruminetur, quod proposito conveniat, quod intentioni proficiat, quod detineat animum, ut aliena cogitare non libeat.’ BERNARDUS DE BESSA, Speculum Disciplinae, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 594b. 62 Salimbene mentions in this context the corrector mensae Guidolino da Parma as well as the correctores mensae William Brito and Benvenuto da Modena. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 233, 552, 630. 63 In the course of time, several Rule commentaries were written. Historians normally see these commentaries as testimonies to the confusion and the strife in the order concerning the nature of Franciscan poverty. However, these Rule commentaries, together with general and provincial constitutions, first and foremost provided clarifications and more detailed regulations to help friars cope with all kinds of ordinary and extraordinary situations in their communal life. The most important of these Rule commentaries have been edited. See for instance the Expositio Quatuor Magistrorum super Regulam Fratrum Minorum, ed. L. Oliger (Rome, 1951); Hugh of Digne’s Rule Commentary, ed. David Flood (Rome, 1979); Die Regelerklärung des David von Augsburg, ed. David Flood, in: Franziskanische Studien 75 (1993), 201-242; Pecham’s Expositio super Regulam Fratrum Minorum, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII; Peter Olivi’s Rule Commentary. Edition and Presentation, ed. David Flood (Wiesbaden, 1972); Expositio super Regulam Fratrum Minorum di Frate Angelo Clareno, ed. G. Boccali, Pubblicazioni della Biblioteca Francescana Chiesa Nuova-Assisi 7 (Assisi, 1995). See also the Rule commentaries and devotional explanations of the Franciscan way of life by the Spanish Observant leader Lopez de Salinas. INTRODUCCIÓ, 1958, 687ff.

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texts (e.g. Rule commentaries, chronicles, saints’ lives, travel stories) was embedded in a life of communal fraternity.64 In the context of these various communal and private reading and meditation exercises functioned a wealth of Franciscan and nonFranciscan spiritual works that ranged from concise guidelines for spiritual ascent to lengthy treatises on evangelical perfection. Some of these works were rather basic, whereas others aimed at friars with more advanced levels of spirituality. Yet many of them describe ways in which the (theological) virtues can be strengthened, and ways in which the soul can be made ready to receive sanctifying grace as a prerequisite for the gift of true wisdom in the act of contemplation. Very influential were David von Augsburg’s prayer guides,65 and his aforementioned De Septem Processibus Religiosorum. As influential were Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s manifold spiritual writings for the order, such as his famous Itinerarium Mentis in Deum and his De Triplici Via.66 These works unfold a progressus in wisdom, which is presented as a gift of the Holy Spirit. David’s De Septem Processibus, for instance, present a program of progression through fervour, labour, consolation, struggles against temptation, remedies against slander, training of the virtues and, finally, the reception of true wisdom (sapientia). In contrast with the earlier stages, which concentrate on the practices of religious life, the seventh progressus (on the reception of true wisdom) focuses on five ways by which the soul, with the help of its memory, can reach God – namely through the ways of spiritual reading, collation (‘teaching’), meditation of the Divine, prayer, and contemplation or sapida scientia (a knowledge of the Good through pure love).67 More speculative than David’s De Septem Progressibus, which limits speculative mysticism predominantly to the final stage, is the Itinerarium Mentis in Deum of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio. This work presents six illuminations and three visions that enable the soul to return to God, by means of His traces outside of us in the created world, His traces in our soul, and through the knowledge of the 64 ALATRI, 1988, 125-158. Cf. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 213 (on the communal reading of Giovanni da Piancarpine’s Historia Tartarorum). 65 Namely his Tractatus de Oratione and his De Septem Gradibus Orationis. See in particular HEERINCKX, 1933,² 146-170. 66 BONAVENTURA, Itinerarium Mentis in Deum, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, V, 295313; IDEM, De Triplici Via, in: Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 3-18. See for these and additional spiritual works also Seraphici Doctoris S. Bonaventurae Decem Opuscula ad Theologiam Mysticam Spectantia (Quaracchi, 1965). 67 RUH, 1993, 531-532; HEERINCKX, 1933³, 49-83, 161-192.

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essence of God above us.68 Likewise, Bonaventura’s De Triplici Via presents a threefold understanding of the Divine in a hierarchical movement of the soul and its affective, imaginative, and cognitive faculties through purgation, illumination, and perfection. Both works, which elaborate influential conceptions of hierarchical ascent present in monastic mystical traditions inspired by Gregory the Great, Guillaume de St. Thierry and, in particular, Pseudo-Dionysius, subsume all ascetical, devotional and doctrinal teachings to the goal of perfect knowledge and a union with God through love.69 Among these more elevated spiritual and sometimes outright mystical texts, many of which rework Bonaventurean and pseudoDionysian spiritual themes, we can point to De Laude Domini Novi Saeculi and De Investigatione Creatoris per Creaturas of the Franciscan lector of Münster Bertram von Ahlen (d. after 1315),70 as well as the connected treatises of Berthold Kule, active as lector in Cologne in the early fourteenth century. Berthold not only extended Bertram von Ahlen’s De Investigatione Creatoris per Creaturas, but also compiled several works of his own.71 In the same category we can place the 68 This is basically a reworking of a classic Augustinian theme. Before the fall, the book of nature provided Adam with immediate knowledge about God and His trinitarian nature. Augustine emphasised that after the fall the book of nature was blemished by sin and death. Hence a new book of Scripture was necessary, so that man again could know his creator, and in addition was able to understand the secret of salvation through Christ. Later theologians tended to re-interpret the book of nature metaphor more optimistically, leading to the well-known late twelfth-century rhyme ‘omnis mundi creatura quasi liber et pictura nobis est in speculum.’ Maybe inspired by Francesco d’Assisi’s laudation of the created world, Franciscan theologians like Bartholomaeus Anglicus, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, Roger Bacon and Bertram von Ahlen elaborated this idea further in their scholastic, encyclopaedical, pastoral and mystical works. See for instance BARTHOLOMAEUS ANGLICUS, De Proprietatibus Rerum (Cologne, 1472), f. 12rb; BONAVENTURA, Breviloquium, II, 11; IDEM, Collationes in Hexaemeron, 13, 12; BERTHOLDUS DE RATISBON, Predigten, I, 48ff (‘Die Natur als Lehrerin der Laien’). Cf. BERNARELLO, 1961, 59ff; OEDIGER, 1953, 34; CURTIUS, 1993, 321ff. The history of this theme has been charted down to the modern period in SCHOLZ, 1993, 51-74. 69 RUH, 1993, 412-431. 70 Bertram, who apparently did not have any academic degrees, was lector theologiae in the studium of the Franciscan convent in Münster between 1307-8 and in (and possibly also after) 1315. De Laude Domini Novi Saeculi, devoted to Bertram’s provincial minister Gerard de Pomerio (Van den Boomgaard), is cautious about the possibility of knowing God and focuses on the incomprehensible ‘Volkommenheit’ of God and on our dependence on grace to obtain true insight. De Investigatione Creatoris per Creaturas is heavily dependent upon Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Itinerarium Mentis in Deum. BIHL, 1947, 32-48; RUH, 1978. 71 Among his works we count the Tractatus de Pulchritudine Anime et eius Deformatione, the Tractatus de Extrema Hora, De Revelatione Filii Perditionis, De Tempore Mortis eiusque

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Liber Soliloquiorum of the Regenburg lector Werner von Ratisbonne (d. after 1290),72 and the Septem Itinera Aeternitatis of Rudolf von Biberach (c. 1270-1316). The latter is a very learned mystical compilation, which portrays the ascent of the soul to the intrinsecum secretum of God, an ascent that would restore the human soul as imago Dei.73 In the same context, we should place several works of speculative mysticism by the Perugian friar Bartolomeo da Castello (1471-1535). 74 These systematic texts stood next to a heterogeneous corpus that went back to the oracular sayings of Francesco d’Assisi and those of his early followers. Very popular were the so-called Dicta Beati Aegidii, allegedly derived from Egidio d’Assisi’s oral teachings concerning prayer, devotion and the experience of the Divine.75 Less elevated, but more directed towards devotion, catechism, and meditation rather than towards outright speculative mysticism are popular texts such as Die 24 Alten oder der Guldern Tron by the Basel reading master Otto von Passau (d. ca. 1396).76 Of comparable importance are the Dieta Salutis by Guillaume de Lanicia (which was overtly meant to be memorised),77 many texts from the Strasbourg Incertitudine, and De Iudicio Proprie Conscientie. BIHL, 1947, 3-31. 72 The Soliloquia, or the Liber Soliloquiorum reaches back to spiritual writings of Augustine, Jean de Fécamp, Anselm, Hugues de St. Victor and Bonaventura da Bagnoregio. The existing edition divides the work into eleven chapters. The first three chapters invite the reader to find and look for God, the Trinity, and the Holy Ghost. The fourth chapter explains that God is everywhere and invisible. The remaining chapters deal with the nature of angels, the marvels surrounding the creation of the first man, the great deeds performed by God before the coming of Christ, the great deeds of redemption performed by the embodied Christ, the wonders of the Eucharist, the final judgment, and the presence of God in man’s memory (based almost completely on Augustine’s last chapter of the Confessiones. Cf. Liber Soliloquiorum, ed. B. Pez, Bibliotheca Ascetica Antiquonova, 4 (Regensburg, 1724); BONMANN, 1937; SOLIGNAC, 1994. 73 Septem Itinera Aeternitatis, ed. Margot Schmidt (Stuttgart-Bad-Cannstadt, 1985). See for its abundant use of monastic and patristic authorities, and its reception to the eigtheenth century SCHMIDT, 1992. 74 Before his departure for Africa, he composed for the friars in the convent of Monteripido (near Perugia) his spiritual treatise De Unione Animae cum Supereminenti Lumine (partly in Latin, partly in Italian). It was published after his death, in an edition of his disciple Hilarius Pichi in 1538. SANTINELLI, 1930. 75 RUH, 1993, 403ff. 76 Otto finished his Die vierundzwanzig Alten oder der goldene Thron der minnenden Seele in 1386. This compilatory work presents 24 moral and religious themes, which are ‘delivered’ by the subsequent 24 elders of the Apocalypse. There are at least 40 full copies of the work still in existence. Cf. SCHNYDER, 1989, VII, 229-234. 77 The Via vel Dieta Salutis, which used to be ascribed to Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and has survived in many manuscripts and several old editions, is meant

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reading master Marquard von Lindau (Marquardus Funke, d. 1392),78 and the Speculum Perfectionis of Hendrik Herp (1400-1477).79 Most of these texts, to which we can add numerous other meditative and hagiographic works, 80 have survived in many manuscripts and early editions, both in Latin and in vernacular adaptations.81 In the area of devotion and catechism we should also place the Franciscan commentary tradition on the Pater Noster,82 and the large (pseudo-) Bonaventuran literary tradition that created a very evocative devotional program around the passion of Christ83 and the sorrows of the Virgin.84 to support those who seek after the ascetical life and the life of evangelical perfection. Apparently, the work also was geared to help out friars who wanted to preach on these themes, as the appendix for Sundays and feast days makes clear. DIJK, 1967. 78 He probably was reading master at the studium generale of Strasbourg (1372) and lector in Würzburg. Several times he functioned as custos, to end up as provincial minister of the Upper Germany province. He wrote scholastic treatises in Latin and more mystical and educational works in Latin and the German vernacular (frequently with reciprocal translations), such as his Hiob treatise, De Arca Noe, De Reparatione Hominis, and Die zehe Gebot. For a complete survey of all his Latin and vernacular works (including exhaustive listings of manuscripts and editions), see PALMER, 1987. 79 Cf. TROEYER, 1974, I, 108-123 & II, 76-82. 80 For provisional surveys see for instance MILLS, 1926; ALENÇON, 1927 & 1928; SCHMUCKI, 1973 & 1973². For specimen of saints’ lives and forms of meditative history, see ROEST, 1996, 193-209. 81 Cf. RUH, 1965, 130-163. For good general introductions to Franciscan mysticism and the Francican output of mystical texts, see MCGINN, 1998, 41-152, and in particular RUH, 1993, 373-537. 82 The Pater Noster is the primordial exemplar of evangelical prayer, and as such was central in Francesco d’Assisi’s own writings. See on this in particular DELORME, 1951, 179-218. Delorme refers to commentaries on the Pater Noster in the works of Bonaventura, John Pecham, Pietro di Giovanni Olivi, Ubertino da Casale, and Bernardina da Siena. He also presents an edition of Olivi’s De Oratione Dominica and his literal exposition of the Pater Noster, as found in his commentary on Matthew. Cf. also RUH, 1985, 253-322, which presents medieval German versions of the Pater Noster explications of Francesco d’Assisi, Peter Christiani, Bernardino da Siena, David von Augsburg, and Marquard von Lindau. 83 To this we can reckon a large corpus of closely connected thirteenth- and fourteenth-century Franciscan meditational treatises, such as Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Lignum Vitae, the Meditationes Vitae Christi, nowadays by some ascribed to the Tuscan friar Giovanni de Caulibus (fl. c. 1310), and the nearly contemporary Meditationes de Passione Christi, all of which survive in many manuscripts and different adaptations. To some extent the Stimulus Amoris (c. 1320) of Giacomo Capelli (Jacob of Milan) and even Ubertino da Casale’s Arbor Vitae can be reckoned to this category. See FISCHER, 1932; CELLUCI, 1938; PIANA, 1986, EISERMANN, 1995. For the general spiritual context of this kind of writing, see STEER, 1976; KÖPF, 1989, 137-160; RUH, 1993, 436-445. 84 See in general WILMART, 1971, 505-509. Wilmart refers to several works of

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This small enumeration of texts indicates that we are dealing with a very heterogeneous corpus, varying from basic guidelines for beginners in devotional exercises, to deep-probing works of speculative mysticism. Texts like these fuelled the devotional and mystical discourse of the Franciscan textual communities, which comprised not only the learned clerical friars, but also a varying circle of fellow travellers. Not surprisingly, many of these works were probably written with more than one audience in mind. The immediate envisaged reading public would have consisted of Franciscan friars and the Poor Clares. However, the contents as well as the rhetorical strategies of such texts were also geared to wider dissemination, whether or not by means of the intermediary of the sermon. In the later Middle Ages, abbreviated and translated versions of these texts found their way to lay friars, tertiaries, confraternities, and the lay reading public at large. Encompassing views on Franciscan education Another way to evaluate the context of studies in the Franciscan life is provided by more extensive Franciscan writings on the objectives and methods of learning. For this, we have recourse to authors with distinguished academic and para-academic careers, such as Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Guibert de Tournai, who devoted considerable attention to these matters.85

Bonaventura da Bagnoregio that contain passages on the suffering of Mary, works of John Pecham (Philomena, and De Deliciis Virginis Gloriosae), the poetry of Jacopone da Todi, and a range of anonymous hymns and laudations of Franciscan provenance. 85 The choice of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Guibert de Tournai is arbitrary. A scrutiny of Franciscan sources provides a long list of other theologians who expressed the same concerns. See for instance the sermons of Matteo d’Acquasparta that deal with the student life and the relationship between religious life, biblical studies and scholastic excercises. Cf. MATTHAEUS DE AQUASPARTA, Sermo de Studio Sacrae Scripturae, 23ff, as well as his Commendatio Novi Magistri and his Principium Biblicum edited in BATAILLON, 1994, 305, 312-315. For an analysis of comparable issues in the writings of Johan Wimpfeling and Heinrich von Langenstein, see OEDIGER, 1953, 3ff, 15-16.

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At several junctures in his academic and administrative career, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio dealt with the legitimacy of studies in the Franciscan order and their relation with the pursuit of sanctity and the contemplation of the Divine. He had to defend the Franciscan position at the University of Paris against the seculars, who found fault with the mendicant dominance in the theology faculty, and attacked the Franciscans for harbouring heretical Joachimist views;86 he had to defend the Franciscan pursuit of learning against spiritually inclined friars who were afraid of the destruction of Franciscan simplicitas;87 he was also forced to attack the so-called Latin Averroists or radical Aristotelians, active from around 1255 onwards in the Parisian arts faculty (and soon thereafter also in theology), who claimed an autonomy of philosophical studies that Bonaventura was not willing to accept.88 These three intertwined motivations tied in with his own deep-felt convictions both concerning the true nature of theological knowledge and wisdom, and concerning the Franciscan way of life as an expression of evangelical perfection.89 Against those critics (such as the secular masters) who found fault with the Franciscan presence in the universities and the Franciscan pursuit of learning, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio unfolded a salvationhistorical rationale that was closely bound up with his own eschatological interpretation of the Franciscan order. While distancing himself convincingly from those Joachimist views that threatened the existing ecclesiastical order, Bonaventura was convinced that the Franciscan order had come near the end of time as a God-sent salvation army. In his eyes, the history of the Franciscans was an analogous antitype of the history of the Church itself, which had started with a few simple fishermen, but now had learned doctors in its midst. Hence, the development of the order from simple men to learned doctors who came to the defence of Christian orthodoxy was

See in particular DUFEIL, 1972; DOUIE, 1974, 585-612. See my introductory paragraph in the chapter on Franciscan studia. In this context we also should place the following remark in the EXPOSITIO SUPER REGULAM FRATRUM MINORUM, edited in Bonaventura, Opera Omnia, VIII, 451: ‘Ex isto autem capitulo patet, quod Fratribus ex intentione beati Francisci incumbit studere, quia sine studia non possunt verba modo debito examinare. Patet etiam, quod Fratres ex sua professione habent praedicare, in quorum regula inter omnes specialis tractatus de praedicationis officio continetur.’ 88 KRIZOVLJAN, 1957, 121-165; DALES, 1989, 63-70. 89 Cf. CHAUVET, 1958; BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 97-162, 258-282. 86 87

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in accordance with Divine providence.90 Eventually, Bonaventura would develop these notions in his Collationes in Hexaëmeron into a fullblown theology of history (replete with some Joachimist overtones), which stressed the concordances between the process of salvation in the course of time and the progressive insight into Divine truth. 91 Bonaventura’s overall eschatological vision concerning the Franciscan order and the mendicants in general provided him not only with arguments to support the Franciscan access to the schools, but also with arguments to embed the curricular studies in a wider perspective of Franciscan spirituality. On several occasions, Bonaventura indicated that Francesco d’Assisi had installed the Franciscan order with a three-fold goal: to imitate the life of Christ on earth, to engage in apostolic activities in the world, and to mystically contemplate God. These three activities together formed the active and contemplative elements of evangelical perfection according to the message of the Gospels and the Rule of Francesco d’Assisi. Elsewhere, Bonaventura made clear that the mendicant orders therewith both followed and distinguished themselves from previous monastic movements, and prefigured a future order of spiritual men (of which Francesco d’Assisi had been a true exemplar) to come after the death of Antichrist.92 90 ‘Quodsi verba philosophorum aliquando plus valent ad intelligentiam veritatis et confutationem errorum, non deviat a puritate aliquando in his studere, maxime cum multae sint quaestiones fidei, quae sine his non possunt terminari (...) hoc est, quod me fecit vitam beati Francisci maxime diligere, quia similis est initio et perfectioni Ecclesiae, quae primo incepit a piscatoribus simplicibus et postmodum profecit ad doctores clarissimos et peritissimos’. BONAVENTURA, Epistola de Tribus Quaestionibus, 335-336. Cf. POMPEI, 1993, 54. 91 The logical and eschatological outcome of these concordances would be the direct contemplation of the Divine by the beatified. Bonaventura’s unfinished Collationes in Hexaemeron break off before this is fully addressed. Cf. RATZINGER, 1959. 92 ‘In ordine contemplantium sunt tres ordines (…) Intendunt autem divinis tripliciter, quidam per modum supplicatorium, quidam per modum speculatorium, quidam per modum sursumactivum (…) Primo modo sunt illi qui se totius dedicant orationi et devotioni et divinae laudi (…) ut Cirsterciensis [ordo], Praemonstratensis, Carthusiensis, Grandimontensis, Canonici Regulares. Secundus est qui intendit per modum (…) speculativum, ut illi qui vacant Scripturae (…) Huic respondent Cherubim. Hi sunt Praedicatores et Minores. Alii principaliter intendunt speculationi (…) et postea unctioni. Alii principaliter unctioni et postea speculationi. Tertius ordo est vacantium Deo secundum modum sursumactivum, sc. exstaticum seu excessivum. Quis enim iste est? Iste est ordo seraphicus. De isto videtur fuisse Franciscus (…)’. BONAVENTURA, Collationes in Hexaemeron, XXII, 20-22, in: Opera Omnia, V, 440b. For Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s vision of Francesco d’Assisi as the forerunner of the seraphic order of spiritual men, who would wander the earth after the death of Antichrist, see CLASEN, 1962; ROEST, 1998, 206-209.

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The imitation of the life of Christ, the first and foremost goal of the vita minorum, asked for an uncompromising embrace of poverty and humility. The third goal (the mystical contemplation of God) asked for a submission of body and soul to the discipline of asceticism, prayer and meditation. The second goal, in its turn (the apostolic mission), asked for the study of Scripture and the ancillary arts and philosophical sciences.93 Study itself therefore was part of a larger whole; one important but limited way to fulfil the sapiential nature of man, who was created to know and to love his creator. Study should be seen in the context of the apostolic mission of the order and man’s objective of mystical contemplation of Divine truth. Both aspects See on this BONAVENTURA, Determinationes Quaestionum, I, 1, & III, in: Opera Omnia, 338-339, and also his De Reductione Artium ad Theologiam, which not only affirms that all human sciences can nourish theology, but also demonstrates how the ‘…multiformis sapientia Dei, quae lucide traditur in sacra scriptura, occultatur in omni natura.’[no. 25] The liberal arts and the natural sciences perfect man in his intelligible being. He divides the informing principles of the various disciplines as follows: ‘Lumen exterius, scilicet artis mechanicae; Lumen inferius, scilicet cognitionis sensitivae; Lumen interius, scilicet lumen cognitionis philosophiae (quod illuminat ad veritatis intelligibiles perscrutandas) [which comprises the logical, natural and moral disciplines]; Lumen superioris, scilicet lumen gratiae et sacrae scripturae.’ The first three lights pertain to the level of natural inventio. The fourth pertains to the inspiration that leads to salvation. All forms of inspired knowledge feed theology, in the sense that they facilitate proper theological knowledge. Cf. GNEO, 1969, 631-638. The Augustinian concept of the sciences as handmaiden of theology was very popular among a range of thirteenth-century Franciscan theologians. We do find it very clearly expressed in Bacon’s Opus Majus: ‘There is one perfect wisdom, and this is contained in holy Scripture, in which all truth is rooted. I say, therefore, that one discipline is mistress of the others – namely theology, for which the others are integral necessities and which cannot achieve its ends without them. And it lays claims to these virtues and subordinates them to its nod and command’, ROGER BACON, Opus Majus, ed. J.H. Bridges, III, 36. See also LINDBERG, 1987. Bacon was much more optimistic about the use and the exploration of these sciences than Bonaventura. See on this my section on scholarly curricula, and also BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 56-96. Unlike Roger Bacon, who wanted to explore the sciences (including alchemy) to the full, Bonaventura was always looking for the limits of their usefulness. Particularly in his later writings, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio became very worried about the study of the philosophical disciplines with too much enthusiasm: ‘Sed heu!, multa hodie succrescunt studia adulterina, dum plurimi, qui deberent utiles esse Ecclesiae, relicto principali studio sacrae Scripturae, quae est domina omnium scientiarum, succensi flamma pernitiosae curiositatis, scientiis illis aegyptiis philosophicis, ancillulis Scripturae canonicae, insistunt et, quod magis est despicabile, ad meretricales scientias, videlicet inhonestas, divertunt; et quod maxime reprobum videtur, quandoque hoc faciunt qui ex professione sui status et Ordinis principaliter sacrae Scripturae sunt et debent esse mariti…’ BONAVENTURA, Collationes in Hexaemeron, ed. Delorme, 59. 93

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were dependent on a thorough insight into the biblical message. Not surprisingly, Bonaventura more than once elaborated at great length on the manifold senses of Scripture. As study was fundamental to the apostolic mission and to mystical contemplation, the spirit with which it was undertaken should be fully informed by a desire for God and compassion for one’s fellow men. Only then one could hope to reap the proper fruit of these studies, namely wisdom and love (sapientia et caritas).94 Bonaventura’s own definition of wisdom made clear that study in and of itself should be more than just a proficient use of logical techniques and forms of formal reasoning. For Bonaventura, true wisdom was a light descending from God in man, making the soul deiform and a house of God; fully open towards eternal truths and the eternal forms.95 This definition of wisdom as the proper fruit of study shows to what extent the final aim of study in the Bonaventuran vision is dependent upon grace and the correct disposition of mind and soul (which presupposes a holy life according to the Franciscan precepts of poverty and humility). It also shows to what extent study is itself an essential element for engaging in an efficacious mystical contemplation of God. Hence, in Bonaventura’s presentation, the three goals enshrined in the Franciscan ideal are fully intertwined. The transition from mere knowledge to true wisdom was in need of the practice of sanctity.96 Bonaventura therefore could advocate the scientific stature of speculative theology, and the use of the secular disciplines to perfect this science. Indeed, his academic writings confirm this most forcefully. At the same time, Bonaventura was able to negate the pursuit of non-theological disciplines for their own sake.97 BONAVENTURA, Collationes in Hexaëmeron, XIX, 2, in: Opera Omnia, V, 420a. ‘Sapientia est lux descendens a Patre luminum in animam et radians in eam, facit animam deiformem et domum Dei. Ista lux descendens facit intellectivam speciosam, affectivam amoenam, operativam robustam.’ BONAVENTURA, Collationes in Hexaëmeron, II, I, in: Opera Omnia, V, 326a. See on the role of illumination in midthirteenth-century religious epistemology BÉRUBÉ, 1973, 627-654; BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 201-257. 96 ‘Non est ergo securus transitus a scientia ad sapientiam; oportet ergo medium ponere, scilicet, sanctitatem.’ BONAVENTURA, Collationes in Hexaëmeron, XIX, 3, in: Opera Omnia, V, 420. Cf. Also his remark ‘Transitus autem a scientia ad sapientiam est exercitium: exercitatio a studio scientiae ad studium sanctitatis, et a studio sanctitatis ad studium sapientiae.’ Ibidem, 420. 97 The pursuit of the sciences for their own sake lead to vana or viciosa curiositas, which was the opposite of the curiositas virtuosa, leading to salvation. The latter should 94 95

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These and comparable themes emerge in other Bonaventurean writings in which the sanctifying aspects of the pursuit of Christian perfection are central, such as the sermon De Sancto Dominico, the Itinerarium Mentis in Deum, and the Legenda Major.98 These writings, in one way or another, all make clear that Christian perfection consists of the comprehension of truth and the practice of virtue. The comprehension of truth is dependent upon the theological and speculative virtues, which are purified in faith, illuminated in science and perfected in contemplation. The practice of virtue, which will make man clement, constant, humble and prudent, further will ensure that the knowledge of truth will bequeath man with true wisdom.99 Models for this life of Christian perfection were the mendicants in general, and Francesco d’Assisi in particular, who had followed the example of the suffering Christ to the very end. Increasingly, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio focused on the example and the imitation of Francesco d’Assisi. In the Legenda Major and later writings, Francesco d’Assisi is presented as the perfect imitator of Christ who, by means of his love and emulation of the Saviour, his fervent prayer, and his ecstatic meditation of the Scriptures received a spiritual intelligence of the Divine Word that transcended philosophical and theological speculation. In the final instance, constant prayer, meditation, and a continuous exercise of the virtues would enable man to exceed the knowledge obtained by the philosophical and theological discursive methods.100 form the basis of theological inquiry. See on this friar STEPHANUS BRULEFER, Reportatio in Quatuor Bonaventurae Sententiarum Libros (1507), 3: ‘Duplex est curiositas: Quaedam est curiositas viciosa et vitanda, qua scilicet aliquis in inquirendo sic curiosus est, quod querat aliquid omnino superfluum, de quo nulla certa ratio potest dari (…) alia est curiositas virtuosa, qua scilicet quis nobilitate animi eciam occulta inquirere non attediatur ordinando illa (ex bona concientia) ad salutem propriam et aliorum.’ 98 Bérubé, following the lead of Ratzinger and Bougerol, postulates that Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s later writings, written when he was minister general increasingly stress the spiritual and mystical aspects of religious learning, gradually moving away from the more rationalist stance in his Sentences Commentary. Cf. BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 102ff & 258ff. 99 BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 4-8, 260ff. 100 BONAVENTURA, Legenda Major, in: Analecta Franciscana, X, 605: ‘Ad tantam autem mentis serenitatem indefessum orationis studium cum continua exercitatione virtutum virum Dei perduxerat, ut, quamvis non habuerit sacrarum litterarum peritiam per doctrinam, aeternae tamen lucis irradiatus fulgoribus, Scripturarum profunda miro intellectus scrutaretur acumine (…) Legebat quandoque in libris sacris, et quod animo semel iniecerat, tenaciter imprimebat memoriae, quia non frustra mentalis attentionis percipiebat auditu quod continuae devotionis ruminabat

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A somewhat less sublime, yet fully encyclopaedic, vision of the overall means and goals of Franciscan education is presented in Guibert de Tournai’s enormous Rudimentum or Erudimentum Doctrinae (c. 1261).101 This work discusses in four treatises the four causes of learning or doctrine (the final cause, the efficient cause, the formal cause, and the material cause).102 The first treatise on the final cause explains that man has a rational soul in order to obtain wisdom, and that this wisdom is dependent upon the eternal wisdom of God, hence on illumination (influentia lucis increatae). This concept validates Guibert’s diatribe against philosophy as an independent road to knowledge.103 For the sake of acquiring correct wisdom, God is found in this life in the created world, and can be detected by man with the use of his senses and rational powers. To this extent, the sciences do fulfil an important function. Yet all sciences eventually should be subservient to theology (omnis scientia ad theologiam est referenda), as the ultimate goal of wisdom is eternal life, when man shall have perfect knowledge (perfecta scientia erit in patria). All sciences, as well as the goals of those who learn, are to be geared to this end.104 affectu (…) Nec absonum, si vir sanctus Scripturarum a Deo intellectum acceperat, cum per imitationem Christi perfectam veritatem ipsarum gestaret in opere et per sancti Spiritus unctionem plenariam doctorem earum apud se haberet in corde.’ In the Itinerarium Mentis in Deum and De Triplici Via, this vision of Francesco d’Assisi’s deep insight is reworked into a program of spiritual ascent through the practice of virtues, prayer, meditation, to the contemplation of the Divine. Cf. BÉRUBÉ, 1976, 281. 101 For partial editions of the Rudimentum Doctrinae, see GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. E. Bonifacio (Turin, 1953); GIEBEN, 1963, 141-166; GIEBEN & BÉRUBÉ, 1973; GIEBEN, 1988. Guibert elaborated comparable educational themes in a much more condensed manner in his Sermo I ad Theologos and his Sermo ad Scholares. Cf. OEDIGER, 1953, 7-8. Cf. also ROEST, 1999, 164-179. 102 On the role of this Aristotelian division in thirteenth-century scholastic thought, see PARKES, 1976, 119-120; MINNIS & SCOTT, 1991, 2-3, 198. 103 The sources used by Guibert de Tournai (predominantly Lactantius’ Divinae Institutiones), reveal that he not so much reacts against the impending problems with the Averroists and other contemporary independent natural philosophers, but repeats an age-old religious distrust regarding the allurements of the sciences. GIEBEN, 1963, 144-147. 104 Following Hugues de St. Victor, Guibert suggests that people should choose to learn in accordance with their talents. Whereas those without much talents for study should concentate on handicrafts, and those with mediocre talents should concentrate on politics and civil matters, people with an acute intelligence should study the sciences that deal with universal truths. In De Modo Addiscendi, Guibert predominantly deals with the last category.

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The second treatise on the efficient cause of doctrine deals with the condition (conditio) of those who teach (the agents of wisdom),105 ranging from God to man in patria and man in via (the lector, the priest or pastor, and the preacher). The angels and beatified have an unmediated contemplative or intuitive knowledge of the Divine, yet the fallible human agents, hampered by original sin, need to meditate on nature and Scripture, and have to develop their rational capacities. In addition, they have to rely on faith. The treatise foremost emphasises the importance of the proper disposition of all teachers. This amounts to a display of their moral, technical, didactic and intellectual virtues, and a listing of the formal requirements and ordinations necessary for lectors, priests (regular and secular) and preachers on all levels.106 The third treatise on the formal cause of doctrine explains when and how teaching and learning should take place. This treatise, which also is found separately as De Modo Addiscendi, deals with the teacher (his election, behaviour, erudition, eloquence, and modes of procedure) as well as with the pupil (the ways in which he should be stimulated to learn and exploit his capacities to reach his goals). With regard to the latter, Guibert discusses the progress of learning from the pupil’s very modest beginnings to his state of perfection. Starting with the so-called status inchoationis, Guibert explains the antecedentia, which comprise the pupil’s voluntary obedience and subjection, and the ways to secure his attention. He proceeds with the concomitantia, notably those faculties of the soul that make study possible (sense perception, ingenuity, memory, and reason), and he explains the ways to train them. From this follow the proper consequentia of learning (humilitas in intellectu, studiositas in effectu, tranquilitas in affectu, paupertas 105 In De Modo Addiscendi, 84, this second treatise therefore is referred to as De Doctore. 106 This treatise also contains interesting expositions about the origins of priesthood, a catalogue of Popes (together with excerpts from authoritative papal statements), and a discussion of the differences between regular and secular clergy. The activity of preaching in particular is singled out for an exhaustive discussion, which includes a full-blown ars predicandi not unlike that of Humbert de Romans or John of Wales, replete with a large collection of scholastic sermones ad status. Guibert’s choice to present ad status sermons instead of sermons for Sundays and feastdays is completely consistent with his intention in this treatise to deal with forms of teaching for different groups. On the relation between Guibert’s extant sermons and the ad-status collection announced in the table of contents of the Rudimentum, see GIEBEN, 1988, 629.

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in censu). Learning, its technicalities notwithstanding, remains first and foremost a moral enterprise, as it had been for Cistercian and Victorine authors. The status inchoationis is followed by the status progressionis, namely a training in the so-called practical sciences (scientiae activae), and a training in spiritual understanding, exploring the deeper senses of wisdom literature and ethics. From this, pupils should proceed to the status perfectionis. This status foremost comprises lectio, meditatio, oratio, and contemplatio, defined by Guibert as the doctrina claustralium et virorum perfectorum. It is a plea for the central status of the Bible.107 This attitude is born out by the unfinished fourth treatise on the material cause of learning. The surviving table of contents sheds some light on the actual subject matter that Guibert envisaged to be central in the various stages of learning described before. In a fourfold division, reminiscent of many earlier classifications of the sciences, the content of learning is divided into four quadrivia.108 The basis is formed by a quadrivium eloquentiae, a reworking of the traditional trivium, consisting of grammar, poetics, dialectic and rhetoric. Though not explicitly stated, it seems that the arts mentioned are pivotal to the status inchoationis. The comparative stress on poetics and rhetoric in this revised trivium might also indicate a profound sense of both the essentially poetic and rhetorical nature of the biblical text, and the importance of the forensic activity of preaching, based on these rhetorical skills (as is also visible in the course of Guibert’s second treatise on the efficient cause of learning) 109. This quadrivium of language is followed by a quadrivium intelligentiae, consisting of arithmetic, music, geometry, and astronomy - the sciences which allow for a proper demonstration (demonstratio propter quid), dealing with things as they are in themselves (intelligibilia). This, in turn, is followed by a quadrivium experientiae or activae, consisting of

GIEBEN, 1988, 679. See on this classification tradition WEISHEIPL, 1965. 109 Several Franciscan scholastics distinguished in their accounts of the formal properties of knowledge between the procedures of human science (involving logical methods), and those of sacred science (using poetic and rhetorical means, such as narrative, adhortation, allegory, metaphor, and exemplification). Alexander of Hales suggests that biblical science has the special task of molding the affectus (the disposition of the will). To succeed, it uses the modes of precept, example, exhortation, revelation, and prayer. A comparable emphasis is found in the works of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and other Franciscan friars. MINNIS & SCOTT, 1991, 3. 107 108

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physics, ethics, magic, and mechanics. Together, these quadrivia make up an extended arts course, reminiscent of Grosseteste’s and Bacon’s discussions of the arts and sciences. In Guibert’s quadrivium intelligentiae, an independent discipline of metaphysics is absent. He might have been hesitant to assign it an independent place alongside theology.110 Finally, the text mentions a quadrivium sapientiae or affectivae, consisting of hagiography, prophecy, and evangelical and apostolic doctrines, in which heart and mind are combined. Although these disciplines are important for every Christian, it would seem that this last quadrivium is reserved in particular for students in their status perfectionis: cloistered or perfect men who, in their formal education and especially afterwards, should continue to concentrate on reading, meditation, prayer, and contemplation (lectio, meditatio, oratio, contemplatio). As the final chapters of the third treatise on the formal cause of learning reveal, these four activities are taught by Christ Himself. Reading is described as the diligent inspection of the Scriptures and other inspired writings with due attention by the soul. Meditation is the studious activity of the mind, searching for the knowledge of hidden truth with the help of its own rational capacities. (It is in these two that we see shining through the tools of the liberal arts, turned to their proper use, namely to find the spiritual (i.e. moral, allegorical and anagogical) senses of the Divine Word. Prayer is the devout attention of the heart towards God, in order to take away what is bad and to attain the good. Contemplation, finally, is the elevation of the suspended mind in God, tasting the joy of eternal light.111 The fruit of Divine reading (that is, reading the Bible) is knowledge (scientia) to inform the mind (mens, the rational soul) and to learn virtue.112 Meditation, the studious investigation of hidden truth, is the exercise which focuses the informed mind, and brings it to the brink of contemplation, in order to catch the fruit of Divine revelation 113. We might see a connection here with the views on scientific knowledge propounded by Grosseteste, who coupled a rather cautious stance towards first philosophy with a peculiar interest in mathematical and experimental sciences. 111 GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 265-266. 112 ‘Fructus autem divinae lectionis est scientia informare mentem et adipisci virtutem’, GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 268. 113 ‘Docet etiam Dominus animas spirituales in exercitio meditationis. Ipsa est enim quae mentem abstrahit, abstractam in uno defigit, defixam in contemplationem adducit et tandem divinam revelationem occurrentem excipit.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 273. 110

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Contemplation, in its turn, abstracts from the bodily, more or less as the sciences abstract from sense perception, 114 and is the joyful admiration of deep truth now made clear.115 To make all this possible, man is in need of prayer. It lifts the intellect and the heart (affectus) to God, and repairs the defects of fallible human reason. Through prayer man might receive a ray of divine light (lumen) enabling him to recuperate from his fallen state. 116 Together, prayer and meditation (both central activities in the perfect life) provide us with certainty concerning invisible things.117 If performed with real devotion, prayer brings the affectus (heart) even further than the intellect, for love surpasses science (supereminet caritas scientiae) like the seraphic order of angels surpasses the cherubic order.118 It is precisely this Dionysian theme which had underscored Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s analysis of the perfect knowledge of Francesco d’Assisi concerning the Divine. Guibert, therefore, crowned his scientific superstructure with a Franciscan vision of direct access, brought about through abundant love, by which the heart is brought into ecstasy. Hence the more fervently devout the activity of praying, the purer and sweeter the knowledge, that is, the cognitio Dei in contemplation which lies beyond mere human science.119 114 ‘Et ideo cum per meditationem abstrahatur a corpore, nobilior efficitur et subtilior.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 273. 115 ‘Est enim meditatio occultae veritatis studiosa investigatio, contemplatio vero perspicuae veritatis iucunda admiratio.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 275. 116 ‘Nam per orationem elevatur in Deum intellectus et affectus, suppletus humanae rationis defectus, intermicat ille divinae lucis radius, colligitur interioris hominis status.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 277. 117 Precisely this theme also was elaborated upon in a scholarly context by Roger Bacon, who deemed it a major incentive for academic scholars to join the mendicant orders. For in these orders of perfect men prayer and meditation help to penetrate the most hidden scientific truths. EASTON, 1952, 121-124. 118 ‘...ubi vero exercetur [oratio] cum devotione, sicut supereminet caritas scientiae secundum Apostulum III ad Ephesios (v.19), et ordo Seraphim ordini Cherubim, secundum Dionysium, penetrat intellectus sed magis ascendit affectus.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 278. 119 ‘Nam, sicut influentia solis majorem effectum imprimit in illud quod directe respicit, sic puto quod divina bonitas affectum nostrum, cuius obiectum est, magis attrahit et allicit. Proprium etiam est amativae potentiae se semper in anteriora porrigere, unde affectus ex nimio amore fertur in extasim et rapitur supra se. Unde quanto ferventior et devotior erit oratio, tanto purior et dulcior erit cognitio.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 278. And the further the splendor of divine love penetrates the mind of man as a result of meditation, the

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In advanced contemplation, man begins to surpass his human condition altogether. This moment is the sublevatio mentis, which is at the basis of genuine prophecy of things bygone, things future, and present things beyond the reach of the senses.120 This type of contemplation is what provides the prophets of the Bible and the prophesying saints with their special knowledge. Even more elevated is the moment when the mind becomes alienated from itself (the so-called alienatio mentis), experiencing an exultation beyond human powers of description. Finally, the human mind can be united with God, leaving everything behind.121 This final stage, which for Christians is the ultimate wisdom, amounts to a superintellectual union with the Divine. 122 This itself has three aspects: the overwhelming love that draws man to God (superfervidus amor in Deum tendens), oblivion of and for all temporal concerns (the actualis ignorantia omnium), and, finally, the surrender to the shining and unifying ray of light (radius irradians et se uniens), which causes ‘that blindness of the mind when it transcends everything’ (illa caligo in transcensu mentis super omnia).123 In all, this is a picture of contemplation very close to that portrayed by the Franciscan specimen of philosophical mysticism mentioned before, and akin to the visionmore the mind tastes in a sublime way the divine secrets: ‘Et quanto mentem hominis divinae caritatis splendor profundius penetrat, eo altius, stuporis sui magnitudine excussa et per extasim sublevata, in divina arcana sublimius resultat.’ Ibidem, 276. Eventually man is able to contemplate the Divine directly: ‘Docet etiam Dominus animas spirituales in exercitio contemplationis. Sicut autem aliud est oculorum aspectus, aliud visio, – nam secundum Augustinum in libro De quantitate animae differunt sicut ratio et ratiocinatio, in tenebris enim aspicimus ubi obtutum dirigimus et tamen in tenebris non videmus – ita aliud est oratio et aliud contemplatio. Docet autem nos Deus in contemplatione et hoc quadrupliciter: mentis dilatatione, sublevatione, alienatione, unitione.’ Ibidem, 282. 120 ‘Ad hunc modum pertinet doctrina prophetiae, si tamen fiat sine mentis alienatione. Supra naturam enim humanam est videre de praeteritis quod iam non est, videre de futuris quod nondum est, videre de praesentibus quod est, sed tamen sensibus absens est; videre de alieni cordis secretis quod sensui subiectum non est, videre de divinis, quod supra sensum est.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 284-285. 121 ‘Hunc ergo apicem dilectio Dei proprie perficit per quam mens Deo iungitur et per hanc unionem super naturam mentis divina cognoscit, non secundum sobrietatem intelligentiae nostrae, sed statuendo nos supra nos ipsos et unitos Deo tota virtute.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 286. 122 ‘ad supersubstantialem et superintellectualem unionem veniatur. Haec est sapientia Christianorum.’ GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 287. 123 GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, De Modo Addiscendi, ed. Bonifacio, 289.

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narratives of contemporary Franciscan male and female mystics. Within Guibert’s comprehensive epistemological framework, all types of mystic rapture are thus accounted for, and hence can be embraced as fully valid forms of knowledge that lead to the most perfect kind of wisdom. With the bulk of the fourth treatise missing, that on the material cause of doctrine, the Rudimentum does not provide us with a straightforward blueprint of Franciscan educational practices in the Middle Ages. As it stands, the treatise should predominantly be envisaged as a mirror and a conceptual guide book for all friars who wanted to climb the path of religious education to the very end. The Rudimentum repeatedly states that every science should be linked with theology (omnis scientia ad theologiam est referenda).124 Theology itself is foremost to be understood as an affective science, centred on the study of Sacred Scripture. In this vision of religious learning all intellectual activities, even those by which man engages in a scrutiny of the natural and supernatural world, are subordinated to a single goal: eternal life. 125 True wisdom does not reside in scientific knowledge alone, but also in the love of God, and cannot be attained unless philosophical and theological studies are supplemented by the practice of virtue, prayer, meditation, and the contemplation of the suffering Christ. The encompassing views on religious education professed by Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Guibert de Tournai were exeptional in their almost hermetic completeness. They were heavily influenced by a set of predominantly Augustinian ideas concerning the nature of philosophical and theological knowledge and the role of divine illumination. In addition, they still relied on Cistercian, Victorine, and Pseudo-Dionysian concepts to develop the intrinsic relationship between a scientific scholastic theology and an essentially monastic view of religious learning. Several of their scholarly successors in the late thirteenth century and after did not subscribe to the same premises. Olivi, Scotus, and subsequent Scotist and Nominalist theologians alike would emancipate themselves from several Augustinian and mystical overtones present in the scholastic vision put forward by Bonaventura and Guibert. Yet the practical, moral, and affective GIEBEN, 1988, 648. ‘Omnis scientia et notitia ordinatur ad finem ultimum et hic finis vita aeterna dicitur’, GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, Rudimentum Doctrinae, Bib. Nat. MS 15451, f. 115r. Cf. AMSTERDAM, 1967, 1144. 124 125

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aspects of theology were not lost to these later Franciscan scholars. More to the point, even when in the more progressive centres of higher learning the thirteenth-century scholarly synthesis broke down in favour of more refined and more rigorous forms of speculative theological analysis, the overall vision of religious knowledge, and the importance of its devotional, spiritual, and mystical aspects as presented by Bonaventura and Guibert de Tournai continued to exercise a large influence. This influence was not only felt by the Franciscan rank and file lectors, but also by late medieval pedagogical authors like Jean Gerson and the leaders of the Modern Devotion movement. Moreover, many important elements of this vision can be charted in the numerous applied writings for Franciscan novices and adult friars, and in the way the Franciscan religious life was organised on a day to day basis.126

126 Cf. BÉRUBÉ, 1988, 270: ‘la tendance se développa de préferer le docteur Subtil dans les domaines speculatifs et le Séraphique dans les sciences pratiques, spécialement pour la prédication et la vie spirituelle.’

CHAPTER SEVEN

PREACHING: CORNERSTONE OF THE FRANCISCAN EDUCATIONAL PROJECT Throughout the high and later Middle Ages, the sermon was by far the most important instrument for religious instruction. It was the main vehicle for educating the populace at large, but also for instructing clerics, friars and other religious groups on a day to day basis. According to the Cistercian Alain de Lille (the late twelfthcentury auctor intellectualis of the Ars Praedicandi), preaching was the ‘manifest and public instruction of morals and faith meant for the education of men, springing forth from the path of reason and the well of authority.’1 It was the highest calling of a priest, and therefore a main objective of all religious learning. The importance of preaching was stressed in particular by pope Innocent III at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215), where room was created for adjutant professional preachers and confessors alongside the existing parochial and diocesan clergy.2 The new mendicant orders could thereby, with full papal support, develop into the new, centrally organised, pastoral elite forces of the Church.3

1 ‘...manifesta et publica instructio morum et fidei, informationi hominum deserviens, ex rationum semita, et auctoritatum fonte proveniens.’ ALANUS DE INSULIS, Summa de Arte Praedicatoria, in: Patralogia Latina 210, col. 111c. 2 ‘Unde precipimus tam in cathedralibus quam in aliis conventualibus ecclesiis viros idoneos ordinari, quos episcopi possint coadiutores et cooperatores habere, non solum in predicationis officio verum etiam in audiendis confessionibus …’ CONSTITUTIONES CONCILII QUARTI LATERANENSIS, Canon X: De Praedicatoribus Instituendis, 58f. 3 Cf. MENZEL, 1991, 351-354. Menzel remarks that the entry of the Carmelites and Augustinian Hermits in the pastoral field – in 1247 and 1256 respectively -, did not fundamentally alter the Dominican and Franciscan pastoral hegemony. On Franciscan preaching during the Middle Ages see in general ZAWART, 1928; CANTINI, 1934, 35-43; MEHR, 1948, 245-258; ALATRI, 1973, 7-23; GHINATO, 1973, 24-98; DELCORNO, 1977², 125-160; GODET, 1977, 53-64; ZAFARANA, 1981, 205-250; D'AVRAY, 1985; BOUGEROL, 1977, 691-694; RUSCONI, 1986, 141-165; BOUGEROL, 1988, 17-49; GIEBEN, 1989, 1-27; MENESTÒ, 1995.

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The place of preaching in the emerging Franciscan order Francesco d’Assisi wanted an order of imitators of Christ and the apostles. Hence, preaching was part of the initial Franciscan vision of religious life.4 At the order’s inception, when Francesco had gathered only a few followers, preaching other than penitential exhortation would have been beyond the scope of the budding fraternity.5 Pope Innocent III’s 1209 licence to preach allowed the Friars Minor to engage in the preaching of penance. Other forms of preaching were not yet within reach.6 The popular appeal of Francesco’s teachings, as well as his ongoing stress on simplicity, has been interpreted as a sign that, until the death of the founder-saint, Franciscan preaching continued to be a primitive form of moral exhortation. However, Zafarana and Zerfass suggest that, at least during the last decade of Francesco d’Assisi’s earthly existence, the penitential exhortations of the Friars Minor evolved very quickly into more elevated forms of moral and doctrinal preaching.7 Between c. 1210-1226 many trained secular priests were joining the order. Unlike the remaining lay friars, these priests would not have limited themselves to straightforward penitentiary exhortations.8 Francesco’s own preaching evolved in a similar manner. The more advanced style of his later preaching did not resemble the systematic exposition of the academic sermo modernus.9 When his own preaching departed from simple exhortation, Francesco apparently adopted the style and method of the concionatori politici rather than the techniques of the learned praedicatores.10 His preaching was very evocative, characterised by improvisations and an original use of bibCf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 22; DELCORNO, 1977², 127ff. FELDER, 1904, 34ff. 6 FELDER, 1904, 52f. 7 ZAFARANA, 1981, 206, 209; ZERFASS, 1974, 235-236. This is confirmed by the fact that, as early as 1219, Pope Honorius III recommended the Friars Minor to all bishops, and urged the latter to receive these friars as preachers of the word of God. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 2. The chronicler Roger of Wendover also confirms that by this time the friars preached in parochial churches on Sundays and feast days. ROGER DE WENDOVER, Flores Historiarum, 41. 8 Cf. GODET, 1977, 53ff. 9 ZAFARANA, 1981, 207; DELCORNO, 1977², 125ff. See for his preaching ways also THOMAS DE CELANO, Vita Secunda, in: Analecta Franciscana, 193: ‘Brevibus innuebat quod erat ineffabile, et ignotos interserens gestus et nutus, totos rapiebat auditores ad caelica. Non distinctionum clavibus utebatur, quia ipse non inveniebat, non ordinabat sermones.’ 10 DELCORNO, 1977, 680-681. 4 5

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lical examples. In this manner, Francesco was able to arouse the emotions of his audience, whether learned or uncultured.11 This adopted form of concionatio was not just the simple style of the ydiotus. It was more akin to the powerful rhetoric developed by professional Italian rhetoricians, such as Buoncompagno da Signa, and as was propagated in works like the Oculus Pastoralis (meant for the instruction of the podestà). In the two most basic sources for the self-conception of Franciscan life, the Rule of 1221 and the Regula Bullata of 1223, the importance of preaching for the order is clearly expressed. Both rules devote separate chapters to preaching. These stipulate that, in accordance with the urgent wishes of the Papal See, the Friars Minor should implement their apostolic mission through an unceasing effort of organised pastoral care.12 In line with Honorius III’s distinction between praedicatio and exhortatio,13 the Regula Bullata subordinated exhortation (which was allowed to every layman) to preaching as such. As real preaching was not for the lay, this had repercussions for the order. The lay friars had to abstain from actual preaching. Doctrinal preaching would be reserved to well-trained friars, who were to be carefully examined and whose ministry had to be approved by the minister general (or by the provincial minister).14 Yet it was assumed 11 DELARUELLE, 1955, 455. The admiration of learned men for his style of preaching is codified in several contemporary chronicles. See THOMAS ARCHIDIACONUS, Historia Pontificum Salonitarorum et Spalatinorum, 580, which provides the following description of Francesco’s sermon before the students and teachers of the University of Bologna in 1222: ‘Fuit exordium sermonis eius: angeli, homines, daemones. De his enim spiritibus rationalibus ita bene et discrete proposuit, ut multis litteratis, qui aderant, fieret admirationi non modicae sermo hominis idiotae. Nec tamen ipse modum praedicantis tenuit, sed quasi concionantis.’ 12 FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula Non-Bullata, Chapter 17, in: Écrits, 154-156 (all friars should preach, if not with words than at least by example); FRANCISCUS ASSISIENSIS, Regula Bullata, Chapter 9, in: Écrits, 194. See also GODET, 1977; ELM, 1979, 69-103. Elm shows that in the Franciscan Rule mission is presented as a particular instance of penitential preaching as well as a from of evangelisation. 13 POWELL, 1976, 248-262; POWELL, 1979, 96. See on the relationship between praedicatio and exhortatio in particular LAUWERS, 1997, 187-231. 14 Chapter 9 of the Regula Bullata deals with the examination of preachers in the following manner: ‘Nullus fratrum populo penitus audeat praedicare, nisi a Ministro generali huius fraternitatis fuerit examinatus et approbatus, et ab eo officium sibi praedicationis concessum.’ During Francesco d’Assisi’s lifetime the examination and approbation of preachers took place during the general chapter meetings. When the order became too big to do this, the obligation to examine and approbate preachers fell on the provincial chapter and the provincial minister. Cf. the Bull Quo Elongati of 1230. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 69 and CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 71.

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that, aside from this selected group, all Franciscan friars should exhort the populace to do penance, and that all friars should preach the message of evangelical perfection through their exemplary deeds. Throughout the thirteenth century and beyond, the importance of pastoral care as a papally approved intrinsic part of the Franciscan mission in the world15 was acknowledged and repeatedly commentated on by the leadership of the order, frequently in reaction to the dissatisfaction expressed by spokesmen for the secular clergy. The statements of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio on such matters are particularly enlightening. He overtly embedded the pastoral activities of the Franciscan order within an encompassing salvation-historical and ecclesiological vision: “In these last days – concerning which the Apostle said that dangerous times will come as a result of the multiplication of sins, the profusion of ignorant people and the seduction of heretics, the rarity of good men, the difficulty of ruling, the shortcomings of the clergy, the overwhelming amount of troubles, and other dangers which are a menace to the Church – the Apostolic See has provided a form of remedy to alleviate the aforesaid dangers, for the rescue of souls in peril. And hence, by divine ordination she has established certain religious orders which, through the office of preaching and hearing confessions with which they have been entrusted, relieve the needs of the people, the shortcomings of the clergy, and withstand the subtleties of heretics; and all this to provide solace and relief to the burden of parish priests, not to judge them.”16

In statements like these, Franciscan spokesmen presented their order as an instrument in the hands of the Papacy, as a most welcome supplementary force in the face of the tribulations by which mankind was harassed near the end of time. Elsewhere, Bonaventura da 15 Cf. Pope Gregory IX’s statement in the bull Quoniam Abundavit Iniquitas: ‘Fratres Minores sunt ex sui Ordinis professione ad Praedicationem deputati.’ BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, I, 215. 16 ‘... in his novissimis temporibus – de quibus praedixit Apostolus, quod instabunt tempora periculosa ex mutiplicatione peccatorum et numerositate rudium populorum et seductione haereticorum et raritate bonorum et difficultate regendi et insufficientia praelatorum et perplexitate casuum emergentium et aliorum periculorum Ecclesiae imminentium ex variis eventibus – providit Sedes apostolica ad obviandum praefatis periculis aliquod remedium subventionis animabus pereuntibus, quod divina ordinatione quosdam Religiosorum Ordines instituit, qui officio praedicationis et confessionis sibi commisso subveniant indigentiae populorum et insufficientiae clericorum et obsistant versutiis haereticorum, et hoc in solatium et sublevamen oneris, non in praeiudicium plebanorum.’ BONAVENTURA, Quare Fratres Minores Praedicent et Confessiones Audiant, in: Opera Omnia, VIII, 377a.

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Bagnoregio turned the Franciscan order into a genuine universal salvation brigade with papal authorisation: “As the Church already is like a ship battered by storm, in which – while the rowers are trembling with anxiety – the ship is almost overwhelmed by violent charges, the friars are sent by the highest governor, strengthened with the authority of the Apostolic See, to cross the world in their own boats, in order to rescue from the waves those whom they find falling from the wreck of sin, and drag them to the shore of deliverance.”17

The importance of preaching is further reflected in contemporary Franciscan chronicles. In these works, Franciscan preachers and anecdotes about their effective pastoral mission figure prominently. In the chronicle of Salimbene alone, at least 28 Franciscan preachers are mentioned, often with euphoric descriptions of their verbal prowess. Take for example his description of friar Ugo Pocapaglia da Reggio: “He was a master of grammar in the world, a great jester and a great orator, and a solemn and outstanding preacher in the order of the Friars Minor, who silenced the scandalmongers of the order and abashed them with his sermons and examples. (...) He was filled with proverbs, stories and examples, and these resounded perfectly in his mouth, as he employed all of them to moral purposes. And he had an eloquent and agreeable tongue and was willingly listened to by the populace.”18

Learning to preach Francesco d’Assisi’s own form of charismatic preaching did not fully conform to the properties of the sermo modernus taught in the schools. ‘Cum igitur iam sit Ecclesia quasi navis tempestate concussa, in qua remigantibus, pavore trementibus procellae tumentes pene operiunt navem, missi sunt Fratres a summo gubernatore, fulciti auctoritate Sedis apostolicae, ut, in naviculis suis discurrentes per mundum, quos ex naufragio peccati periclitantes invenirent rapiant ex undis et ad litus salutis reportent.’ BONAVENTURA, Quare Fratres Minores Praedicent et Confessiones Audiant, in: Opera Omnia, VIII, 378b-379a. 18 ‘... fuit magister in grammatica in seculo et magnus truphator et magnus prolocutor et in ordine fratrum Minorum sollemnis et optimus predicator, et qui mordaces ordinis confutabat et confundebat predicationibus et exemplis (...) Hic erat totus plenus proverbiis, fabulis et exemplis, et optime sonabant in ore suo, quia hec omnia reducebat ad mores, et habebat linguam disertam et gratiosam, et libenter audiebatur a populo.’ SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 163. 17

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The impressive success of his charismatic preaching did not fail to catch the attention of contemporaries, and was a welcome topic in the Franciscan self-representation in saints’ lives and chronicles. Scholars have pointed out that Franciscan chroniclers themselves liked to contrast charismatic and seemingly divinely inspired preaching of the founder-saint and his companions with the learned skills of the scholastic preacher. Salimbene, for instance, wrote about the famous scholastic theologian Guillaume d’Auxerre: “Nobody was better in disputation than he, since he was a great logician and a great theologian. Yet when he started to preach, he did not know what to say, although he had assembled many good distinctions in his Summa. (...) He had the gift of disputation, but not the gift of preaching to the populace.”19

Peter the Chanter had uttered in his authoritative Verbum Abbreviatum that the study of theology should lead from lectio via disputatio to praedicatio, implying that theological studies in Paris formed the safest basis for a successful pastoral ministry.20 The same idea proved to be a strong incentive for the mendicant orders to attend university from the 1220s onwards. Proficient Franciscan preachers and historians without university schooling nevertheless questioned the value of academic training for an efficacious pastoral ministry. For them, the necessary charisma of the successful preacher was bound up with the chosen life of evangelical perfection. A friar’s own evangelical virtue would enable him to preach, without being overburdened with the artificialities of scholastic learning.21

19 ‘Nullus disputabat melius eo. Fuit enim magnus loycus et magnus theologus; quando vero intromittebat se de predicatione, nesciebat quid dicere, et tamen multas bonas distinctiones in Summa sua posuerat. (...) habuit gratiam disputandi, non autem populo predicandi.’ SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 214-215. 20 ‘In tribus igitur consistit exercitium sacrae Scripturae: circa lectionem, disputationem et praedicationem (...) Post lectionem igitur sacrae Scripturae, et dubitabilium, per disputationem, inquisitionem, et non prius praedicandum est.’ P ETRUS CANTOR, Verbum Abbreviatum, Ch. I. in: Patrologia Latina 205, 25a-b. 21 Salimbene did not so much challenge the value of education in itself, but the specific technicalities of speculative theology. David d’Avray has pointed out that Paris also was a major centre for the production of sermons and preaching aids. Moreover, like Gilson before him, he has proven that it is misleading to identify the scholastic sermon with ‘scholasticism’ in the strict sense. Sermons produced in the context of the university of Paris do not necessarily exhibit the rigid logical procedures found in disputed questions. Neither can scholastic distinctions be equated with the distinctions in preaching aids. D'AVRAY, 1985, 169-180.

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Salimbene more than once contrasted the lively sermons of inspired preachers with the heartless preaching of learned friars. The most well-known examples of such inspired preachers are Hugues de Digne and Berthold von Regensburg, both of whom were thought to have received the special grace of speech from God.22 However, it would be wrong to assume that friars like Salimbene were opposed to proper training, or to learning as such.23 The training and examination mentioned in the Regula Bullata and repeatedly alluded to in the Papal bulls that dealt with Franciscan preaching privileges24 were generally seen as necessary preconditions for doctrinal preaching. Subsequent statutes also exhibit a concern for adequate instruction and proper examination.25 Salimbene himself proudly relates how he passed the test by his superiors.26 Nevertheless, the first generations of friars seem to have had some doubts concerning the usefulness of over-refined scholastic techniques for preaching purposes. The oral examination of candidates at provincial chapters, which can be charted from the 1220s onwards, centred foremost on the future preacher’s command of elementary moral and doctrinal knowledge, and normally did not contain an exhaustive evaluation of the candidate’s discursive knowledge of theological fineries. It was generally held that successful preaching SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 255ff, 559, 563. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 226, where Salimbene boasts about Hugues’ biblical erudition. 24 For instance the Bull Solet Annuere: ‘Fratres non praedicent in Episcopatu alicujus Episcopi cum ab eo illis fuerit contradictum; et nullus Fratrum populo penitus audeat praedicare, nisi a Ministro Generali hujus Fraternitatis fuerit examinatus et approbatus, et ab eo officium sibi praedicationis concessum. Moneo quoque et exhortor eosdem Fratres ut in praedicatione quam faciunt sint examinata et casta eorum eloquentia, ad utilitatem et aedificationem populi, annuntiando eis vitia et virtutes, poenam et gloriam, cum brevitate sermonis, quia verbum abbreviatum fecit Dominus super terram.’ SERAPHICAE LEGISLATIONIS TEXTUS ORIGINALES, 44. 25 The Rule of 1221 asserted that no friar could preach without approbation by his provincial minister. The Regula Bullata was more detailed and also more restricting, stating that no friar could preach to the populace without being examined and approved by the minister general. The quick growth of the order made this an almost impossible requirement, so that eventually the task to examine and approve new preachers reverted back to the provincial level. After c. 1240 the provincial minister and the definitors present at the provincial chapter were allowed to arrange for proper examination of candidates presented to them. Cf. CANTINI, 1934², 36-37. Preachers naturally would also need a licence from the bishop of the diocese in which they were active. 26 Cf. ALATRI, 1988, 159-189. 22 23

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could never be reduced to a set of scholastic techniques, and could not be based on academic knowledge alone. The ideal was charismatic preaching, guided by divine inspiration.27 As the life of evangelical perfection made friars more receptive to such inspiration, a virtuous life adhering to the Franciscan Rule was seen to be as important as a thorough grounding in theological knowledge. There was, however, a growing doubt as to whether many Franciscan preachers could hope to receive such a donum. As John of Wales eventually was to argue in his famous Ars Praedicandi, not all preachers could hope to be inspired by the Holy Spirit. Hence these friars had to rely on dependable techniques.28 These techniques had to be taught by properly instructed lectors, themselves often experienced preachers. A case in point is the lectorate of Antonio di Padova, one of the first teachers in the order, who was asked by Francesco himself to teach the Friars Minor. 29 Antonio di Padova came to the Franciscan order after considerable training and after a career as preacher and educator. Although not much is known about the actual content of Antonio’s teaching to adult friars, his surviving sermons, as well as his reputation as ‘hammer of the heretics’30 (which suggests both charisma and considerable argumentative skills), indicate impressive capabilities, which he would have tried to pass on to his Franciscan pupils.31 This topic was not only discussed in a Franciscan context. See for twelfth- and thirteenth-century discussions on the relationship between divine inspiration and the recourse to learned techniques (in particular in sermons held during Pentecost) CASAGRANDE, 1997, 235-254; VECCHIO, 1997, 255-269. 28 ZAFARANA, 1981, 218-219, 230-231, 234-5; MORENZONI, 1997, 271-290. In several contemporary Artes Praedicandi the opposition between purely charismatic preaching under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost and ‘regulated’ thematic preaching is addressed, and they often suggest a compromise, arguing that inspiration could more easily come when a proper foundation was laid. Many Franciscan authors, like Thomas Docking, Eustache d’Arras, John Pecham and Raymond Rigaud, stressed a proper balance between learning and grace, knowledge and virtue, lectio/praedicatio and inspired adhortatio. In their opinion, this balance cohered with the proper function of every sermon, namely teaching correct doctrine and a proper moral disposition. See on this in particular LECLERCQ, 1946, 105-147. 29 Cf. LOMBARDI, 1982, 797-818. 30 Antonio di Padova did not solely preach against Patarine and Albigensian ideas, he also engaged in public disputes with local heretical spokesmen. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 15ff. 31 On Antonio di Padova’s preaching and teaching methods, which have drawn considerable scholarly attention, see in particular CLASEN, 1953, 101-121; SCHMITT, 1995, 307-318; MARANGON, 1997, 135-148. 27

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A more systematic training in scholastic homiletic techniques received enormous stimulation during Haymo of Faversham’s ministeriate after 1239. Under his leadership, lay brothers were barred from all higher offices in the order. Thereafter, only trained clerics were to engage in proper preaching.32 Between the 1240s and the Bonaventuran years (1257-1273), the examination of future preachers became more formalised and more encompassing, coherent with statements in Bonaventura da Bagnoregio’s Determinationes Quaestionum circa Regulam Fratrum Minorum, written to contradict allegations concerning the appointment of immature preachers in the order.33 The formalisation of the examination process increased the teaching obligation of the lectors and his assistants, who were responsible for the training of these prospective preachers. These teachers increasingly received their own education at higher centres of learning, such as the Franciscan studium generale at Paris, where the majority would have attended the lectorate program. At such studia generalia, these Franciscan friars inevitably were exposed to the learned sermo modernus, the refined thematic sermon based on a ‘theme,’ often a (part of a) biblical verse derived from the liturgy reading, which the preacher thereafter expounded by a disciplined procedure of divisions and distinctions.34 During their own lectorate course, future 32 By the year 1285 the last lay preacher would have disappeared. ZAWART, 1928, 276-277. 33 Aside from requirements with regard to the age, demeanor, bodily fitness, height, and voice quality of candidate preachers, Bonaventura stressed their ‘vita irreprehensibilis’, ‘scientia sacrae Scripturae’, ‘auctoritas praedicandi et confessiones audiendi’, and their ‘ratio satisfactoria’. B ONAVENTURA, Determinationes Quaestionum circa Regulam Fratrum Minorum, in: Opera Omnia, VIII, 338a, , 360-361. 34 On the general structure of the modern thirteenth-century sermon, see: D'AVRAY, 1985, 169-181; BRISCOE, 1992, 22ff; CHARLAND, 1936, 107-226; GILSON, 1925, 301-360. The preacher introduced his theme, often with reference to the liturgical readings of that particular day, and established a series of distinctions to deal with the theme in the so-called dilatatio or elaboration. To flesh out his distinctions, the preacher had recourse to a range of instruments, ranging from additional biblical verses that could shed light on the theme, patristic and modern exegetical authorities, logical and etymological argumentation, and supporting examples. Based on the prescriptions in several Artes Praedicandi, Charland distinguishes three main categories with which to develop the distinctions of the sermo modernus: i.) authorities (from the Bible, the doctors of the Church, the philosophers and other venerable authors); ii.) argumentations or developments based on the properties of the things dealt with in the sermon; iii.) exempla. Gilson distinguishes no less than eight procedures by which preachers were able to develop the theme and the distinctions of the sermo modernus. Martin combines these two by distinguishing i.) authorities (OT, NT,

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lectors would have heard many elaborate sermons from masters of theology and formed bachelors. The lectors in spe would also have been trained in scholastic preaching with the help of model sermons, and frequently also with the rules of the Artes Praedicandi or Artes Faciendi Sermones, in which the basic techniques of preaching were treated systematically. Coming back from their lectorate course, these new lectors who by then would have considerable experience in scholastic homiletics, would pass on their knowledge in the custodial study houses and the convent schools. This, in turn, had repercussions for the form and content of the examination of future preachers.35 From the 1240s onwards, we see a proliferation of Franciscan Artes Praedicandi, made not only by masters of theology, but also by lectors active at lower levels.36 These Artes Praedicandi would explain the basic model of the sermo modernus, discussing the choice of its theme and protheme, the set-up of the subsequent dilatatio-divisions, and the use of rationes, auctoritates, and exempla. This basic model in itself still allowed for a wide variety of preaching practices. Many Artes acknowledged the importance of adapting the basic scheme of the sermon according to the circumstances, and warned future preachers that a simple audience should not be bothered with overly refined distinctions, but instead be edified by means of straightforward instruction that referred back to the biblical text read during the service of the day.37 We can assume that sermons for a predominantly lay audience did not fully adhere to all the possible divisions expounded in the more elaborate Ars Praedicandi, but might have been more like a popular concionatio, in which divisions were kept simple. We know that in Fathers, philosophers and theologians of Antiquity and more recent times, classical authors); ii.) questions; iii) reasonings; iv.) exempla; v.) similitudes. MARTIN, 1988, 242243. For the teaching of sermon techniques in the Dominican order, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 401-419. 35 BOUGEROL, 1978, 267. 36 For an overview of Franciscan Artes Praedicandi and related treatises see CAPLAN, 1934 and CAPLAN, 1936, together with the corrections and additions of Amadeus a Zedelgem, in Collectanea Franciscana 7 (1937), 273-275 and Collectanea Franciscana 9 (1939), 561-565. See also JOANNES RUPELLA, Processus Negociandi Themata Sermonum, 247ff; PIACENTI, 1975, 325-354; DELORME, 1944, 169-198; HAUF, 1979, 233-329; BUCHWALD, 1921, 67-74 (See also Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 17 (1924), 295-296); BARCELONA, 1936, II, 301-340; REDONET, 1995, 285-292. 37 ZAFARANA, 1981, 231-232.

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Dominican preaching courses a distinction was made between various levels of preaching. The full-blown sermo modernus was reserved for university clerics and congregations of educated clerics in general. A simpler vernacular sermon was to address the rusticos in the countryside. The ignorant at the lowest level were to be instructed with the modest homily, which was without a real system or scheme, but was fully devoted to the simple exposition of the Gospel and made abundant use of straightforward exempla.38 These overt differentiations were motivated by the exasperation of some Dominican popular preachers in the face of the tendency by some learned Dominican colleagues to adhere too much to the learned sermo modernus when preaching to the lay.39 The same exasperation was found among Franciscan friars. Roger Bacon, who was renowned for his academic prowess, criticised the unrestrained use of ingenious verbal concordances and thematic divisions.40 He contrasted the sermo modernus, which he thought to be too technical, with the fruitful homiletic practices of Berthold von Regensburg. Berthold’s sermons, while carefully based on a wellchosen biblical theme and a clear division of subject matter, in complete agreement with the rules laid down in the Artes Praedicandi, refrained from subdivisions, subdistinctions, and the unrestrained use of verbal concordances. Like Antonio di Padova before him, Berthold used distinctions predominantly as a memory aid, and did not divide his sermons ad infinitum. Both preachers were successful, according to Bacon, because they adapted their message to the audience.41 Comparable concerns were voiced in Franciscan spiritual circles. The Spirituals condemned the unlimited use of distinctions and verbal concordances as a departure from the original Franciscan simplicitas. Ubertino da Casale spoke in this context about a vilification of the word of God.42 Notwithstanding these bitter fulminations, Roger Bacon’s and Ubertino da Casale’s criticisms did not touch the core of the modern DELCORNO, 1977, 683. Cf. RONCIÈRE, 1990, 379. 40 Bacon attacked the structure of the modern thematic sermon with its ‘divisiones porphyrianas’ and its ‘concordantias vocales, in quibus est sola vanitas verbosa, omni carens ornatu rhetorico et virtute persuadendi.’ ROGER BACON, Opus tertium, 304. Cf. ZAFARANA, 1981, 226-227. 41 ZAFARANA, 1981, 228-229; BANTA, 1969, 472-479. 42 Cf. ZAFARANA, 1981, 224. 38 39

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thematic sermon. Their objections were aimed at the overkill of distinctions by academic preachers, who either did not know how to adapt their message to a non-academic audience, or were hiding behind distinctions and other technical devices to mask their lack of profound biblical knowledge. Such criticism did not mean that Franciscan critics of the sermo modernus wanted to dispose with scholastic learning altogether, or wanted to forego the use of sophisticated instruments for homiletic purposes. The sophistication of their own writings belies this. For friars such as Roger Bacon and Ubertino da Casale, the urge to search for simplicitas was primarily a strategic rhetorical device in their polemics with their likewise highly schooled adversaries.43 In fact, successful Franciscan preachers hammered on the necessity of adapting the pastoral message to different audiences, and of catching the attention of their listeners with a creative use of a wide range of rhetorical devices.44 The popular appeal of many learned Franciscan preachers throughout the later Middle Ages shows that these well-trained friars knew how to get the message across. They were perfectly able to impress an academic audience with a refined scholastic sermon, while, at the same time, adapting their style to appeal to a wider public. Their popular preaching probably would have come close to veritable catechesis, introducing the basic tenets of Christian faith and morals with the use of clear images that would have stuck in the memory of their audience.45 Throughout the later medieval period, homiletic instruction in the Franciscan order took place under the guidance of lectors, assistant teachers (such as student masters) and designated convent preachers, who themselves would have been well-versed practitioners.46 This 43 Elsewhere, Ubertino stressed the importance of adequate religious instruction. Cf. CANTINI, 1934², 41. 44 Hence Guibert de Tournai urged to make use of sententiae proverbiales, apologi artificiales, proprietates naturales, and informaciones exemplares. GILBERTUS DE TORNACO, Ars Praedicandi, MS Florence Biblioteca Laurenzina Cod. S. Crucis Plut. XXXVI dext. 6 f. 219va. Cf. ZAFARANA, 235-236. For the more spectacular elements in such rhetorical devices, see HOROWITZ & MENACHE, 1994, passim; DONNETTI, 1982, 83-102. 45 Cf. ZAFARANA, 1981, 212; SCHMITT, 1995, 315. 46 Such as Antonio di Padova, Lucca da Bitonto, Jean de La Rochelle, Guibert de Tournai, John of Wales, Servasanto da Faenza, Konrad von Sachsen, David von Augsburg and many other well-known Franciscan lector-preachers. Cf. ZAFARANA, 1981, 222-224; STEER, 1993, 329. After around 1260 no friar could be assigned a teaching position as lector, bachelor or master of theology without being an examined preacher. Cf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 210. Learning how to preach therefore

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homiletic instruction took place at nearly all levels and involved a large segment of the friary’s population. Normally, all friars of the convent (lay and clerical friars alike) were expected to attend the ordinary convent sermons and the private sermons held in the chapter house after matins or compline.47 Thus, they were continually exposed to sermon techniques. Adult clerics, as well as the younger priests and students in the community, were expected to preach in chapter and in the convent church on a regular basis, to test out their homiletic skills before their brethren. They were expected to participate in the lectures and the routine rehearsal and collation exercises, and to read in their free hours the available manuals of moral theology and other texts that contained useful praedicabilia. Ultimately, the organisation of all these scholarly exercises was the responsibility of the lector, who would continually evaluate the progress of aspirant preachers and confessors. As soon as they had been examined by their lector and the provincial chapter (or the provincial minister), and furthermore had received the necessary episcopal licence, friars could be sent out to preach outside the friary in their designated area.48 Alongside cathedral schools, mendicant study houses at various levels also became important centres for the homiletic training of the secular clergy.49 Homiletic training did not solely depend on learning the basic structure of the sermo modernus, whether or not with the help of the Ars Praedicandi, or by means of emulating the examples given by lectors would have been part of the curriculum at different school levels. The fact that teaching how to preach does not shine through in university statutes should not lead historians to believe that it was not an intrinsic part of mendicant education. See also RONCIÈRE, 1990, 358-359. 47 This is for instance attested by the constitutions of the Observant chapter of Kreuznach (1490): ‘Ad sermones quoque exempli causa veniant fratres laici, clerici, et sacerdotes novelli.’ GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 507. Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 345, n. 37. 48 Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 346-347; CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 370-371. From the later thirteenth century onwards, future preachers not only had to show proficiency in preaching techniques, but also four ‘winters’ of theological instruction and sufficient maturity before they could be examined at the provincial chapter. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 475, 479. 49 There are several indications that Franciscan friars throughout the medieval period saw convent schools and custodial schools predominantly as centres for the formation of adequate preachers. Cf. SALIMBENE DE ADAM, Cronica, ed. Holder-Egger, 311. Giovanni Buralli da Parma sent friars to Toulouse to acquire sufficient learning and expertise for acceptance to the ‘officium praedicationis.’

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and convent preachers. For this we can refer to the fifteenth-century Ars Praedicandi of Christian Borgsleben (d. 1504), which indicates that the recitation of existing model sermons, whether or not explicitly made for that purpose by proficient lector-preachers, was a very important instrument in the teaching of homiletics.50 The enormous number of surviving model sermon collections and sermon schemata compiled and edited by lectors, well-known preachers, and Franciscan students would suggest that, alongside exposure to versatile practitioners, the model sermon was by far the most important tool to teach upcoming preachers. 51 Model sermons provided both experienced and inexperienced preachers with a nearly endless supply of themes, arguments and examples.52 From Antonio di Padova’s lifetime onwards, we encounter hundreds of Franciscan sermon collections, compiled first and foremost to function as an auxiliary to preaching. Many sermon collections of acknowledged academic and non-academic master-preachers circulated widely. The same is true of the numerous collections of ac-

50 ‘Consuetudinis namque est in locis studiorum ordinibus atque conventibus, ubi puerorum erat multitudo, quod lectores secundarii in philosophia vel fratres officio legentiae fugentes philosophantibus atque in artibus proficientibus collaciones breves consueverunt formare, in quorum recitatione exercebantur iuvenes fratres et reddebantur animosi. Patres nichilominus audientes huiusmodi collaciones vel sermones recitare perpendebant ydoneitatem fratrum ad studia in eloquencia et sedulitatem proficiendi. BUCHWALD, 1921, 67-74. Borgsleven entered the Franciscan order in Nordhausen, where he also can be charted as lector and guardian. He pursued his degree studies at the Leipzig studium (1446-1449). After his licentiate (1449), he was regent master of the Leipzig studium in 1451/1452. Thereafter he can again be traced as lector in Nordhausen, as magister regens of the Erfurt studium in 1464, and as lector in Leipzig between 1471-1474. Cf. MEIER, 1958, 31-32. 51 It was not uncommon for beginning preachers to start with reciting the sermons of other friars that they had learned by heart. This is, for instance, attested for the Observant friar Roberto Caracciolo. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 72. 52 Cf. D'AVRAY, 1985, 77ff. TREMP, 1995, 115 provides in this context interesting information concerning the sermon manuscripts compiled by Friedrich von Amberg in the convent of Fribourg. Experienced preachers themselves also copied sermons, to have a body of reference material at hand during their preaching tours. See for instance the preaching book of friar Heinrich Kastner: ‘Das Ingolstadter Predigtbuch des Franziskaners Heinrich Kastner’, in: Festgabe Heinrich Finke gewidmet (Münster in Westfalen, 1904), 438ff. On the procedure towards final redactions through stages of reportationes, see BATAILLON, 1980, 21-22; BONAVENTURA, Sermones Dominicales, ed. J.G.Bougerol, 17-30. Bernardino da Siena depended on lay scribes to provide him with rough copies of all the sermons he preached. On the basis of these copies he made a final version, ready for publication. ORIGO, 1963, 258; RUSCONI, 1981³, 119, 167-170.

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claimed Observant preachers.53 Such exemplary sermon collections sometimes begin with a rudimentary Ars Concionandi as an introduction, betraying the didactic contexts in which these collections were generated and in which they were expected to function. They do not always contain sermons by one acknowledged master preacher only. European manuscript libraries are filled with sermon manuscripts containing the works of many different Franciscan and nonFranciscan preachers. These manuscripts are, in fact, florilegia of homiletic ‘highlights.’54 The proliferation of adiutory materials for preaching is seen as one of the most characteristic developments of later medieval homiletics. It has been described as a sign of the professionalisation of pastoral care. The new instruments would have enabled the schooled preacher to develop the theme of his sermo modernus by means of adequate distinctions or divisions, and to find the corroborating 53 Such as the sermons of Jean de La Rochelle, Eudes Rigaud, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, Guibert de Tournai, Berthold von Regensburg, John of Wales, Servasanto da Faenza, Gautier de Bruges, Giovanni Marchesini, Guillaume de Lanicea, François de Meyronnes, Bertrand de la Tour, Johannes von Werden, Bernardino da Siena and many others. On the surviving manuscripts of Franciscan preachers, see SCHNEYER, 1973-80, passim, together with the reviews and corrections in Collectanea Franiscana 42 (1972), 87-101; 44 (1974), 403ff; 46 (1976), 409ff; 47 (1977), 135ff; 48 (1978), 453ff; Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 63 (1970), 195-196; 64 (1971), 206-208 & 611-613; 66 (1973), 460ff; 67 (1974), 583-585; 69 (1976), 586-588; 71 (1978), 294ff; 72 (1979), 225; 73 (1980), 811. Cf. also D'AVRAY, 1985, 65-82; GIEBEN, 1989, 13-14, 24ff; BATAILLON, 1977, 691-4; ETZKORN, 1996, 277-301, as well as the many individual articles and partial editions on individual Franciscan preachers. Cf. for instance CENCI, 1994, 273-314; CENCI, 1995, 269-318; CHUDOBA & SARTORI, 1978, 317-401. Sometimes, the introduction of surviving sermon collections makes clear that these sermons were written to function as preparatory material. See for instance the Sermones Festivi of Servasanto da Faenza. Cf. GAMBOSO, 1973, 19 (based on MS Assisi Comunale 520 f. 99v and MS Angers 257 (248)). The latter sermon collection, entitled Instructio Praedicatorum Manuscripta, was compiled and kept in the convent of the Franciscans of La Baumette, founded in 1452 by king René. For conveniency it contains an alphabetical index. In this context we can also point to the influential Alphabetum Sermonum of the Franciscan friar Konrad Grütsch (d. c. 1475). TREMP, 1995, 122-124. See on the sermons of Konrad Grütsch also MURITH, 1940. Many of these Franciscan sermon collections still await their first modern edition and have not been studied in depth. 54 D'AVRAY, 1985, 99-100 has pointed to Paris Bibliothèque Nationale Lat 3737, 3731, and 3741, with sermons by a selection of mendicant preachers. To this list can be added many more. See also MS Worcester Cath. Q. 46 studied by LITTLE & PELSTER, 1934, 160, 162, 178, 184, 365. Cf. also the reference to Etzkorn in the previous note. Such florilegia usually contain sermons of various mendicant (Franciscan, Dominican, Augustinian etc.) preachers. Cf. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 422, note 59.

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quaestiones, rationes, exempla, auctoritates, and similitudines in the dilatatio. In short, they enabled the preacher (in spe) to give body to the structure taught in the Artes Praedicandi and Artes Concionandi.55 While sermon collections can be seen as the most important instruments for these purposes, prospective and acting preachers had access to (or were involved in the production of) a range of other preaching instruments as well. In their convent libraries, they could have recourse to already established adiumenta, such as biblical commentaries and the standard glosses on the Bible, which in the course of the twelfth century had become the most important interface between the biblical text and the religious scholar. In addition, Franciscan preachers had access to other established instruments, like the Sentences of Lombard, the Decretum of Gratian, the Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor, and the emerging distinction collections on topics derived from the Bible and canon law.56 Franciscan friars, like mendicant friars from other orders, soon became deeply involved in the exploitation and further exploration of these and additional instruments.57 In this context we can point to elaborate distinction collections, concordances and biblical dictionaries, 58 indices and florilegia with citations from the works of the Church fathers and classical authors,59 extensive exempla collections,60 and the popular Summae de Paenitentia (which will be dealt with at a later stage). See in general MICHAUD-QUANTIN, 1970, 76-91. GAFFURI, 1995, 81-111; Rouse & Rouse, 1975, 27-37; D'AVRAY, 1985, 66ff. The mendicant libraries are filled with this kind of material. 57 Between the early thirteenth and the late fifteenth century, more than 60% of all surviving Artes Praedicandi and related ancillary materials for professional preaching were of mendicant origin. Cf. MENZEL, 1991, 355-356, 373. The Franciscans were not far behind the Dominicans in these matters. See SCHNEYER, 1976, 122-128; O'MALLEY, 1986, 25-50. 58 The Franciscans were apt to make extensive use of concordances and distinction collections, to provide preachers with adequate biblical key words and concepts. For this we can refer to the Concordantiae Morales Sacrorum Bibliorum of Antonio di Padova, The Dictionarium Bovis of Tommaso da Pavia, the Promptuarium Morale Sacrae Scripturae of Thomas Hibernicus, the Collectarium Morale Sacrae Scripturae of John Pecham, the Speculum Morale Totius Sacrae Scripturae of Vital du Four, the Distinctiones (or Conceptus Praedicabiles) of Nicholas Byard, and related works of Maurice de Provence. Cf. ZAFARANA, 1981, 222; KLEINHANS, 1931, 273-326. 59 Cf. the works of John of Wales mentioned below and FRANCISCUS DE MEYRONNE, Flores ex Libris S. Augustini super Genesim & Florilegium ex De Civitate Dei Augustini (see for instance MS Rome BAV Lat. 4272 ff. 20-59v). 60 On exempla collections in general and their use in medieval sermons, see SCHMITT, 1977², 5-21; BERLIOZ, 1979, 113-146; BREMOND, LEGOFF & SCHMITT, 1982; BERLIOZ & POLO DE BEAULIEU, 1992; HAUG & WACHINGER, 1991. On Dominican and 55 56

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Aside from these specialised instruments, Franciscan friars could draw upon other auxiliary works with materials that could be used for preaching.61 These included collections of saints’ lives and chronicles,62 a wide range of basic instruction literature,63 and popular encyclopaedic texts such as De Proprietatibus Rerum of Bartholomaeus Anglicus (c. 1245).64 This encyclopaedia of scientific knowledge and Cistercian exempla collections, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 458-472; ROUSE, 1976, 123134. The Franciscans were very proficient exempla gatherers, especially in the period between 1250 and 1350. Some of these collections were very successful and found their way all over Europe, such as the collections of Servasanta da Faenza, the famous Contes moralisés (c. 1320) of the English friar Nicholas Bozon, and the Liber Pharetrae (c. 1264). See on these works especially WELTER, 1930, 432-476, 595-629; WELTER, 1927, 265-272, 290-294, 301-304, 369-375, 386-391; SCHMITT, 1977, 5-21; TREMP, 1995, 111-131. Many Franciscan exempla collections, including several of the most successful ones, cannot be assigned to a specific author. See for instance the alphabetical SPECULUM LAICORUM, ed. Welter (Paris, 1914). This collection probably was compiled between 1279 and 1292 ‘ad erudicionem rudium’ by a Franciscan ambulant preacher, active in the eastern parts of the English province. Cf. also GESTA ROMANORUM, ed. B. Weiske, 2 Vols., Fortuna Vitrea 3-4 (Tübingen, 1992); Liber Exemplorum, ed. A.G. Little (Aberdeen, 1908); Liber Exemplorum FRATRUM MINORUM, ed. L. Oliger, 203-276; WELTER, 1926. 61 As far as preaching tools were concerned, Franciscan friars were more than willing to make use of works compiled by Dominicans or other religious authors, such as the Compendium Theologiae Veritatis of Hugues Ripelin (d. 1268), the Legenda Aurea of Iacopo da Varazze, the works of Martin von Troppau, the Inductorium Morale super totam Bibliam of Peter Berchorius (d. 1362), the Summa de Exemplis et Similitudinibus Rerum of Giovanni di S. Geminiano (d. 1323), or the Vocabularius Praedicantium of Johan Melber von Gerolzhofen (fl. 1480). Preachers were willing to use everything that could be useful. As the quadragesimal sermons of the Franciscan friar Albert Hofeltinger (c. 1433) show, preachers did not refrain from using full academic texts either (in his case Christian von Hiddesdorf’s magisterial commentary on Matthew). MEIER, 1939, 177-180. 62 An important text in this regard is the anonymous Flores Temporum, which has survived in many manuscripts and reworkings. In the hagiographic domain we can for instance point to the Umbrian Catalogus Sanctorum Fratrum Minorum (c. 1335), or the Catalogus Friburgensis Sanctorum Fratrum Minorum of Friedrich von Amberg (d. 1432). A special case is formed by the fourteenth-century Satirica Ystoria of Paolino da Venezia, which combines a universal chronicle with a range of additional preaching tools (distinction collections, sayings of classical authors, saints-catalogues, geographical and mythological lore etc.), made accessible by a series of different indexes and crossreference systems. See for an overview of all these and several other Franciscan collections of saints’ lives and chronicles used for homiletic purposes in particular ROEST, 1996, passim. 63 Basic expositions of the Pater Noster, the Ave Maria, the Creed, treatises on the Eucharist and the Mass, the virtues and vices and the ten commandments. Wellknown in this regard are the works of the Franciscan friar Marquard von Lindau. See MADRE, 1965. Many of these texts also figure in the religious instructions of novices, Poor Clares and tertiaries. 64 Cf. MEYER, 1988, 237-274.

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its manifold late medieval moralising adaptations65 allowed preachers to choose numerous exempla and similitudines from the sciences and the natural world (a popular practice of Franciscan preachers from Antonio di Padova onwards).66 Works with a comparable use included the Summa Praedicabilium of Bernard de Deo,67 the early fourteenth-century Compendium Pauperis Fratris Minoris of John Ridalgus,68and the many auxiliary works of John of Wales, such as his Communiloquium, his Compendiloquium de Vitiis Illustrium Philosophorum, and his Breviloquium de Sapientia Sanctorum. Together with his Summa de Viciis et Virtutibus, these latter works of John of Wales can be understood as complementary treatises to the Ars Praedicandi by the same author.69 It is not always possible to establish a direct relation between these kinds of auxiliary materials and the actual sermon preached in the pulpit. Many works had a double or triple function. They could be read (in part or from cover to cover) in the school room or the convent library, providing students with exemplary materials and additional religious instruction.70 They could also be used as reference works, to act in a more direct way as a tool for the creation of actual sermons, or as an educational text for a wider audience (whether or not in a vernacular adaptation).

Such as the Tractatus Septiformis de Moralitatibus Rerum of Marco d’Orvieto. A critical edition of this work is in preparation by G.J. Etzkorn. See also FRIEDMAN, 1989, 179-196. 66 Cf. ZAFARANA, 1981, 237. 67 He was guardian of Lérida (Spain) in 1318. Cf. Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 26 (1933), 248. 68 The Compendium is a reworking of Ripelin’s Compendium Theologiae Veritatis, to make it more suitable for homiletic purposes. It adds many examples from the history of the Franciscan order. Cf. OEDIGER, 1953, 112. 69 See in general on these works SWANSON, 1988, passim. 70 An interesting case is formed by the Sermones Dominicales found in MS Firenze, Bibl. Naz. Conv. Soppr. C-7-236 (=Laurenz. Plut. XXXIV Sin Cod 5). The introduction to this well-composed sermon collection (ff. 1ra-2vb), which is ascribed to Lucca da Bitonto, elucidates the exegetical strategies put forward in the subsequent sermons for the Sundays of the liturgical year. In a clear but concise manner the introduction deals with the four causes of Scripture, its revelatory nature, its fourfold (historical, tropological, anagogical and allegorical) meaning, and the subservient nature of all other disciplines to it (emphasising the way in which the various philosophical disciplines can be handmaidens of biblical exegesis and its homiletic usage). The introduction further describes the fundamental authority of Scripture, and deals with exegetical rules of thumb for the use of Scripture in homiletics. 65

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It is customary to make a distinction between the scholastic sermo modernus and the traditional sermon that would have been more along patristic homiletic lines. In many cases, this division is difficult to maintain, and is based more on the structure and the character of surviving (abbreviated) model sermons and the rules from the Ars Praedicandi than on an insight into medieval homiletic practice. Several scholars have tried to devise more refined stratifications. Most impressive are the divisions of Zawart, whose list includes scholastic, emblematic, mystical, and missionary sermons, sermons on the Gospels and the Epistles (or pericope sermons), sermons for Advent, the Passion of Christ, to the Jews, to heretics, and for crusaders, as well as the sermo casualis, the sermo ad status, and sermons pertaining to indulgences, councils, courts, funerals, etc. He uses as criteria a mixture of homiletic techniques, prospective audiences, and specific preaching occasions. Such a listing can be extended endlessly, with the risk of developing into a Borgesian library catalogue.71 Several of these ‘sermon types’ continue to receive scholarly attention in more recent studies, either because they seem to correspond to clearly defined medieval text corpora, or because they provide handy categories for interesting research. 72 Of interest to many specialists in later medieval sermon literature is the vague category of popular preaching. This category has had special appeal for scholars interested in medieval popular culture or in medieval Franciscan pastoral activities. Both the alleged popular character of the Franciscan movement and its founder, and the acknowledged success of its most famous preachers, have stimulated the search for specific characteristics of Franciscan popular preaching, ZAWART, 1928, 43-252. Funerary sermons are a case in point. They have become the object of a very interesting study by David d’Avray. See in particular D'AVRAY, 1994. Another interesting category is formed by the rogation day sermons. See on these the forthcoming book of Jussi Hanska. Both the Conventuals and the Observants established a tradition of solid preaching during their provincial gatherings. Such gatherings also attracted representatives of regional secular authorities, neighbouring urban centres, other religious orders etc. Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 355-356. Compare the remarks on synodal preaching and preaching at general councils in RONCIÈRE, 1990, 369-370. Charles de la Roncière suggests that Dominican and Franciscan friars developed a special kind of preaching for tertiaries and confraternities. Ibidem, 370. Fur a further analysis of preaching themes and preaching occasions, see GUIDI, 1996. 71 72

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such as its use of dramatic imagery, parody, and vernacular styles. However, in more recent studies on this matter, the old dichotomy between learned and popular preaching is losing ground to more sophisticated views of Franciscan homiletic practice, in line with more balanced ideas on the relationship between medieval popular and learned culture altogether.73 Another category that continues to draw scholarly attention is the so-called ad-status sermon. Scholars have discerned a change from the high medieval homily (which predominantly was meant for the clergy itself) to sermons that had to reach the various layers of society in the Church at large. A major step in this process was the development of the ad-status sermon, in which the new techniques of the sermo modernus were geared towards the envisaged religious needs of various social groups. Throughout the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries, the mendicant friars produced a range of ad-status sermon collections in which they addressed different social groups (and groups of different gender) in ways most suitable for their spiritual welfare. Famous in this context are the sermons of the Franciscan friar Guibert de Tournai.74 73 On the allegedly popular character of Franciscan preaching, see FELDER, 1904, 50ff; LITTLE, 1917³, 123-157; BOUGEROL, 1977, 691-694; ZAFARANA, 1983, 265-275; MARTIN, 1988, 331-348; STEER, 1993, 314-336. On the use of humor, comic gesticulation, and other didactic means by mendicant preachers, see MARTIN, 1979; HOROWITZ & MENACHE, 1994. As late as 1989, D.R. Lesnick tried to oppose Franciscan ‘popular’ preaching to Dominican intellectualism, urging that Franciscan preaching reached back to patristic homiletics, whereas the Dominicans would have fallen for the sermo modernus. LESNICK, 1989, 134-171. MULCHAHEY, 1998, 427ff shows, with reference to sermons of the popular Dominican preachers Giacomo da Benevento and Iacopo da Varazze, that Dominican preaching cannot be characterised like that. See on Dominican preaching styles in particular BERTINI GUIDETTI, 1998. 74 Scholars discern a relative eclipse of the ad status sermon in the fifteenth century. It seems that late medieval preachers more than their thirteenth-century forerunners dealt with society as a whole in their penitentiary adhortations. Yet the genre of confessional literature apparently kept using the ad-status approach. See in general FRANZ, 1907, 89; ZAFARANA, 1981, 241; D'AVRAY, 1979, 187-205; D'AVRAY, 1985, 80f; SINT ANTHONIS, 1962, 310-324; CORTI, 1983; MARTIN, 1988, 396-401; RONCIÈRE, 1990, 370. Whereas the ad status sermon seemed to have been on the way out in the fifteenth century, the exempla and scenes used in late medieval sermons, such as those of the French friar Michel Menot (d. 1518), quite often were taken from very specific social situations. Cf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 157-163; NÈVEE, 1924. SESSEVALLE, I, 161: ‘Tous les rangs de la société défilent sous l’ironie cinglante du cordelier réformateur.’ The loss of popularity did not mean that ad status sermons were no longer being produced or copied. See for instance MS Amiens, Bib. Munic. 287 (15th cent.) 378ff, which contains sermons for the liturgical year as well as Sermones ad Status pro Militibus, de Nobilibus, de Mercatoribus, de Scolaribus, de Clericis.

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After the 1950s, and in particular since the renewed interest in medieval marginal groups and the expression of religious dissent, attention to anti-heretical, anti-judaic and crusade preaching has been on the rise. For the study of Dominican preaching, this seems a very logical development, as scholars can point out that the order of Preachers was established from the outset as an anti-heretical task force. Scholarly interest in Dominican preaching against heresy and non-Christian groups, such as the Jews and the Muslims, can therefore be said to focus on the quintessential aspects of the Dominican pastoral mission. The Franciscan order was not established with the same objectives in mind, but very soon embraced them vigorously. Scholars who want to highlight these elements in Franciscan pastoral and missionary activities therefore have a large body of sources at their disposal.75 The in-depth study of these various preaching categories is valid in itself, but more because of the subject matter in question than because of specific formal characteristics. From a formal point of view, anti-heretical preaching is not necessarily different from ad-status preaching, nor from ‘popular preaching.’76 In contrast, however, academic preaching is a category that in some of its species portrays rather singular formal characteristics. As this latter category is di75 On the anti-heretical and anti-judaic preaching by Franciscans and other mendicants, see ALATRI, 1986, passim; MERLO, 1989; MERLO, 1995, 287-308; GAFFURI, 1997, 355; MARTIN, 1988, 315ff. By now, Franciscan crusade preaching has received a massive amount of scholarly attention. See for instance DELORME, 1916, 98-117; GOLUBOVICH, 1906-1927, I, 228, 271-275, 281; SCHEIN, 1991, passim; KEDAR, 1984, esp. 136-158; MARTIN, 1988, 185-186. From very early onwards, the Franciscans were active as missionaries in Byzantium and the crusader states, the Muslim world, and (predominantly) as preachers to Muslim and Jewish communities in newly conquered areas in Spain, and Northern Africa. At the same time that Dominicans and Franciscans attempted to preach Christianity in the Muslim world, a much larger contingent of friars preached the crusade. The simultaneous upholding of crusade and mission did not seem to cause major unease among the friars. On the contrary, these activities were seen as totally and necessarily complementary. Fact is that the grand-scale sale of indulgences in crusade preaching-confession-contribution cycles could never have evolved without the professional preaching army of the mendicants. In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, complete mendicant houses were enlisted in crusade preaching. 76 D’Avray has pointed out that most sermon collections can not be divided in such strict categories. Most sermons were written with a relatively indeterminate final audience in mind, unless the preacher was preaching to a carefully selected group (like nuns of a particular convent, the members of a particular guild or confraternity etc.). Model sermons often are quite generic. Cf. D'AVRAY, 1985, 10-11.

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rectly related to the subject matter of this book, it deserves some additional attention.77 With regard to academic sermons, a distinction should be made between i.) sermons destined for the formation of friars and students in studia and the university at large; ii.) sermons that accompany several official university occasions, like the so-called Introitus sermon; iii.) the preaching assignments of students and masters during Lent and the holiday season. In the last case we are, in fact, dealing with non-academic sermons, which sometimes were used to turn a university controversy into a wider debate. This was, for instance, the case with the secular-mendicant controversy between the 1250s and 1270s, and again with the often fierce theological debates in the fourteenth century concerning the immaculate conception of the Virgin. In these instances, masters of theology exposited and defended their theological positions not only in learned academic disputes in front of their colleagues, but also in the sermons held before the parishes in the surrounding neighbourhood. The non-academic audience apparently did not object. 78 In the custodial schools and studia generalia, sermons fulfilled an important part of the ongoing religious formation of students and teachers. At the same time, sermons were seen as an intrinsic part of the educational trajectory in the degree program, alongside lectures and disputations.79 It was not possible to obtain higher degrees with-

77 GLORIEUX, 1968, 65-186; BOUGEROL, 1978, 249-280; D'AVRAY, 1985, passim; HAMESSE, 1995, 47-79. Many university sermons, like many other sermons, have come down to us in the form of succinct (and often incomplete) reportationes. On the status of these reportationes, issues of authorial control, and ways of editing these texts etc., see HAMESSE, 1986, 107-117; HAMESSE, 1995, 70-73. The most recent treatment of academic preaching is provided by BÉRIOU, 1999. 78 MARTIN, 1988, 40. 79 Depending on the liturgical moment, these sermons held before a mixed body of students and teachers could address specific topics related to study and the object of religious learning. Bougerol gives some interesting examples, such as the sermons of the Franciscan friar Guillaume de Baglione, (held in the studium of Lyon) on a theme provided by Luke 21,33 (dealing with the different tasks of clergy and laity in the world), and the sermons of the Franciscan Parisian regent masters William de la Mare and Eudes Rigaud. In one sermon, Eudes invites young friars to become saints (MS Paris, BN Lat. 16502 ff. 157ra-158ra). This kind of homiletics can also be seen as a form of ad-status preaching. Guibert de Tournai composed comparable sermons in his ad status collections (namely three sermons ‘ad theologos et praedicatores’, and three ‘ad scolares et scholasticos.’ Cf. BOUGEROL, 1978, 254ff.

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out proper homiletic training and practice.80 Preaching was also an important element in the academic tasks of the magister regens, secured by university regulations81 as well as by Franciscan constitutions and statutes.82 At the university of Paris, as well as in other centres of learning where study houses of the various mendicant orders participated in the theology faculty, mendicant preachers and secular theologians would take turns in these preaching assignments. This can be inferred from the Parisian preaching calendar for the academic year 1230-1231,83 as well as from later regulations. At many universities, the churches of the mendicant houses became normal sites for such 80 Bachelors from the mendicant orders often would already have been experienced preachers. They would have preached to fellow friars, to university students, and to other people in neighbouring parishes for a considerable number of years. For secular theology students, however, who had studied at the faculty of arts and had not received a comparable homiletic training, the years at the theology faculty ‘constituaient un véritable apprentissage de l’éloquence sacrée.’ MARTIN, 1988, 115 & no. 38. He also mentions sermons from the Franciscans Étienne Constellarii (26 August 1372), Jean d’Attigny (31 May 1380), Christophe de Cugnières (2 June 1380) and Pierre Cheriacho (1 October 1428)). Cf. also CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, III, no. 1383, 1448, 1449; IV no. 2316; MEIER, 1933, 20, 262, no. 7 and MEIER, 1935, 10, 283 (on sermons held in the Franciscan studium of Leipzig in the early fifteenth century). 81 The statutes of the university of Paris indicated: ‘...quod nullus admittatur ad lecturam Bibliae ordinarie aut etiam Sententiarum, nec ad iuramenta, nisi prius fecerit in Universitate duas collactiones, vel sermonem cum collactione iuxta arbitrium illorum, qui habebunt de sermonibus ordinare, et in propria persona, ut in eloquentia et arte praedicandi comprobetur.’ CHARTULARIUM UNIVERSITATIS PARISIENSIS, II, 1188. A cursor was also required to be of legitimate birth, at least 25 years old, properly examined with regard to his theological knowledge, and experienced in homiletic techniques. No final licence was received without proven expertise in preaching. Cf. CANTINI, 1934², 40. Comparable regulations are found in the statutes of the theology faculty of Bologna, Oxford, and elsewhere. In Bologna, the formed bachelors were to preach a ‘sermo sollemnis in Universitate et tres sermones in ecclesia cathedrali S. Petri’. BRLEK, 1942, 53-54. According to the statutes of the university of Oxford it was customary for doctors and bachelors to preach ‘singulis diebus dominicis’ in the Church of the Holy Virgin and in other churches. BRLEK, 1942, 54. 82 This remained the case throughout the medieval period, witness the Franciscan statutes of 1500 (Chapter V), which declare that: ‘Omnes etiam lectores et bacalaurei et docti studentes exerceantur alternatim praedicationibus, tam in conventu, quam extra conventum, ut tribus, scilicet lectioni, disputationi, atque praedicationi simul assuescant. In Quadragesima plerumque ad praedicandum exeant. (...) Ordinamus etiam ut quotidie fiant circuli et disputationes post prandium...’ BRLEK, 1942, 54; FONZO, 1944, 194. 83 CALENDRIER PARISIEN, 541-549.

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academic sermons. The 1366 statutes of the Parisian theology faculty indicate that the official university sermon on Sunday was given at the Dominican house, whereas the sermons on other obligatory feast days were held at the Franciscan house.84 Because the number of teachers at the faculty of theology (masters, bachelors, and cursors) did not suffice to fulfil all of these university preaching obligations, the mendicants also enlisted for these purposes proficient non-degree students, non-regent masters and other well-educated friars present in or visiting their convents. This latter group would have delivered a substantial percentage of the university sermons.85 Aside from sermons for the formation of friars and students, and in addition to preaching assignments to educate the flock in neighbouring parishes, there were more specific scholarly sermons held in the context of particular scholarly exercises. We can call these academic sermons in the strict sense of the word. Their existence was directly related to the fact that theology lectures in the schools and the emerging universities originated from doctrinal sermons on theological problems.86 Although scholarly lectures had evolved considerably, the entire learning process at studia and theology faculties continued to be seen as an exercise in and a transmission of religious thought, for which the sermon had been and to an extent still was the paradigmatic vehicle. All of the major academic exercises and ceremonies, such as the bachelor’s reading of the Sentences and the Bible, the inception of a master of theology, and the master courses in biblical exegesis, were initiated (and frequently concluded) with specific academic sermons. The bachelor or master in question used these sermons to develop his thoughts on the relationship between science and theology, the lofty status of the Bible, its layers of meaning and its division in different books, the perfection and virtues of religious learning, and comparable issues. Before a baccalaureus biblicus started to lecture on the Bible or a specific biblical book, he had to give an eulogy on Scripture and to

HAMESSE, 1995, 53; RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 369. HAMESSE, 1995, 54. 86 Throughout the thirteenth century, it was still very common to denote academic lectures and disputations with the same Latin term (sermo) as sermons, a sign of the felt affinity between preaching and the teaching of theology. BATAILLON, 1994, 297-298. 84 85

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define the different elements of his teachings in an Introitus sermon. The same was true for the baccalaureus sententiarum who began his lectures on the Sentences. At some later medieval universities, the Introitus of the sententiarius became a veritable disputation, moving away from the sermon format. Before a formed bachelor was allowed to finish the last tests for his licence, he had to deliver different sermons on specific subjects and finally, in his ultimate examination, he had to deliver a closing Eulogium.87 The master of theology likewise would give a Sermo in principio or a Commendatio magistri incepturi / Commendatio novi Magistri at the moment of his inception, normally starting his extensive commentaries on the Bible with another Principium, Introitus, or Sermo ad recommendationem.88 Furthermore, regent and non-regent masters were entitled to hold extensive collationes before the academic community as a whole. These university collations should be distinguished from the collation exercises organised by the student master in the custodial schools, and from the obligatory collations which were regularly held in the mendicant churches during the evening (at Vespers) on the theme of the sermon held in the morning (which amounted to a brief recapitulation of that sermon’s main theme). The university collationes were official conferences given by regent or visiting masters of theology during Lent or Pentecost.89 These conferences took the form of a series of sermons on a designated topic of great theological import. The most famous examples are no doubt the Collationes de Decem Preceptis (1267), the Collationes de Septem Donis Spiritus Sancti (1268), and the Collationes in Hexaemeron (1273) of Bonaventura da Bagnoregio.90 These collationes, as well as the regular university sermons on Sundays and feast days, offered an opportunity to express important views on controversial issues before a large and representative body of univerSee on this BOUGEROL, 1978, 271. Bataillon has discussed (and edited) some interesting specimens of such texts composed by Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Matteo d’Acquasparta. See BATAILLON, 1994, 297-329. The appendices II, III & IV, 312-329 of that article contain three of such magisterial sermons. We also can point to the Introductorius on the Bible of Jean de La Rochelle. 89 HAMESSE, 1995, 64-65 has argued that these collationes were not university sermons in the strict sense of the word. 90 BOUGEROL, 1978, 273; HAMESSE, 1995, 51. The Collationes in Hexaëmeron reveal something about the audience: ‘…praesentibus aliquibus magistris et baccalariis theologiae et aliis fratribus fere centum sexaginta. BONAVENTURA, Collationes in Hexaëmeron, ed. F. Delorme, 275. 87 88

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sity students, teachers, and associated groups (e.g. the friars of the associated houses and students in the internal non-degree programs).91 Levels and numbers of preaching and preachers For an indication of the efficacy of Franciscan preaching as a vehicle for religious and moral instruction, some insight is necessary into the absolute number of Franciscan preachers active during the later medieval period and the ratio of Franciscan preachers to preachers in general. There are at least two ways to determine the approximate number and the regional distribution of Franciscan preachers. First of all, it is possible to count the names of preachers who appear in the sources and to assess remarks of chroniclers and apologists about the presence of Franciscan preachers. In the second place, it is possible to extrapolate from the number of Franciscan houses in the later Middle Ages. Both Mariano da Firenze and Lucas Wadding provide extensive listings of preachers for the Italian provinces.92 These listings mention at least 130 Franciscan preachers in Italy alone between the later thirteenth century and the year 1517. Zawart mentions around 300 Franciscan preachers for the whole of Europe for the same period, 93 whereas Landmann counted for the Strasbourg province alone more than 50 (predominantly Observant) Franciscan preachers between 1378 and 1512.94 If we can extrapolate from this later figure, this would add up to around 1600 Franciscan preachers active between the later fourteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century in Europe as a whole.95 With the exception of the figures produced by Landmann, all these numbers are predominantly compiled by listing Franciscan Cf. BATAILLON, 1976, 155. WADDING, Annales, XII, 370 (1456, n. 19); XIII, 310ff. (1463, nn. 11-12); XIV, 266f. (1479, n. 14); XIV, 280f. (1480, n. 12); XIV, 405f. (1483, n. 35); XIV, 495 (1487, n. 14). The Franciscan preachers mentioned by Mariano da Firenze in his Compendium are presented in a handy overview by SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 80-89. 93 ZAWART, 1928, 292ff. 94 LANDMANN, 1926, 337-365. 95 By comparison, LECOY DE LA MARCHE, 1886 mentions 51 Franciscan preachers at Paris alone for the thirteenth and early fourteenth centuries. Cf. the appendix of SESSEVALLE, II, 127. 91 92

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preachers whose names we know, either because they left sermons behind or because they were hailed as preachers by contemporaries (chroniclers and the like). Chroniclers normally were interested only in famous preachers and in remarkable events connected to the preaching activities of renowned practitioners.96 As most sermons never received a written format, and contemporaries seldom bothered to mention the rank-and-file preachers, most numbers mentioned thus far probably represent only the tip of the iceberg. In an attempt to uncover a larger part of this iceberg, Hervé Martin has collected some intriguing numbers from Northern France. He distinguishes between attested preachers (of whom he was able to find the works or other direct documentary evidence that confirmed their activity as preachers), probable preachers (persons for whom preaching was an intrinsic feature of their function, level of education, or position in life), and ‘locuteurs potentiels’ (those who were trained in homiletics, but who would not necessarily have acted as preachers). By scrutinising many different sources for the chosen region in France, he was able to discern no less than 1947 preachers for the period 1350-1520, and an additional 849 potential figures.97 On the basis of the number of attested and probable preachers alone (1947), he could make a case for at least 1601 mendicant preachers for the period 1350-1520 in this region; namely 565 Dominicans, 572 Franciscans (both Conventuals and the various kinds of Franciscan Observants), 183 Carmelites, 193 Augustinian friars, and 88 indeterminate mendicants.98 Whatever these figures might indicate about Cf. GHINATO, 1973, 30; LANDMANN, 1926, 337; MARTIN, 1988, 22. MARTIN, 1988, 21-22. 98 For the period 1350-1400, a period for which sources are limited, Martin comes up with 69 attested preachers, 269 probable preachers, and 73 potential preachers. Among the attested and probable preachers, the number of mendicants is overwhelming (respectively 50 and 220). In these two combined categories, he traces 106 Dominicans (28 attested and 78 probable preachers), 75 Franciscans (11 attested and 64 probable), 33 Carmelites (5 attested and 28 probable preachers), 39 Augustinian friars (4 attested and 35 probable preachers), and 17 mendicants whose religious allegiance is not known (2 attested and 15 probable preachers). MARTIN, 1988, 47. For the years 1400-1450 he discerns in the chosen region 107 fully attested mendicants (on a total of 152 attested preachers) and 311 probable mendicant preachers (on a total of 432 probable preachers). This means that during this period 418 of the 584 attested and probable preachers were mendicants. The Dominicans are still the largest group (34 attested and 103 probable preachers, followed by the Franciscans (36 attested and 94 probable preachers), the Carmelites (16 attested and 48 probable preachers), Augustinian friars (9 attested and 48 probable preachers), and 37 indeterminate mendicant friars (12 attested and 25 probable preachers). MARTIN, 1988, 7096 97

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the actual number of active preachers, they point out the overall prominence of mendicant preaching in comparison with non-mendicant activities in this field. They also indicate that the Franciscan share in this mendicant apostolate was significant. Much higher numbers are obtained by means of straightforward extrapolation. An interesting indication of the actual number of Franciscan preachers is given by Salimbene and taken up by De Sessevalle. In 1248, at the provincial chapter at Sens, 40 candidates were examined and approved for the task of preaching in the French province.99 This might have been an exceptionally high number (and the reason why Salimbene mentioned it). Even if the normal number of candidates was more likely to be 20 every three years (the frequency at which provincial chapters in the French province were normally held), it still adds up to 1980 Franciscan preachers between 1220 and 1517 in the French province alone. If we do indulge in naïve extrapolation from this (taking into account that the order counted on the average 32 provinces and forgetting for the moment the relative size and importance of these provinces), we would end up with the staggering number of 63,360 Franciscan preachers during this period of almost three hundred years. Keeping in mind that all these preachers according to late thirteenth-century regulations would at least have had four years of theological training, it would suggest that during the same period a comparable number of friars would have received some formal theological training in Franciscan study houses. This probably stretches things a little too far. It is, however, also possible to produce an estimation of the number of preachers active 72. For the period 1450-1520 Martin finds 544 attested mendicant preachers (on a total of 618) and 369 probable mendicant preachers (on a total of 407). For the first time the number of Franciscans (206 attested and 161 probable preachers) overtakes the number of Dominicans (217 attested and 105 probable preachers). This predominantly is due to the Franciscan Observants. Martin is also able to discern 86 Carmelite preachers (43 attested) and 97 Augustinian friars (51 attested). MARTIN, 1988, 73ff. 99 SALIMBENE, Cronica, ed. O. Holder-Egger, 221; SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 90: ‘Donc, c’est trente ans seulement après la fondation de la province qu’un pareil contingent se présentait pour subir l’examen de la prédication, et comme les chapitres provinciaux se célébraient tous les trois ans, on peut en conclure que si une pareille proportion de candidats se trouvait prête périodiquement, le nombre des religieux devait être considerable. Sans doute que dans les autres provinces françaises il devait en être ainsi.’

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throughout Europe on the basis of the number of Franciscan settlements. From the mid-thirteenth century onwards, nearly every Franciscan friary had at least one designated convent preacher. This was either the lector, or a separate preacher in addition to him, as is documented for the fifteenth century in the Strasbourg region. In the small to medium Observant houses of the Strasbourg province, such as Thann (with eight priests and four lay friars), there was at least one concionator alongside of the guardian and lector in the fifteenth century. In the often larger Conventual houses, which contained on the average 20 to 30 friars each (and many more where study houses of different levels were concentrated), the number of designated convent preachers was higher.100 Aside from these designated convent preachers, a considerable portion of the adult clerical friars would have been engaged in preaching as well, at least during specific periods in the ecclesiastical year. In 1334, the order had around 1400 houses.101 If we exclude the smallest hermitages, carceri, and romitori (houses with, on average, less than 13 friars), there were during the mid-fourteenth century at least 960 Franciscan convents from which one or more preachers would go out on a regular basis to preach to a wider audience (based on around 30 convents in each province big enough to house one or more outgoing preachers). 102 This would mean that in any case more than 960 Franciscan preachers were active at any given moment during the 1330s. If we take into account that a large percentage of the adult clerical friars in each convent was engaged in pastoral work, the actual number of Franciscan preachers with regular preaching assignments might have been up to ten times as high. The Plague epidemics would have reduced the number of Franciscan preachers significantly. Yet the proliferation of Observant houses in the fifteenth century would have done much to make up for this decline.

LANDMANN, 1926, 338, see also no. 2, 3, & 4; 344, n. 32; Martin, dealing with the situation in Northern France in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, also mentions convents of different sizes – varying between c. 10 and 80 friars. MARTIN, 1988, 147-149. 101 This estimate is based on the PROVINCIALE ORDINIS MINORUM, ed. C. Eubel, which lists Franciscan houses according to the catalogue of Paolino da Venezia. 102 For the number of Franciscan houses during the Middle Ages, see also MOORMAN, 1983. MEIER, 1958, 49-50, no. 34, refers to a statement of Matthias Doering (c. 1460), which made mention of 2186 Franciscan convents of the first and second order. 100

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Even though all of these extrapolations are tentative and subject to revision on the basis of further research, it seems that, from the thirteenth century onwards, the population of the towns and cities throughout Western Europe would have been regularly exposed to sermons.103 Moreover, the research of Hervé Martin suggests that the Franciscan contribution to this exposure was considerable. The question remains as to what extent preaching regularly took place in the countryside. Big regional differences were likely.104 For a further evaluation of Franciscan preaching, not only the numbers of Franciscan preachers, but also the organisation of Franciscan preaching in termini and predicationes should be taken into account.105 Aside from the designated convent preachers, who preached both to the community of friars and to the public that flocked to the mendicant churches, there can be distinguished several types of mendicant preachers who preached outside their convents. From Martin’s unsystematic typology, we can highlight a few main categories.106 Of primary importance were the terminaries (terminarii, deservitores, and stationarii): alm collectors and local preachers who at regular intervals travelled in assigned areas to collect gifts for the Franciscan community, and to preach and to hear confession (when they were properly examined and approbated for these pastoral tasks by their superiors).107 In addition, some friars received the assignment 103 ‘…in the twelfth century a sermon by an educated preacher must still have been an event, whereas by the end of the thirteenth century such sermons were a normal part of the structure of ecclesiastical life in the towns.’ D'AVRAY, 1985, 28. The same conclusion is drawn by RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 360, MARTIN, 1988, 73 and ROBERTSON, 1949, 376-388. Based on a conservative estimation, in a fifteenth-century town like Amiens, a citizen could have heard in any case around 11000 sermons between 1444 and 1520, which amounts to almost 145 sermons a year. RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 373. 104 The later medieval countryside in the urbanised areas of Western Europe (Italy, Flanders, parts of France, the Rhine region etc.) would often have been visited by mendicant preachers. In less urbanised areas (predominantly in Middle and Eastern Europe, where the density of mendicant houses also was lower), the situation probably was much different. 105 PELLEGRINI, 1979, 195-197; PELLEGRINI, 1984², 279-305. There seems to have been a difference between the Franciscan designated preaching areas and the larger Dominican predicationes. Franciscan predicationes were often directly connected to a convent. The Dominican convent network was less dense. Their predicationes tended to be much larger. See in particular SCHEEBEN, 1961, 112-141. 106 For the following, see MARTIN, 1988, 170-173. 107 Terminaries made their appearance in the 1230s, at a time when the order provinces began to organise themselves into custodies. PELLEGRINI, 1985, 183ff. Cf. STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 492, 495. G. Fussenegger gives the

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to preach at a regular basis in the urban parish churches, the collegiate churches and cathedrals. Some of these preachers had the status of local celebrity, and were in demand for important sermon occasions in their neighbourhood (during Lent, Advent, the festivities of patron saints and the like). The activity of these local preachers can be traced in late medieval urban financial accounts of remunerated preachers. These urban accounts show that such regulated and paid preaching assignments often were neatly divided between the various mendicant orders.108 Several preachers apparently obtained a larger preaching region. They had the status of general preachers in their province or even in the order as a whole. In the last case, they were not limited to a certain territory, although they normally would have received episcopal permission for their pastoral activities.109 following elucidating comment in the introduction to his edition of the early fourteenth-century statutes of Upper Germany: ‘…unicuique domui infra fines Provinciae quidam districtus viciniores assignati erant, in quibus per suos fratres victum mendicarent. Qui districtus vocabantur termini et fratres victum quaritantes terminarii. In hisce terminis sacerdotus conventus, ut pro temporalibus spiritualia redderent, praedicandi et confessiones audiendo auxilium praestabant presbyteris saecularibus. Iam saec. XIII conventus etiam hospitia in terminis instituere curabant, in quibus fratres itinerantes quiescerent et terminarii ovabutyrum, caseos, vinum, ceram, lanam aliaque collecta deponerent, usquedum oblationes ad conventum deducerentur. Quandoque talia hospitia in proprietate saecularium erant…’ STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 235-236. Friaries like that of Louvain kept special booklets in which the assignments of terminaries (normally in the area of one or more parishes) were specified. See BAETENS, 1987, 100ff. HUNECKE, 1994, 34 and NICKEL, 1994², 181 provide details about the terminarii, deservitores or stationarii of Dortmundt and Münster. The Franciscan house in Dortmundt had stationarii in Altenlünen, Voßwinkel, Bork, Witten, Lünen, Menden, Huckarde, Haus Ruhr, Haus Mengede, Haus Lünen and Haus Schwansbell. For periods, these stationaries or terminaries lived separately from their own mendicant community and were responsible for the intake of pious donations in rural chapels and manor houses surrounding the urban centre of Dortmundt. If these terminarii were examined priests and preachers, they would render spiritual services in return. In Münster, the Friars Minor had terminarii in Coesfeld (30 kilometers to the West of Münster), Dülme (28 kilometers to the South-West), Wagendorf (25 kilometers to the East), Schüttorf (53 kilometers to the North-West) and Telgte (13 kilometers to the East). 108 MARTIN, 1988, 151. In Amiens each of the 220 listed remunerated mendicants between 1444 and 1520 held on the average 50 sermons. From these figures alone (and extrapolations based on it) it can be concluded that the population must have been exposed to thousands of sermons over the years (in Amiens at least 11000 solemn sermons in 76 years). And as the sources are so fragmentary, the actual number of delivered sermons probably was much higher. 109 Itinerant mendicant preaching continued, even after the establishment of a rather dense network of mendicant convents. For itinerant preachers, small, portable ‘vade-mecum’ books were produced in great numbers, containing liturgical formula and model sermons. A case in point is the Peregrinus of Bernardino da Fossa. Cf. D'AVRAY, 1980, 60ff; D'AVRAY, 1985, 57-60.

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They should be distinguished from those itinerant prophets without official authorisation, who sometimes were an embarrassment for their own order.110 A special group is formed by the great missionaries, crusade preachers and order reformers who travelled through Europe on the command of the Papacy and/or the Franciscan leadership (Olivier Maillard, Giovanni da Capistrano etc.). At the local level, such interregional and international preachers were often supported by the less distinguished rank and file preachers, who everywhere formed the spine of the mendicant preaching army and were enlisted on numerous occasions to preach in the locality of the convent, to act as interpreter for visiting preachers, or to engage in emergency preaching and confession activities during epidemics, Lent, or crusade preaching rallies.111 Preaching in the Observant movement The various Observant movements that started out in the later fourteenth century in Italy, France and Spain were not all immediately geared towards preaching. At the beginning of the fifteenth century, however, the most important Observant branches had embraced preaching as a core activity in their form of evangelical life. Most famous is the veritable renaissance of Franciscan preaching in Italy under the Observant preacher Bernardino da Siena and his disciples, who were well aware of the importance of the sermon as a vehicle of religious instruction.112 The names and works of a substantial number of Italian Observant preachers have come down to us. Many of these preachers received telling nicknames, such as ‘second Paul’, ‘king of preachers’, ‘prince among the orators’, ‘trumpet of the Holy Spirit’, ‘trumpet of God’, or ‘Interpreter of the Holy Ghost.’ 113 See on the existence and activities of this relatively large group of itinerant and sometimes vagabond friars MARTIN, 1988, 171f; MOORMAN, 1952, 76; MOORMAN, 1990, passim. 111 For more details on different levels of preachers in the Franciscan order, see BELLUCO, 1956, 90-118. 112 For a general survey of the preaching activities of Bernardino da Siena and his school of preachers, see for instance RONZONI, 1899, passim; ZAWART, 1928, 352355; SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 37-44, 47-57, 64-71; GHINATO, 1973. 24-98; ZAFARANA, 1976, 51-52; DELCORNO, 1974, 35-37; FISHER, 1981, 107-149; RUSCONI, 1986², 141165; ELM, 1995, 9-23. 113 Such epithets were for instance assigned to Bernardino da Siena, Roberto da Lecce, Alberto da Sarteano, Francesco da Trevi, Giovanni da Capistrano, Bernardino da Feltre, Antonio di Bitonto, etc. See GHINATO, 1973, 82. 110

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The majority of Observant preachers would have worked in the vicinity of their ‘home’ convent, in a predetermined area. Yet a considerable number of the more prominent Observant preachers became well-known for their extensive preaching tours. Bernardino da Siena was renowned for his homiletic journeys through the Italian peninsula in the early fifteenth century, and several of his pupils became famous for preaching tours that could encompass several countries. We can signal the various itineraries of Giacomo della Marca through Germany, Austria, Denmark, Norway, Poland, Bohemia, Hungary, Bosnia and Moravia, and the preaching tours of Giovanni da Capistrano and his companions (e.g. Gabriele da Verona, Cristoforo da Varese, and Niccolò da Fara) in the German lands between 1451 and 1456.114 These and other Observant preachers were also repeatedly enlisted for pan-European anti-heretical and crusade preaching missions at the request of the Papacy.115 The impact of Observant preaching tours was enormous, as can be gathered from reports concerning the preaching of Giovanni da Capistrano in Germany. Judging by the number of people that came to listen, the reported miraculous cures and immediate conversions to a religious life, Giovanni’s sermons were very well-received, even though they could last for several hours (including the translation process). Not only was Capistrano able to attract audiences in which nearly all social layers were present (from kings to the urban and

On Giacomo della Marca’s preaching tour, see Cf. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 57-60. Emperor Frederick III would have asked the service of Giovanni da Capistrano, to spread orthodox piety and to reform the convents in the German lands. Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini gave a lengthy treatment of Capistrano’s preaching tour in his Historia Frederici. 115 Pope Eugenius IV, impressed by the efficacy of Observant preaching, was the first to use the Observants for pan-European preaching missions. In 1431, when the Observants were celebrating their general chapter at Bologna, it was made known that pope Eugenius IV needed six outstanding Observant preachers without pressing local obligations ‘ad praedicandum in diversas orbis provincias.’ Cf. MARIANUS DE FLORENTIA, Compendium Chronicarum, in: Archivum Franciscanum Historicum 3 (1910), 713. A comparable request by pope Calixt III was put forward on the Observant general chapter of 1455. This time, six friars were asked to preach the crusade against the Turks. PIANA, 1982, 273. On Observant friars as crusade preachers, anti-heretical preachers and inquisitors, see also GHINATO, 1973, 32, 77ff; ZAWART, 1928, 351f. In 1441 Giacomo della Marca was appointed inquisitor to act against fraticelli and Manichaean groups in Italy, Bosnia and Dalmatia. Comparable assignments were given to Giovanni da Capistrano, who also was active as inquisitor and preacher against the Hussites. 114

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rural poor), he also was very successful in reforming existing Franciscan settlements and in establishing new Observant houses, often with the outright support of secular authorities.116 The same pattern is visible with other renowned Observant preachers. They were frequently invited and actively supported by local secular authorities, they attracted huge crowds, and were instrumental in reforming local Franciscan houses and other religious communities.117 Scholars specialised in Franciscan preaching signal an emphasis on penance, social and moral reform, and devotion for the suffering of Christ and Mary in surviving Franciscan sermons. It seems that Observant preachers put even more emphasis on these topics. The evocative exhortations of Observant preachers to restore social justice and peace, and to steer the soul towards penance, could amount to rather apocalyptic calls to repent in the face of the dawning end of the world, and fierce fulminations against the ‘sins of the time,’ namely laxity and immorality among (secular) priests, the ubiquity of superstition, luxuria, sexual trespasses, and games.118 Bernardino da Feltre, who also attacked the celebration of carnival, was able to entice the authorities of Reggio, Genoa, Pavia, Parma, Feltre, Venice and Padua to ban gambling practices and games. In Bologna, he inspired the masses to burn indecent paintings, and in Parma he was able to obtain a decree from the city council to burn indecent books and to ban indecent (female) clothing. In this, Bernardino da Feltre followed the lead of Bernardino da Siena, Giovanni da Capistrano and other observant Franciscan preachers. At the end of a sermon, they would urge their public to gather inappropriate books, paintings, and gambling devices, to be burned in public.119 116 STEER, 1993, 316-321; HOFER, 1926, 120-158. Hartmann Schedel describes him as ‘kleins, magers, dürrs, auß geschöpft, allain von hawt, geedere und gepayn zusammengesetztes leibs’, HARTMANN SCHEDEL, Buch der Croniken und Geschichten, f. 249. Numerous towns in Italy and elsewhere drew up regulations, ensuring that Observant preachers preached regularly in the more important churches. Higher territorial rulers also intervened to ensure the presence of an Observant apostolate in their regions/realms. GHINATO, 1973, 46-47. 117 GHINATO, 1973, 82. Many Observant preachers regularly had to preach in the open air, as the churches were not big enough to house the crowds. At one such sermon by Roberto da Lecce, a house collapsed under the weight of the people sitting on its roof. 118 PACETTI, 1942, 156ff; GHINATO, 1973, 66ff; ELM, 1989, 201-213; TASSI, 1991, 55-75; ELM, 1995, 9-23. 119 SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 67-68.

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In the course of their campaigns to restore social justice and to bring about a thorough moral reform of the individual and the community, the Franciscan Observants became famous and even notorious for their protests and other actions against ‘Hebrew’ usury, contributing to an anti-Judaic atmosphere in the process. In addition, they became important propagators of the so-called montes pietatis, as a way to alleviate the plight of indebted citizens, and to provide necessary credit facilities. Barnaba da Terni was the first Franciscan preacher to establish a mons pietatis in Perugia. His example was followed by many of his Observant colleagues, in particular by Bernardino da Feltre.120 In their advocation for penance and social-religious reform, these Observants exhibited in their sermons a special concern for specific devotional topics, such as the Eucharist, the Passion, the sufferings and glorification of Mary (including her immaculate conception), and the qualities of the Holy family in general. They further became instrumental in creating or reviving lay confraternities that supported these devotions.121 The importance attached to preaching in Italian Observant circles shines through in the Italian Observant constitutions of 1430 (Constitutiones Martinianae),122 and in the constitutions drawn up for the Italian Observants under the inspiration of Giovanni da Capistrano in 1443. These latter constitutions of 1443 describe preaching as follows: ‘The task of preaching is the foundation of Christian faith, the light of truth, the school of virtues, the ruin of vices, the way of salvation, the doctrine of morals, the room of sanctity, the tribunal of justice, the smattering of daemons, the closure of Hell, the door of Heaven, the confirmation of the righteous, the reduction of sins and the instruction of all rational souls.’ 123 Not surprisingly, Capistrano 120 See in general on the monti di pietà MUZZARELLI, 1979, 165-183; ALLE ORIGINE DEI MONTI DI PIETÀ, 1984, passim. See also LUISE, 1994, 69-136. PALUDET, 1993, 133ff argues that Bernardino da Feltre, generally considered to be among the most notorious anti-Judaic preachers, was mostly concerned with usury as such, and did not concentrate on usury as an exclusively Jewish practice. 121 PACINI, 1995, 235-245; GOBI, 1995, 221-233; GALLO, 1995, 145-183. 122 CHRONOLOGIA, I, 90-97; LUCAS WADDING, Annales X, 178 & 183f (an. 1430, n. 9 & n. 18). 123 ‘Praedicationis officium est substentamentum fidei christianae, lumen veritatis, schola virtutum, ruina vitiorum, via salutis, doctrina morum, camera sanctitatis, tribunal iudicii, cruciatus daemonum, clausura infernorum, ianua coelorum, confirmatio iustorum, reducito peccatorum et instructio omnium rationabilium animarum...’ Constitutiones Capistratenses, an. 1443, IX, in: CHRONOLOGIA I, 106a-b.

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placed much emphasis on a proper examination of future preachers.124 The efficacy of Observant preaching was by no means restricted to Italian Observant preachers, even though several of them, such as Giovanni da Capistrano, had a great impact on the religious developments in the countries north of the Alps by means of their impressive preaching tours. Lecoy de la Marche, Gratien, and more recently Hervé Martin, have signalled the importance of Observant preaching in the French regions in the course of the fifteenth century, with major figures like Guillaume Josseaume125 and Olivier Maillard (who preached not only in France, but also in Flanders, Spain, the German lands, Hungary, and England).126 In the German lands and the Low Countries we come across the charismatic Observant preachers Dietrich Kolde127 and Johannes Brugman.128 The work of Hervé Martin in particular has established that underneath these major figures a host of rank and file preachers was active. Their names often did not survive, but their pastoral activities nevertheless were very important.129 The leaders of the Franciscan Observant movement in Italy were not alone in stressing the importance of preaching, nor in developing guidelines for efficacious preaching to the general populace. Gratien has highlighted the rules established by and for the Observant friars of Sées in Normandy, which emphasise that friars should be able to preach to the general populace, that they should practice what they preached, and should not spoil their sermons with all kinds of sesquipedalian verbiage, extravagant theories, overly refined distinc-

124 In his Rule commentary, Giovanni da Capistrano wrote concerning preaching: ‘Ponderanda sunt illa tria verba adiectiva participia: Examinatus, et approbatus et concessum. quasi dicat: Nemini concedatur officium praedicationis, nisi primitus sit approbatus pro sufficienti praedicatore; nullus approbetur, nisi primitus diligenter examinatus a docto et valente examinatore. Et sic praesupponitur quod minister huius officii debeat esse sufficientis scientiae, atque peritiae et doctus in Sacra Pagina, quae debet esse subiecta materia talis officii.’ Cited from CANTINI, 1934², 38. 125 GRATIEN, 1914, 415-439. Josseaume entered the Franciscan order after 1407, following a career as a lawyer in Paris. He was active in the reform of Franciscan convents in France. For one of his sermons, held before the council of Basel on Ash Wednesday 1432, see MS Oxford Balliol College 164 ff. 496-512. 126 SAMOUILLAN, 1891, passim; SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 135-144. 127 TROEYER, 1985, 19-26; ZUHORN, 1962, 53-61. 128 See in particular HOMBERGH, 1967, passim; HOMBERGH, 1986, 99-120. 129 MARTIN, 1979, 65-75; MARTIN, 1979², 9-41.

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tions, and other matters that might confuse their audience. Their sermons should incite people to pray to God for peace and the unity of the Church (in the face of decades of Schism). Moreover, friars should not intersperse their sermons with fabulous stories, nor burden them with an over-burlesque presentation.130 Such exhortations normally paid due attention to the education of Observant preachers. Friar Stefan Brulefer argued in his treatise De Paupertate Christi et Apostolorum that preachers should be well-educated, even when it was true that the apostles themselves were simple. Times had changed; the Antichrist himself was now using the fruits of science to seduce man. Hence, preachers should be well equipped to tackle him and thwart his deceptions.131 Friar Pierre-aux-Boeufs likewise argued for well-educated preachers. He equally condemned those who were not sufficiently equipped for their pastoral task, and those who bored their public with learned theological matters.132 The same Pierre-aux-Boeufs acknowledged that science alone did not make a good preacher, arguing that those who did not practice what they preached were not trustworthy. They would not be able to instil the love of God and pure devotion in the hearts of their audience.133 Pierre, as well as Jean Clérée and Laurent de la Faye (a century later) also stressed that preachers were in need of divine grace as well as learning.134 These and other theorists of homiletic practice agreed that a preacher should be clear in his language.135 Clarity and simplicity were upheld as virtues for a preacher and also for compilers of preaching manuals. This is born out by the Instructio Predicatorum Manuscripta, compiled in the Observant Franciscan convent of La Baumette in the second half of the fifteenth century. This work starts out with the assertion that its aim is to facilitate the composition of GRATIEN, 1914, 433. STEPHANUS BRULEFER, De Paupertate Christi et Apostolorum, in: Opuscula Reverendi Magistri Fratris Stephani Brulefer (Paris, Jehan Petit, 1500). 132 MS Paris, Sorbonne 747 f. 260vb: ‘Unde scitis mirandum quomodo tam passim homines et ydiote permittuntur predicare in ecclesiis et in plateis publicis qui vix scirent legere psalterium. Numquam studierunt sacram scripturam nec scirent minimam eius auctoritatem exponere nec sint tante sanctitatis quod debeant presumi habere scientiam sibi divinitus infusam. Et tamen illi sunt quos populus libentius audit et ad quorum sermones copiosus convenit.’ 133 Paris, Sorbonne, MS 747 f. 250rb. 134 MARTIN, 1988, 206-7. 135 MARTIN, 1988, 207-8. 130 131

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simple and clear sermons, which would enable preachers not very well-versed in doctrinal subtleties to inform ignorant and simple people.136 It is interesting to note that the Observants, who to some extent reached back to the popular concionatio of the early Franciscans and adopted some of the rhetoric of the Franciscan Spirituals with regard to the simplicitas of the preacher, were less inclined to rely on the rules of the Ars Praedicandi for their preaching skills. They were critical towards the overly divided sermo modernus and believed more in using esteemed model sermons from their most renowned practitioners to teach their prospective preachers. This explains the abundance of surviving Observant model sermon collections which, as soon as the opportunity presented itself, also found their way to the printing press.137 This is not to say that the Observants refrained from the production of other auxiliary works altogether. We can, for instance, refer to the Ars Praedicandi for fratres simplices compiled by Nikolaus Eyfeler under the inspiration of the preaching techniques displayed by Giovanni da Capistrano during his German tour.138 Ghinato further suggests that several surviving anonymous Artes Praedicandi might be of Observant provenance.139 The stress on simplicity and clarity in the writings of Observant preachers, as well as their large popular appeal,140 should not entice us to believe that Observant sermons were all that simple. At least the published sermons of the more important Observant preachers show a high level of theological understanding and a refined use of homiletic devices. The acclaimed preacher Bernardino da Siena, who was the teacher of a complete generation of Observant preachers in Italy, was successful not because he rejected the sermo modernus, but because of his intelligent use of its basic elements. He carefully chose his themes, moving away from liturgical constraints to biblical themes taken from the Gospels (including the apocryphal Gospels of Mary Cf. MS Angers, Bib. Municip. 257 (248). See for example BERNARDINUS DE FELTRE, Rosarium Sermonum Praedicabilium ad Faciliorem Praedicantium Commoditatem Compilatum. Cf. CANTINI, 1934², 41-42. 138 Nikolaus acted as one of Capistrano’s interpreters. See WORSTBROCK, 1980², 668-669. 139 GHINATO, 1973, 63. Cf. CHARLAND, 1936, 96-106. 140 GHINATO, 1973, 26, 34; LANDMANN, 1926, 354-355, who displayed Observant preaching as ‘ein ausgeprägtes Streben nach anschaulicher Darstellung’ with sermons that were ‘volkstümlich und packend.’ 136 137

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Magdalene, Lazarus, and the like) and from the Psalms, which better enabled him to address the pressing social and moral issues of his days. He refrained from creating too many thematic divisions that could distract his audience. Eyewitness reports indicate that he showed mastery in the application of picturesque and evocative exempla and brought his message home with many theatrical rhetorical elements.141 The many Observant preachers who left published works preached on a profound scriptural basis, and frequently exhibited a deep understanding of canon law. Their theological background was predominantly, though by no means exclusively, shaped by the acknowledged doctores of the Franciscan family (Alexander of Hales, Bonaventura da Bagnoregio, Duns Scotus, Richard of Mediavilla, Nicolas de Lyre, and their own Bernardino da Siena). Bernardino himself, as well as several of his Observant colleagues, also made ample use of works of Spiritual Franciscans such as Ubertino da Casale and Pietro di Giovanni Olivi, yet without adopting their Joachimist inspired vision of the dawn of the age of the Spirit.142 Preaching in Latin and in the vernacular Traditionally, the majority of scholars hold that later medieval preachers preached to the clergy in Latin and to the lay in the vernacular. Surviving written sermons, many of which were written in Latin, would testify to their use in the classroom and by an international body of preachers, who shared the Latin language of the schools. Some other scholars have argued that preaching to the clergy and the laity could also have been done in a form of macaronic language, and increasingly so in the late medieval period.

141 For a more in-depth discussion of his preaching methods (with a wealth of bibliographical references), see in particular PESCE, 1980, 612-633; DELCORNO, 1982, 419-449; MORMANDO, 1999. The efficacy of Observant rhetoric and the willingness of Observant preachers to exploit classical examples have given rise to the idea that the Italian Observant movement was in league with contemporary humanism. Cf. MORMANDO, 1986, 72-97; SARTONI, 1974, 165-231. For the relationship between the Observant educational program and humanist ideals, see also my chapter on education in the Observant movement. 142 PACETTI, 1963, 3-19; BLONDEEL D'IZIGEM, 1935, 5-44; RUSCONI, 1975, 63-137.

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They can refer to the surviving ‘macaronic texts’, and to the outright ‘vernacular’ syntax of many surviving late medieval Latin sermons.143 Lately, Friedrich Wenzel has proposed seeing the surviving macaronic texts as products of functionally bilingual communities, first and foremost composed as reading texts for study and personal use by clerics. In his view, macaronic qualities should not always be seen as a sign of transition from Latin to the vernacular and do not necessarily provide proof for a macaronic presentation of sermons to a lay audience.144 It is clear that existing sermon collections will not themselves provide the final answer, even if these texts seemingly testify to a growing ‘vernacularisation’ in the course of time.145 Most surviving sermon collections contain model sermons for the use of (future) preachers. The majority of these sermon collections were written in Latin, so that their usefulness was not restricted to one language or dialect area. The choice for Latin guaranteed a possible circulation throughout Europe. The shape and form of such collections in themselves are not direct indications of actual preaching practice. 146 To ascertain the actual language used in preaching, we have to look at other evidence, such as the local language situation, the prospective audience, and the goal of preaching. At the universities and in more elevated school settings, where a highly developed bilingual or multilingual culture was the rule and Latin was a current language to begin with (in many ways as English is now at international conferences), sermons could and often would be held in Latin, whether or not interspersed with vernacular segments intended to enhance the rhetorical impact of the pastoral message. We also find the most systematically structured sermo modernus in these contexts. At the convent level, the choice of Latin and/or vernacular languages probably

143 See on the problem as a whole especially the work of DELCORNO, 1977, 679689; RUSCONI, 1993, 83-107; RUSCONI, 1995, 19-46; D'AVRAY, 1985, 94f; BERIOU, 1992, 268-284; ZINK, 1977, 59-74; ZINK, 1984, 489-517. 144 WENZEL, 1994, 40ff treats the bilingual sermon as a highly effective instrument in fully bilingual communities. He analyses several sermon manuscripts of Franciscan provenance. 145 Meaning not only a relative increase in the number of sermon collections written in the vernacular, but also an increase in the number of sermon collections with expanded macaronic segments and a vernacularisation of the Latin texts themselves with regard to syntax and word order. 146 D'AVRAY, 1985, 95-96, 128.

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very much depended on the level of learning of the friars present and on the liturgical moment. Sermons that were open to outsiders or were attended by lay friars might not have been held completely in Latin. On the other hand, preaching to the laity would not necessarily have been a completely vernacular affair. In some Latin school settings, as well as in (proto-)humanist circles, Latin (whether or not spiced with vernacular expressions) might have been an acceptable vehicle with which to transmit the religious and moral message. It might also have made sense to provide some kind of macaronic sermon to a well-educated public in Italy, Southern France or Spain. There, the gap between downscaled Latin interspersed with vernacular expressions and a vernacular Romance interspersed with Latin expressions would not have been very big. In fact, the use of Latin or the vernacular for key elements in the sermon might have helped to gratify an audience self-conscious of its own cultural standing. In other circumstances, however, the goal of conveying a religious message as well as the acknowledged impact of preaching to a diversified lay audience (witness the remarks of contemporary chroniclers) make it hard to believe that sermons were held in a language and format that nobody could understand. As far as mendicant preaching is concerned, we have many indications that, when necessary, sermons were delivered in the local vernacular. The more popular concionatio of Francesco and his early followers was in many ways an adaptation of the reigning vernacular political discourse in the Italian city-states. There was probably no gap between the language of Francesco and that of his audience. After the clericalisation of the order, the situation would not have been radically different. The implicit acknowledgement that sermons should be geared to the level of understanding of the public made it a matter of course to address the prospective audience in a familiar tongue whenever that was desirable. When the Franciscan friars crossed the Alps to the German lands and England, the need for near fluency in the local language soon made itself felt. The initial Franciscan mission to Germany actually failed due to an ignorance of German. The information provided by Giordano da Giano about the spread of Franciscan houses in the German lands, as well as that provided by Thomas Eccleston regarding the missionary successes of the Franciscans in England, provide additional evidence for Franciscan vernacular preaching. We only

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have to point to the successes of Berthold von Regensburg and his pupils.147 Prospective preachers were apparently trained to present in vernacular forms understandable to a lay audience the dogmatic and moral issues that they would have learned in the Latin vocabulary of the schools.148 As not all concepts could always be phrased in the vernacular, the preacher inevitably would have introduced new phrases to his non-clerical audience. If a preacher was to address an audience unable to follow either Latin or the preacher’s native tongue, there would be interpreters to provide an almost simultaneous translation. The most famous examples of such simultaneous translation activities are found in the context of Giovanni da Capistrano’s preaching tour in the German lands. During the years 1451-1453, Giovanni da Capistrano used the services of no less than 44 interpreters. These interpreters, normally local Franciscan preachers, instantly translated the words of the master preacher, who apparently spoke in Latin or Italian. The interpreters would have given additional emphasis to the religious message by means of further demonstrative cries and forms of body language at the right moments.149 Comparable situations are found concerning the preaching careers of the Observant friars Roberto Caracciolo and Bernardino da Fossa.150 Preaching to large crowds by visiting preachers very much was a matter of teamwork. For preaching to the general populace to be efficacious, the use of the vernacular would have been inevitable. In fact, preaching in the 147 STEER, 1982, 169-175. STEER, 1993, passim. We know that well-known Dominican preachers in the German lands (such as Albertus Magnus, Eckhart, Dietrich von Freiburg, Nikolaus von Straßburg, and Johan von Sterngassen) also held their sermons in the vernacular. This was not only the case when they were preaching to the laity but also when they were preaching to their fellow friars. STEER, 1993, 331. 148 Cf. DELCORNO, 1995, 33-34; RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 378f. 149 See on these interpreters NEUMANN, 1919, 175-176. Body language, gesticulations, jokes, word play, the use of fictive dialogues etc. were very important to get the message across, especially when preachers were preaching to large crowds. Cf. RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 378-9. 150 As a young friar, Roberto Caracciolo served as interpreter to a Hungarian friar and preacher. Roberto would render simultaneous translations (with additional cries and gesticulations) of the sermons that this friar held on various preaching tours. SESSEVALLE, 1935, II, 72. Likewise, Bernardino da Fossa (d’Aquila) preached with the help of an interpreter when he was active in Dalmatia on behalf of the minister general. BERNARDINUS AQUILANUS, Chronica Fratrum Minorum Observantiae, Introduction, xv.

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vernacular was part of a much wider religious and moral immersion of the laity by means of a wide range of devotional and catechetical texts and religious practices. The mendicant orders thereby transformed vernacular preaching into a refined pedagogical instrument.151 Preaching and confession In the Decretum Gratiani (c. 1140), preaching, confession and penitence were closely linked together and carefully circumscribed. This codification of the intimate relationship between preaching and confession illustrates the growing tendency to ask each and every individual to confess his or her sins on a regular basis, and to do this as a preparation for communion. Eventually, this development found its apogee in the famous constitution Omnis Utriusque Sexus promulgated at the Fourth Lateran Council (1215). From this moment onwards, it became compulsory for every adult Christian to confess his or her sins at least once a year in private to his or her parish priest, and to go at least once a year (at Easter) to communion. Priests themselves were under the obligation to hear the confession of all their parishioners at least once a year. To prepare these parish priests for this task, a range of confession manuals (Summa de Casibus and Summa Confessorum) and other preparatory materials appeared during the same period.152 The ‘…un raffinato strumento pedagogico, che suscita nella coscienza degli uditori nuovi orizzonti d’attesa sia religiosa che culturale, dove trova pieno significato la febbrile operosità dei volgarizzatori. Proprio questa convergenza di predicazione e traduzione rappresenta un caso tipico di quella dinamica di rinnovamento per trasmissione verticale di contenuti, che caratterizza la cultura medievale.’ D ELCORNO, 1977, 689. 152 In England, the clergy was expected to have a copy of the synodal statutes. These contained elementary instruction in dogmatic and moral theology, as well as specific rules pertaining to confession drawn from canon law. More elevated forms of instruction were to be found in the new confessional manuals, such as the Liber Poenitentialis of the Victorine canon Robert of Flamborough (c. 1210), the Summa Confessorum of the English priest Thomas of Chobham (c. 1210-15) and comparable works of the Dominican friars Paul of Hungary and Raimundo de Peñyaforte (written in the 1220s). The Franciscan friar John Pecham, who became Archbishop of Canterbury, recommended English clergymen to provide their flock with clear and unembellished expositions on the articles of faith, the decalogue, the evangelical precepts, the works of mercy, the seven capital sins, the seven cardinal virtues and the sacraments. See JOANNES PECHAM, Ignorantia Sacerdotum, 900-905. See on the relationship between preaching and confession and the use of these adiutory materials in 151

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confession manuals in particular provided the priest with an interrogatory grid, based on the traditional ‘Gregorian’ seven capital sins, the ten commandments, or comparable numerically organised religious concepts.153 Such facilitating manuals notwithstanding, many secular priests were not very well prepared to hear confessions. Nor were they well prepared for the task of delivering sermons that could entice the audience to confess its sins. The mendicants therefore were quickly enlisted as an additional pastoral task force for preaching and confession purposes. This was not only stimulated by the central Church authorities, but also by many bishops (in England, for instance, Robert Grosseteste was eager to enlist mendicant support), who were willing to use the mendicants to help to train their clergy (as has been mentioned in my chapter on Franciscan studia) and to engage in preaching and confession activities. 154 The mendicant preaching effort was frequently geared towards the immediate confession of sins.155 Hence many sermons of Franciscan friars dealt with penance, especially during Lent. These sermons could deal with penance as a homiletic topic by focusing, for instance, on the Mary Magdalene figure. 156 They also could approach general DIETERLE, 1906, 70-78; RUSCONI, 1981, 251-309; RUSCONI, 1981², 67-85; MICHAUD-QUANTIN, 1962; MICHAUD-QUANTIN, 1970, 76-91; LITTLE, 1981, 87-99; BOYLE, 1982, 227-237; BOYLE, 1985, 30-43; MARTIN, 1988, 295-296. 153 In academic discussions concerning moral theology the division into seven capital sins gradually lost popularity. This was also the case among Franciscan theologians, especially after the systhematic expositions on the decalogue by Jean de La Rochelle and Alexander of Hales. Apparently, the concept of seven capital sins was not very suitable to engage in a refined discussion of the number and the hierarchy of all sins, and did not allow for an in-depth treatment of sin with the new, predominantly Aristotelian, psychological, epistemological and ethical terminology (which dealt with sin in relation to the higher faculties of the soul (will and reason), or presented sin as a deviance – too little or too much – from a virtuous mean). The seven capital sins remained extremely popular in pastoral theology, however, next to divisions based on the decalogue, the cardinal virtues, and analogous divisions (like the seven sacraments, the articles of faith, the five senses, the members of the body etc.). See BLOOMFIELD, 1952; BLOOMFIELD, GUYOT, HOWARD & KABEALO, 1979; WENZEL, 1968, 1-22; BOSSY, 1988, 214-234; CASAGRANDE & VECCHIO, 1994, 331-395. 154 Cf. BOYLE, 1979. For the quick enlistment of the Dominicans in these matters from 1217 onwards, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 25f, 52f. 155 ZAFARANA, 1981, 212-213; LITTLE, 1981, 88. Cf. Thomas Docking’s quodlibetal question on preaching and confession in LECLERCQ, 1946, 110. 156 Concentrating, for instance, on Mary Magdalene’s compunctio, compassio, contritio, and amor. Cf. JANSEN, 1995, 1-25. She largely deals with Dominican examples, but her findings can be extrapolated towards other mendicant preachers as well. See for instance RUSCONI, 1973, which deals with the sacrament of penance in the sermons of Bernardino da Siena.

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the subject in a different manner, by focusing on individual virtues, vices, and evangelical precepts, or by means of fiery admonitions concerning the approach of death, the end of the world and the punishments of hell.157 On their preaching tours during Lent and other high points of the ecclesiastical year, Franciscan friars customarily lingered to hear the confession of members of the audience. Antonio di Padova apparently had at his disposal a group of fellow friars and local secular priests who would be ready after his sermon to receive the confession of all those willing to shed their sins.158 This seemed to have been a necessary precaution, as the more charismatic Franciscan preachers were able to draw a huge flock and were rather effective in driving home the message of penance. Haymo of Faversham, after one of his penitentiary sermons at Saint-Denis, allegedly spent the following three days hearing confessions from people who had heard him preach.159 The central place of confession in Franciscan pastoral care explains the large Franciscan contribution to the production of confession manuals, both to teach their own incumbent preachers and to supply the secular clergy with additional materials. Several of these Franciscan confession manuals, such as the Summa Astesana (c. 1317) and the Summa Confessorum of Johan von Erfurt (c. 1300-1304), found their way all over Europe.160 The compilers of these confession manuals made very clear that whoever was responsible for the care of souls and hearing confession had to have a scientia competens. This amounted to a secure knowledge of the penitential canons, so that the confessor was able to discern between capital and venial sins, and 157 See for a succinct treatment of such sermons by Ramon Lull, Michele Carcano, Pelbarto de Temesvar, Hendrik Herp, Roberto Caracciolo and Antonio da Bitonto, CASAGRANDE & VECCHIO, 1994, 384 - 385 & n. 145, 146, 147. See also RUSCONI, 1973. The number of Franciscan preachers who preached with confession in mind is almost endless. 158 S. ANTONII LEGENDA PRIMA, 49. 159 MOORMAN, 1968, 274. 160 See in particular JOANNES ERFURDENSIS, Summa Confessorum, ed. N.Brieskorn, 2 Vols. (Frankfurt a. Main-Bern, 1987). For information on other Franciscan confession manuals, like those of Jean Rigaud, Servasanto da Faenza, Nicholas Byard, John of Wales, Giovanni Marchesini da Reggio Emilia, and several anonymous Franciscan compilers, see the works of Dieterle and Michaud-Quantin mentioned above, as well as OLIGER, 1924, 148-189; TEETAERT, 1946, 651-676; BABBINI, 1981, 159ff; RUSCONI, 1986, 189-227.

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furthermore knew how to administer the necessary penalties. If the confessor did not have these skills, the confessor himself would be in danger of mortal sin, as well as the superiors commanding and allowing him to engage in this pastoral activity.161 No wonder that a proper preparation and examination of confessors became a major concern in Franciscan legislation from the mid-thirteenth century onwards. The Narbonne constitutions (1260) made clear that no Franciscan priest was to hear confession of clerics or lay people without a proper licence from the provincial minister and the local bishop.162 Later provincial regulations indicate that hearing confessions from persons outside the order was a job for mature priests, as was the case with public preaching. Normally only those over thirty years of age were admitted to the confession licence. By then they could bring to the fore their vast knowledge of moral theology, in which they had been trained since their noviciate.163 The confession model advocated by the constitutions of Lateran IV and put into practice with the help of mendicant assistance brought about a profound change in the religious life of the laity. In 161 Cf. Durand de Champagne, Summa Collectionum pro Confessionibus Audiendis, Liber Dist. 1, Q. 2 (Qualis debet esse confessor quantum ad scientiam)): ‘Debet igitur scire, que sint peccata capitalia, et que mor[t]alia saltem in communi, et que venialia in genere (...) Debet ergo confessor scire canones penitenciales, non tantum propter hoc, quod sciat penitencias iniungere, cum penitencie hodie sint arbitrarie, sed ut per hoc sciat culparum differencias agnoscere (...). Debet enim discernere inter peccata et differencias peccatorum (...) Sed qui curam recipit animarum et tenetur confessiones audire, nisi habeat scienciam competentem, ut dictum est, peccat mortaliter audiendo; et eum instituens ad hec plus peccat quam ipse, et institutis ministrare permittens peccat mortaliter (...).’ Found in NEUMANN, 1991, 42. 162 ‘Nullus sacerdos confessiones religiosorum aut saecularium audiat absque licentia sui provincialis ministri et obtenta licentia dioecesani Episcopi vel proprii sacerdotis…’ CONSTITUTIONES NARBONENSES (1260), 70. 163 ‘Vult Generalis, quod exequcio offitii predicatoris nulli concedatur vel auctoritas audiendi confessiones, nisi fratribus approbate conversationis et XXX etatis annum transgeri[n]t, nisi ratione vite et scientie visum fuerit expedire.’ STATUTA AQUITANIAE ET FRANCIAE (saec. XIII-XIV), 475; Cf. CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 371, DOCUMENTA UMBRIAE (saec. XIV), 537f & STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309 et 1341), 249. On Franciscan confession practices and the privileges of Franciscan confessors allowed to ‘frequentare portam’(that is, to take their meals outside the refectory in the line of (confessional) duty), see STATUTA ALEMANIAE SUPERIORIS (1302, 1309, 1341), 237, 269. It is interesting to note that the CONSTITUTIONES BENEDICTINAE (1336), 372 explicitly urge the ministers, custodians and guardians to compel their friars to hear confessions ‘…non solum potentium et divitum, sed etiam pauperum personarum.’ On Dominican confessional training, see MULCHAHEY, 1998, 131f.

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the early and high medieval penitential system, the lay confession model (insofar as the laity was subjected to any regular confessional schedule) was predominantly based on external satisfactio. Only the monks were expected to internalise the reproof of sin, in order to reach true contrition. The Lateran confession model extended to everybody the need for true contrition, with profound repercussions for lay spiritual self-representation but also, as several historians have argued, for the increase of clerical control over the lay conscience. As Roberto Rusconi formulates it: ‘…la forme d’introspection collective prévue par la nouvelle discipline et par la nouvelle pratique pénitentielle, avec une individualisation des fautes obtenue par l’analyse approfondie de ses propres actions, n’implique un ‘progrès de la conscience’ que s’il y a à la base une subordination des fidèles à l’hégémonie culturelle des clercs, et à leurs modèles religieux.’164 In the often quite small medieval communities, it was quite clear who went to confession and who did not. Confession was preceded by public preaching, and frequently followed by communion. As confessional preaching was predominantly concentrated in the period of Lent, it was hard not to know who was admitted to communion and who was excluded, either because s/he failed to confess or because s/ he did not show sufficient contrition. This implies a social obligation to go to confession and to submit oneself to clerical control. This social obligation would have been even stronger in the context of confraternities. The statutes of confraternities contained rules about going to confession on a regular basis, stipulating serious repercussions for members who failed to live up to this requirement.165 Furthermore, the ‘new’ confessional practice gave the confessor room to probe the conscience and the faith of his penitent in considerable detail, using sets of questions provided for him in the confession manual.166 The confessor therefore was able to find out many aspects about the religious and moral make-up of his penitent and, in addition, was able to give far-reaching moral directives. 164 RUSCONI, 1981² 67-85, 77-78. Rusconi emphasises the aspect of social and religious control, with all the connected problems of power abuse. More or less the same position is defended by TENTLER, 1974, 103-126, 131-137. For a reaction to such views, see in particular BOYLE, 1974, 126-130 and BÉRIOU, 1986, 261-282. 165 LITTLE, 1981, 89-91; MEERSSEMAN, 1977; RONCIÈRE, 1973, 633ff. 166 Questions not only about the number and nature of sins, but also more detailed probings dealing with the properties and the ‘accidents’ of sin: quis, quid, ubi, quibus auxiliis/per quos/quotiens, cur, quomodo, quando. Cf. BOYLE, 1974², 258.

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When, in the course of the thirteenth century, (mendicant) inquisitors became a more regular presence in the West, the issue of whether confessions could be used to trace down heresies, and whether confessors had to ‘betray’ their penitents to the inquisitorial authorities also emerged. The Dominican friar Raimundo de Peñyaforte, compiler of an influential confessor’s manual, argued that this could be done: the confessor was not obliged to respect the secrecy of the confessional in case of heresy. Theologians like Bonaventura da Bagnoregio and Tommaso d’ Aquino, however, argued that the sacramental character of confession was independent of the intentions of the penitent, and that the sacramental character of confession (including its secrecy) should be respected. In practice, confession nevertheless helped the confessor to find out whether or not heretical thoughts were harboured.167 The power of the confessor, namely his ability to become a decisive factor in the formation of the lay religious conscience, may have been substantial. The seven virtues and vices, the ten commandments and comparable moral grids present in confession manuals were not only important as vehicles to trace and to correct sinful behaviour, but also could be used as a basic framework for a total overhaul of the lay conscience. Not surprisingly, the seven vices, the ten commandments, and comparable stratifications also figure in many penitential sermons, and in the many Latin and vernacular booklets and treatises for the moral and religious instruction of the laity that began to appear in large numbers from the thirteenth century onwards.168 Mendicant apostolate and the secular clergy When the Friars Minor became involved in professional preaching on a regular basis, they encountered the established pastoral privileges of the secular clergy at the level of the diocese and the parish. Initially, the Franciscans were to submit themselves to the authority of the local bishop, who often was more than willing to accept the friars as auxiliary preaching forces in his diocese, in line with the

167 168

GY, 1974, 444-450. Cf. LITTLE, 1981, 96; MERLO, 1981². See on this in particular NEWHAUSER, 1993.

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tenth canon of the Fourth Lateran Council constitutions. There are many examples showing that bishops were rather eager to enlist the mendicants as preachers and confessors.169 Yet there were bound to be some misgivings among clergymen who experienced the mendicant apostolate as an infringement of their longstanding privileges (with significant financial consequences), and interpreted it as a threat to their own religious and moral authority. Not surprisingly, the Regula Bullata carefully addresses the need to be respectful of the local secular clergy, and to avoid confrontation. From the outset, the friars did not normally enjoy the rights and tasks of the parish priest. They were an auxiliary preaching force, providing supplementary religious services to the population at large, which for its standard religious needs (such as baptism and yearly confession) was dependent on the secular clergy. When the friars received churches to which parochial rights were attached, these rights normally were transferred to another (non-mendicant) church. The mendicant take-over of churches and the subsequent transferral of parochial rights did, of course, have an impact on the parochial network. Although the friars were to respect the parochial rights of the seculars, the preaching of the friars in their own churches, as well as their various preaching assignments in other churches and in other public places to help out the secular priests (many of whom would not have preached at all), soon made them a dominant pastoral force.170 In this context it is also important to keep in mind that the friars took on the care of souls of those who were bereft of parochial religious support, such as the many poor and vagrant people. 171 A growing number of people sought out the friars and the mendicant houses for religious instruction, spiritual guidance, additional confession on a regular basis, and burial places, which was reflected in the increasing number of pious donations to mendicant churches

Cf. the enthusiasm with which Conrad II (1221-1246) in Hildesheim actively supported the establishment of Franciscan, Dominican and other mendicant houses. GUTOWSKI, 1994². 170 ROMALLO, 1949, passim. In Tienen, for instance, the Friars Minor regularly held sermons outside their own convent church, such as in the Church of Our Lady, where the friars preached every fourth Sunday and on the feasts devoted to the Virgin. CEYSSENS, 1993, 132. 171 PELLEGRINI, 1984², 275-305. There was a difference between the Franciscans and Dominicans in these matters. The latter more often were able to retain the parochial rights of the churches they received. 169

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and friaries. Thereby, funds were directed away from the secular clergy, which depended on such funds for its livelihood. As professionals of the divine word, the mendicant orders quickly received farreaching papal privileges with regard to preaching and the hearing of confessions. The centrally organised mendicant orders thus became an instrument in papal attempts to strengthen central authority in the Church, and to enforce doctrinal and ecclesiological unity. These new privileges in themselves, and in particular the far-reaching privileges granted between 1245-1247 (by Innocent IV), between 12621265 (by Alexander IV and Clement IV), and in 1281 (by Martin IV)172 undercut Episcopal authority and gave the mendicants the tools to thwart opposition to their homiletic activities by local clergy.173 At various junctures, this ‘mendicant interference’ lead to serious and protracted conflicts with bishops and parish priests, who challenged mendicant rights to preach, to hear the confessions of parishioners, and to bury the dead. These conflicts were particularly vehement in France, where the episcopate found support with the secular masters of the Parisian university.174 Episcopal synods repeatedly stressed the importance of preaching and the exercise of pastoral duties by the designated secular priests, both to put limits on mendicant interference and to motivate the secular clergy itself.175 At the local level, seculars and regulars often acknowledged the necessity of co-operation and hammered out a workable compromise. In such a compromise, the friars and the local secular clergymen agreed on a division of labour and a well-defined preaching schedule that would uphold both the efficacy of mendicant pastoral care, and the religious authority of the seculars.176 At a higher level, a 172 As early as 1231, the bull Nimis Iniqua urged bishops and other secular priests to support mendicant pastoral activities. The bull Ad Fructus Uberes (1281) issued by pope Martin IV, even gave mendicants the privilege of dispensing with the agreement of bishops and parish priests to preach in their dioceses and parishes. See in general MATHIS, 1927; SCHMITT, 1977, 830-837. 173 RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 356-7; FEYAERTS, 1950, 177-190, 225-240; ROMALLO, 1949. 174 A considerable amount of literature is devoted to these conflicts and their ecclesiological backgrounds. See for instance LITTLE, 19174, 92-122; GRATIEN, 1924, 499-518; ROMALLO, 1949, passim; CAROZZI, 1973, 321-254. For the ecclesiological aspects of these matters see especially CONGAR, 1961, 35-161. 175 RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 355-356; GLORIEUX, 1925, 309-331. 176 For the terms of such compromises and the division of labour following from it, see for instance MENZEL, 1991, 365ff; PETRUCCI, 1984, II, 1010-1011.

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compromise eventually was also adopted in papal legislation with the bull Super Cathedram (1300) of Boniface VIII. This bull upheld the pastoral independence of the mendicants but also required that the friars were not to preach at the same hours as the local secular clergy, that they were only to preach in the parish church at the invitation of the local pastor or with the permission of the bishop (or his delegate), and needed an episcopal licence to hear confessions. This compromise, which eventually was enforced on the Council of Vienne (1311), provided a framework for future co-operation.177 After the Council of Vienne, hostilities did not subside completely. Up till the very end of the Middle Ages we can trace longstanding animosities in several French dioceses, as well as in certain areas of Germany, Bohemia, England, Ireland, and Flanders.178 Such animosities were sometimes exacerbated by renewed papal initiatives to re-enforce mendicant pastoral privileges.179 However, there often was a high level of co-operation and coexistence at the local level, even where this was only reached after many provocations and long (and not always very friendly) negotiations.180 Co-operation was possible 177 After decades in which the papacy had more bluntly supported the mendicant cause (cf. the 1262 bull Virtute Conspicuos (or Mare Magnum) issued by Alexander IV and the 1281 bull Ad Fructus Iuberes of Martin IV). Boniface VIII’s Super Cathedram was more balanced. BULLARIUM FRANCISCANUM, IV, 498-500. On these developments, which ended many of the open hostilities between mendicants and seculars, particularly after the condemnation of the most extremist anti-mendicant statements of Jean de Pouilly by Pope John XXII, see LITTLE, 1943³, 230-243; UYTTENBROECK, 1935, 171189, 306-332. From the period after the council of Vienne also originate Herman von Sachsen’s Casus Abstracti a Iure, which explain how and when the Friars Minor could exercise their preaching and confessional rights within the limits drawn by Pope Boniface VIII. Cf. REITER, 1995, 1-39. 178 LIPPENS, 1954, 241-292. Cf. NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 223; RODER, 1904, 44ff; NICKEL, 1994², 177-178 (on severe conflicts in Münster around 1370 and in 1417); HUNECKE, 1994, 27-46 (on conflicts in Dortmund in 1370). In England the controversy was fuelled by attacks from Richard FitzRalph, former fellow of Balliol and chancellor of the university of Oxford. As Archbishop of Armagh he launched in the 1350s a full-scale attack on the mendicants, stating that they were stealing children, and abused their confessional rights. FitzRalph’s attacks later found renewed support among the partisans of Wyclif. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 79ff; MOORMAN, 1952, 83ff. 179 Good examples are the bulls Dum Fructus Uberes, Regimini Universalis Ecclesiae and Sacri Praedicatorum et Minorum Fratrum Ordines, issued by Sixtus IV. 180 Cf. LANDMANN, 1926, 353 on Munich and Zabern, where the Observants and the secular clergy reached a compromise and devised a fruitful division of labour at the end of the fifteenth century. Although mendicants were acknowledged preachers, and were called upon by the bishops, the existing resistance and suspicion among the seculars (bishops and their parish priests) over against aggressive mendicants even

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where the mendicants themselves were willing to abstain from unnecessary provocation and agreed to supervision.181 It was not a coincidence that the Observants regularly chose not to push the use of their preaching privileges to extremes.182 In fact, notwithstanding all the opposition (for which we also have many literary witnesses), the mendicant presence had become indispensable.183 Trained mendicant preachers were often in high demand by the local population. Many bishops, a considerable number of whom were actually drawn from mendicant orders after the midthirteenth century, had come to rely on mendicants as auxiliary preachers, inquisitors and religious educators for their own clergy. 184 lead to the drawing up of actual contracts (especially in the fifteenth century), in which mendicant friars subscribed to a long set of rules concerning preaching times, remuneration, topics, and their behaviour towards their secular colleagues etc. Both parties continuously were tempted to overcome local resistance and restrictions with recourse to higher religious authority. This could be a tricky process during the schism period. MARTIN, 1988, 128. 181 MARTIN, 1988, 126-129 presents evidence of mendicant concern about useless competition with local secular priests. The Franciscans and Dominicans of Auxerre produced a guideline for their own friars and went as far as to establish a tribunal to judge friars who had been too aggressive. In places where a compromise was reached, mendicant preachers could be subject to a whole series of examinations and supervisions, with regard to their knowledge, the instruments/materials they used, the topic/times they preached etc. The Observant chapters of Mecheln (1464) and Saxony (1467 and 1494) introduced severe measures against Franciscan preachers who used their sermons as a vehicle to express bizarre opinions, or to attack the secular clergy and preachers of other religious orders. LANDMANN, 1926, 348-353; STATUTA SAXONIAE (1467-1494), 284; MEERSEMAN, 1934, 75-97. 182 The Observant provincial chapter of Strasbourg (1477) decided not to use the most invasive pastoral privileges, in order to maintain good relations with the secular clergy.NICOLAUS GLASSBERGER, Chronica, II, 462. 183 See for instance THOMSON, 1977, 3-34. 184 RONCIÈRE, 1990, VI, 365. Especially in Italy there were dozens of bishops of mendicant origin. These were less-inhibited in seeking the support of mendicant preachers and confessors. Yet outside Italy the reliance on mendicant instructors is not only documented in the case of mendicant bishops such as John Pecham and Gautier de Bruges. From Grosseteste onwards, many secular bishops also valued the training opportunities offered by the mendicants. Cf. LITTLE, 1892, 74-75; LITTLE, 1917², 158-192. The Bishop of Basel wrote on May 4, 1431 to one of his priests that the friars should be allowed to preach in the diocese: ‘In dicto oppido Rufach et dioecese nostra Basiliense verbum Dei predicare et elimosinam petere valeant libere vestris in ecclesiis; item quod possint audire confessiones quorumcunque eis confiteri voluerunt, eis penitentiam iniungere et in foro penitentie absolvere. LANDMANN, 1926, 347, n. 49. The cathedral preacher of Basel Heynlin von Stein (1484-1494) mentioned in his sermon collection that the Franciscan preacher Filip Fabri von Würzburg repeatedly acted as his stand-in. LANDMANN, 1926, 340, also n. 14.

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Even bishops who championed the rights and obligations of their own priests, and were prone to emphasise the auxiliary status of the regulars, frequently had to leave more elevated preaching to the better educated mendicants. This was the case in the thirteenth century, and it remained virtually the same throughout the later medieval period.185 Moreover, the mendicants found support with urban authorities and territorial rulers, who had a vested interest in the efficacy of pastoral care within their communities. In the fifteenth century, this would be manifested in the outright support by urban authorities and territorial rulers for Observant attempts of reform and Observant pastoral activities, and in their willingness to enlist the Franciscans as a regulated and controlled pastoral task force 186

185 The secular priests often were more involved in the administrative and liturgical aspects of parochial work and left real preaching to the mendicant friars. MARTIN, 1988, 132-142. 186 They often acknowledged the importance of preaching on a regular basis and took measures to ensure it on feast days, during processions etc. As the examples of Clermond-Ferrand, Orléans, Rouen, Amiens, and Nevers indicate, urban authorities and noble benefactors even paid mendicant preachers and mendicant convents for their homiletic services to the towns, or gave stipends to ensure the further theological training of mendicant preachers. MARTIN, 1988, 36-37, 151-160. Frequently, the secular authorities pleaded with the bishop to grant the Observants preaching possibilities and privileges. LANDMANN, 1926, 347, n. 49. The same or comparable motivations were behind local support for the Franciscan Spirituals in the early fourteenth century. Cf. BIGET, 1984, 74-93.

EPILOGUE

THE IMPACT OF FRANCISCAN EDUCATION Subsequent chapters of this book have charted the development of the Franciscan school network, the disciplines taught in it, and the formation of libraries that facilitated the access to learning. Special attention has been given to the place of formalised study in the Franciscan religious life, questions of school formation, and the way in which preaching functioned as a cornerstone of the Franciscan education project, both inwardly and outwardly. At the end of the present study it is time for a first evaluation of the impact of Franciscan education; its repercussions for the doctrinal and religious formation of the Friars Minor themselves, and its wider impact on other religious and lay groups in medieval society. At least from the 1230s onwards, the Franciscan school network provided a basic theological and pastoral formation for all clerical friars, whether incumbent adolescents who just had absolved their noviciate, or adults who had spent decades in the order. This implied that all these friars participated, often on a daily basis, in lectures, sermons, and exercises, by means of which they acquired the necessary knowledge to perform their tasks as priests, teachers, preachers, and confessors. After the emergence of custodial arts schools, the more promising adolescent postulants also received a grounding in the liberal arts. From this latter group were selected the candidates for the lectorate programs. Throughout the medieval period, the group of lectorate students was relatively small, even though the percentage was certainly on the rise in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. Until the mid-fourteenth century, the number of friars able to enter the degree program was far more limited still. Thereafter, the increase in the number of Franciscan degree schools made it possible for many Franciscan lectors to continue their studies after some years of teaching at the custodial level or as convent lector. Further scrutiny of the available source materials might enable us to give an approximate percentage of clerical friars that were allowed to obtain a bachelor’s or master’s degree. At present such an undertaking is not feasible. It seems safe to say, however, that throughout the later medieval period the number of friars with a degree in theology re-

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mained much smaller than the number of clerical friars without any degree schooling. A proper insight into the education of the rank and file clerical friars asks for studies of individual Franciscan settlements, the presence of schools and libraries in these centres, and the probable link between available texts and the form and content of actual teaching. Much fundamental research on these matters is already available, though hidden like leaves in a forest. By now, the various journals devoted to the study of Franciscan history in Italy, France, Spain, Germany, the Netherlands, and America, present us with more than a century of case studies, replete with manuscript information, and (partial) editions. For the present book, I have made use of this heterogeneous material as much as possible. Yet I do not consider my perusal to be anything more than an impressionist first venture in this massive archive. What is needed is a systematic effort to extract this information, to complement it with further research in archives and manuscript libraries, and (most importantly) to compare the results from the various regions in which the friars became active. Such an effort will help us to obtain more definite answers concerning the number of schools, the percentage of friars engaged in different studies, the instruments used in teaching, the practicalities of manuscript transmission, and the actual content of lectures. The position of lay friars in the Franciscan educational project has not been fully clarified. Already during Francesco d’Assisi’s own lifetime, illiterate lay friars were barred from further study. Their access to Latin schooling therefore was limited. Nevertheless, many of them would have been exposed regularly to sermons and lectures. Moreover, their limited access to Latin source materials did not imply a lack of access to religious learning, given the emergence of many vernacular religious treatises from the 1240s onwards, which made a large part of the Franciscan instructional literature available to those not trained in Latin and theology. Depending on the local situation, lay friars and clerical friars would have formed one textual community. There might have been a bigger educational gap between the academically schooled elite and the other friars than between the clerical friars and the lay friars as such. With regard to their educational options, the position of lay friars might have been comparable to that of the Poor Clares, who have not been touched upon in the present study, but to whom I hope to devote a separate monograph in the future.

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The Franciscan studia generalia, where the intellectual elite was trained, quickly evolved into prestigious centres of learning. The level of theological and philosophical education in the study houses of Paris, Oxford, and Cambridge was very high, as is reflected in the Franciscan academic output of quodlibetal questions and commentaries on the Bible and the Sentences, as well as in the influence of Franciscan theologians and their theological and philosophical positions on the major academic debates. In this book, I have steered clear of a thorough discussion of these positions, as that would have required at least one extra volume. It is clear, however, that a proper assessment of medieval academic Franciscan scholarship needs to leave behind old conceptions of school formation, and needs to take into account many historical figures who have thus far only appeared in specialised articles on late medieval theology and philosophy. As important for a proper understanding of the importance of Franciscan education is a scrutiny of the wider impact of the Franciscan school network. The Franciscan school network came into being first and foremost to train the Friars Minor. There is still no adequate answer to the question of the extent to which the Franciscan study houses played a significant role in the formal education of other groups. Many Franciscan schools of theology were, in principle, open to outsiders, and there is concrete evidence for the presence of secular priests in Franciscan schools throughout the later medieval period. Yet, contrary to the overly optimistic view of P. Mandonnet (1914), the current scholarly consensus is that there was not everywhere a consistent and continuous enrolment of non-mendicant (clerical and lay) students in the studia of the mendicant orders. The mendicant schools first and foremost were geared to educate the friars themselves. The participation of non-mendicant students is especially attested to in places where no other centres of higher learning were available, and where mendicant studia and individual mendicant teachers active in cathedral schools collaborated with the bishop to educate the priests and administrators of the diocese. A different matter was, of course, the activity of mendicant regent masters in theology faculties and that of assigned mendicant teachers in other faculties of late medieval studia generalia. These mendicant teachers ex officio faced mixed groups of university students. Some elements of the wider impact of Franciscan education have been alluded to in my chapter on Franciscan preaching. I have argued that Franciscan preaching was both frequent and efficacious. It

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was the most direct form of mass instruction available, a main vehicle for the dissemination of devotional themes, and it paved the way for many other forms of religious and moral education. In this context should be mentioned the popularity of mendicant sermon collections, Pater Noster explications, books on virtues and vices, and confessor manuals. The research of Kurt Ruh, Georg Steer, Carlo Delcorno, and Kaspar Elm has shown that many of these texts found their way beyond the mendicant fold to members of the secular clergy, and became a foundation of the secular clergy’s own preaching effort. As homiletic instruments, but also as texts for devotional reading, such works became important interfaces in the creation of late medieval piety, not in the least through the friars’ involvement with the Poor Clares, tertiaries, confraternities, and lay penitents. A proper study of these matters also asks for a separate volume, if only to find out to what extent we really can speak, with Heiko Oberman and Etienne Delaruelle, of a ‘Franciscan’ or ‘Bonaventuran’ popular religious outlook. Here too, an essentialist conception of ‘Franciscan’ piety will obfuscate more than it clarifies. This book was conceived to provide an outline of Franciscan education between the thirteenth and the early sixteenth century. In accordance with this intention, many aspects have been alluded to only in passing, and many other aspects have not been addressed at all. Further research will result in a more complete, and definitely more detailed portrait of educational developments within the Franciscan order, and their impact on the educational landscape of the later Middle Ages.

SOURCES Manuscripts cited AMIENS Bibliothèque Publique 287. ANGERS Bibliothèque Publique 257 (248). ASSISI Biblioteca Comunale 158. Biblioteca Comunale 520. BRESLAU Stadtbibliothek Cod IV.-F.43. Stadtbibliothek Cod. 300. COLOGNE Stadtarchiv GB f. 175 ff. FLORENCE Biblioteca Nazionale Conv. Soppr. C-7-236. Biblioteca Nazionale Conv. Soppr. D-2-502. Biblioteca Laurenziana Cod. S. Crucis Plut. XXXVI dext. 6. FRIBOURG Cordelier Cordelier Cordelier Cordelier

26. 43. 51. 82.

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NAME INDEX Abate, G. 44, 132, 198, 200, 208, 210, 219, 231-233 Achten, Gerard 251 Adam Marsh 22, 24, 59, 66, 110, 122, 142-143, 151, 210 Adam of Hekeshover 149 Adam of York 74 Adam Woodham 72, 79, 125 Adelard of Bath 151 Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini 304 Agnello da Pisa 12, 21, 210 Agostino da Ferrara 139, 170 Alain de Lille 272 Alatri, Mariano d’ 33, 36, 66, 69, 70, 74, 82, 83, 86, 254, 272, 278, 292 Albert Behaim 232 Albert Hofeltinger 288 Albertino de Montesilicis 230 Alberto da Pisa 4, 8, 72, 83 Alberto da Sarteano 156, 158, 168-169, 303 Albert Puchelbach 248 Albertus Magnus 141, 181, 186, 313 Alcuin 205 Alençon, Ubald d’ 257 Alessandri, L. 201, 207, 216 Alessandro d’Alexandria 187, 204, 206, 208 Alexander IV 56-57, 321-322 Alexander Minorita (Alexander von Bremen) 77, 131 Alexander of Hales 14, 17, 125-126, 144, 163, 172, 184-187, 190, 194, 208, 214, 266, 310, 315 Alexandre de Villedieu 138, 144 Alfred of Sareshel 151 Alosto, Remigius ab 252 Altaner, F. 152 Alvaro Pelayo 4, 75, 93, 129, 148, 163 Amargier, Paul 29, 198 Amsterdam, Balduinus ab 131 Amunddsen, D.W. 149 Andrés, M. 168 Andrews, R. & T.B. Noone 139 Anfredo Gonteri 192 Angelo Clareno (Pietro de Fossombrone) 4-5, 43, 66, 74, 151, 153, 253

Angelo Cristofori 94, 102 Anonymus Umber, see: Paolo da Gualdo Anselm of Canterbury 205, 256 Anthonius Rampelogus 137 Antoine de Bourgogne 227 Antonio Andrea 141-142, 187, 192 Antonio da Bitonto 164, 303, 316 Antonio da Montebono 234 Antonio d’Arezzo 170-171 Antonio da Rho 170 Antonio di Padova 3, 44, 132, 186, 251, 279, 282-283, 287, 289, 316 Antonio Gratia Dei 136 Antonio Neri 164 Antonio Scazzetto 159 Aristotle 138-142, 211, 213 Arlotto da Prato 220 Armellada, Bernardino de 195 Arnold Aymericus 102 Arnold von Arnsberch 119 Arnoldo da Serano 242 Ashton, T.H. 23 Aspurz, Lázaro de Astesano d’Asti 148, 316 Asztalos, Monika 30, 35, 58, 98, 100, 123, 135, 178-179, 181 Auger, M.-L. 208 Augustine 249, 255-256 Avi-Yonah, Reuven 111 Babbini, L. 316 Bacci, O. 229 Baetens, Jozef 38, 77, 136, 168, 302 Bannister, H.M. 202 Banta, F.G. 282 Barbet, J. 135 Barcelona, M. de 281 Barnaba da Terni 159, 306 Baron, H. 170 Barone, Giulia 1, 5, 8, 11, 16, 20, 21, 29, 69, 80, 87, 92, 103, 232, 234, 237, 244 Bartholomaeus Anglicus 12, 29, 140, 144, 149, 214, 255, 288 Bartholomew of Bruno 72 Bartolomeo 152

390

name index

Bartolomeo da Brescia 211 Bartolomeo da Castello 256 Bartolomeo da Giano 159 Bartolomeo da Pisa 21 Bataillon, Louis Jacques 258, 285-286, 295-297 Baumgartner, E. 128 Beaumont-Maillet, Laure 13 Beckmann, Jan P. 176 Belluco, B. 303 Benedict XI 63 Benedict XII 18, 24, 26, 36, 48, 71-72, 78, 102, 104, 112, 122, 129, 200, 236 Benedict of Nursia 249 Benjamin 25 Benoffi, Francesco A. ix Benvenuto da Imola 211 Benvenuto da Modena 227 Benvenuto Montenari 152 Benz, Ernst 56 Berg, Dieter ix, 7, 31, 68, 82, 83 Bériou, N. 293, 311, 318 Berlioz, J. 287 Berlioz, J & , M.-A. Polo de Beaulieu Bernard de Besse 230, 246-247, 249250, 252 Bernard de Clairvaux 205 Bernard de Deo 289 Bernard Gui 209 Bernardine Kempe 86 Bernardino Aquilano da Fossa 159, 169, 302, 313 Bernardino da Feltre 159, 164, 303, 305-306, 309 Bernardino da Siena 158-163, 166, 168, 171, 209, 212, 229, 257, 285-286, 303-305, 309-310, 315 Bernardino de Barducis 170 Bernardino de Treviso 39 Bernardo de Quintavalle 43 Bernardus de Guasconibus 200, 203, 211-212, 216-217, 220, 224, 230-232 Bernarello, Franco 238, 243, 246, 250251, 255 Berthold Kule 255 Berthold von Regensburg 31, 255, 278, 282, 286, 313 Bertinato, P.D. 243 Bertini Guidetti, Stefania 291 Bertoni, A. 185 Bertram von Ahlen 135, 255 Bertrand de la Tour 286

Bérubé, Camille 69, 143, 192, 259, 262264, 271 Bettoni, E. 185 Bianchi, L. 140 Biccarelli, F. 158, 170 Bierbaum, Max 53 Biget, J.-L. 324 Bignami-Odier, Jeanne 220 Bihl, Michael 135, 255-256 Bistoni, Maria Grazia 164, 212, 234 Blondeel d’Izigem, Emmerich 310 Bloomfield, M.W. 315 Bloomfield, M.W., B.-G. Guyot, D.R. Howard & T.B. Kabealo 315 Blumenberg, Hans 176 Blumenkranz, B. 150 Boer, Dick de x Boehm, L. 78 Boethius 138, 140 Bohl, Cornelius 245 Bonaventura da Bagnoregio 4, 7-9, 14, 16, 117, 125-126, 128, 131, 140, 144, 163, 172, 174, 179-180, 185-188, 190, 194-196, 199, 206-208, 211, 214, 230-231, 236-237, 246-252, 254-263, 266, 268, 270-271, 275-276, 280, 285-286, 296, 310, 319 Bonaventura da Bologna 57, 233 Bonaventura d’Iseo 144, 241 Boner, G. 126 Boni, Andrea 239 Boniface VIII 17, 148, 207, 322 Boniface of Ceva 168 Bonmann, O. 132, 256 Börner, Egid 2, 235 Bossy, John 315 Bougerol, J.G. 131, 263, 272, 281, 285, 291, 293, 296 Boyle, L.E. 22, 315, 318 Brady, Ignatius 131, 252 Bremond, C., J. LeGoff & J.-C. Schmitt 287 Brengio, Ludovico 154, 237 Brieskorn, Norbert & Volker Honeman 132 Briggs, H.M. 144 Briscoe, M.G. 280 Brlek, Michael ix, 5, 15, 30, 33-34, 36, 39-40, 66, 68-69, 81, 85, 87, 89-91, 94, 97, 101, 104, 111-112, 114, 118119, 121, 125, 129, 156, 161, 164, 236, 243, 294

name index Brooke, Rosalind 4 Brotto, G & G. Zonta 28, 108 Bruyne, D. de 207 Buchner, F.X. 213 Buchwald, S.G. 281, 285 Bunte, W. 150 Buoncompagno da Signa 274 Buridanus 176, 178 Burr, David 37, 47, 132 Cacciotti, Alvaro 170 Caesarius von Speyer 43 Callebaut, A. 13, 204 Callus, D.A. 143 Cannon, J. 69, 83 Cantini, Gustavo 129, 164, 272, 278, 283, 294, 307, 309 Capasso, A. 169 Caplan, H. 281 Cappelli, A. 234 Caro da Firenze 47 Carolus von Linz 232 Carozzi, C. 321 Carruthers, M. 133 Casagrande, Carla 279 Casagrande, C. & S. Vecchio 315-316 Cassiodore 249 Castro, Manuel de 129 Catto, J.I. 61, 72, 131, 144 Cellucci, L. 257 Cenci, Cesare ix, 8-9, 15, 48, 128, 171, 199, 205, 207, 229-230, 286 Ceyssens, Luciaan 77, 227, 237, 320 Charland, Th.-M. 280, 309 Charles IV (Emperor) 35 Charles V (King of France) 18 Chauvet, F. 259 Cherubino da Spoleto 164, 169, 171 Chiappini, A. 229 Christian Borgsleben 285 Christian de Beauvais 57 Christian von Hiddesdorf 288 Christophe de Cugnières 294 Chudoba, Livio & Antonio Sartori 286 Ciardi Dupré dal Poggetto, Maria Grazia 233 Ciccarelli, Diego 38, 208, 213, 223, 228230 Cicero 138, 206 Cirot, J. 129 Clara d’Assisi 251 Clark, J.P.H. 27, 142

391

Clasen, S. 56-57, 98, 107, 260, 279 Clement IV 321 Clement V 148 Clement VI 112 Clement VII 35 Collijn, Isak 209, 228 Congar, Y. 51, 321 Conrad (lector in Lüneburg) 84 Conti, M. 4, 236 Cornelis van Deventer 42 Corti, M. 291 Costa, Francesco 198-201, 204, 207210, 213-214, 217, 222, 224, 228, 234, 251 Cotton, Charles 39, 83, 210 Courtenay, William ix, x, 10, 11, 17, 30, 31, 45, 66, 72-73, 76, 78, 80-81, 89, 96-97, 100, 104, 110, 112, 115, 118, 121, 126-127, 136, 176-180, 184, 193, 226 Crescenzio da Iesi 4, 66, 149 Creytens, Raymond 29 Cristoforo da Varese 304 Crombie, A.C. 143 Cuneo, Bernard 131 Curtius, Ernst Robert 255 Dales, R.C. 259 Damiata, M. 148 Dante Alighieri 49, 142, 171 David von Augsburg 31, 244-246, 249, 253-255, 257, 283 Davis, Ch.T. 170, 211 D’Avray, D.L. 215, 272, 277, 280, 286287, 290-293, 301-302, 311 Deahl, Julian x Delaruelle, É 274, 328 Delcorno, Carlo 133, 272-273, 303, 310311, 313-314, 328 Delorme, Ferdinand 131, 257, 281, 292 Denifle, Heinrich 56 Denkinger, T. 169 Dersch, W. 213 De Wulf, M. 174 Dieterle, J. 314, 316 Dietrich Kolde 307 Dietrich von Freiburg 313 Dijk, S.J.P. van 120, 231, 251, 257 Dionysius the Pseudo-Areopagite 255 Dobson, R.B. 105, 136, 202, 221, 225 Doelle, Ferdinand 16, 29, 76, 77, 80, 84, 95, 127, 148, 154, 208

392

name index

Donatus 138 Donnino, A. 144 Doucet, V. 14, 72, 142 Douie, Decima L. 53, 57, 259 Doyle, E. 132 Ducout, D. 209 Dufeil, M.-M. 56, 259 Durand de Champagne 317 Dyk, John van 126 Easton, S.C. 143, 268 Eckhart 313 Edward III (King of England) 64 Egidio d’Assisi 4, 252, 256 Egidio Delfini 123 Egidio Romano 180, 191, 207 Ehrle, F. viii, 48, 185, 241 Eisermann, Falk 257 Elia da Cortona 3-4, 74, 144, 235, 240 Elizabeth de Burgh 233 Elm, Kaspar 7, 76, 78, 81, 84, 153-156, 161-162, 170-171, 274, 303, 305, 328 elMasry, Nadia x Emery, R. 82 Engen, John Van x, 131 Enrico da Pisa 145 Epping, Adelard 186 Erickson, C. 169 Esser, Kajetan 1, 44, 235 Étienne Constellari 294 Étienne Tempier 188 Etzkorn, Girard x, 47, 286, 289 Eubel, K. 128 Euclid 140 Eudo III (duke of Burgundy) Eudes de Douai 57 Eudes Rigaud 14, 126, 135, 186, 286, 293 Eugene, Christian 13 Eugenius IV 160, 164, 304 Eusebius 211 Eustache d’Arras 279 Everard de Béthune 138 Fabio Vigili 213 Fajdek, Bogdan 8 Faloci-Pulignani, M. 207 Felder, Hilarin ix, 1, 2, 3, 4, 7-9, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 19, 22, 29-30, 35, 43-44, 46, 59, 66, 72, 77, 82, 83, 85, 88-89, 100, 120, 123-124, 143, 145-146, 148-149, 156, 190, 232, 236, 244, 252, 273, 291

Ferrari, L. 207 Feyaerts, E. 321 Fidenzio di Padova 152 Filip Fabri 323 Filip of Wales 74 Filippini, E. 207 Fischer, C. 257, 303 Fitzgerald, M. 139 Flash, K. 174 Fleming, John V. 56 Flood, David 236 Fois, Mario 157, 161, 164-165 Fonzo, Lorenzo di ix, 32-34, 36, 38, 4041, 50, 70, 73, 78, 80, 85, 91, 97, 101, 103-104, 106, 111, 116-117, 121, 185, 192, 228, 294 Francesco da Bologna 164 Francesco da Ferrara 230 Francesco da Mozzanica 39 Francesco d’Assisi 1-4, 6, 43-44, 65, 145, 155, 186, 198-199, 235, 238, 250-252, 255-257, 260, 263, 268, 273-274, 276-277, 312, 326 Francesco da Trevi 303 Francesco della Rovere 19, 40, 51, 91, 122, 207, 228, 230, 242 Francesco d’Empoli 24 Francesco di Padova 230 Francesco Gonzaga 19 Francesco Michele del Padovano 113, 149, 170 Francesco Sansone 40-41, 90, 229 Francesco Venimbeni da Fabriano 227 Francesco Vitale de Noya 229 François de Meyronnes 139, 141, 177, 180, 187, 192, 194-195, 214, 286-287 Frank, Isnard W. 35, 38, 71, 193-194 Franz, A. 291 Frascadore, Ermenegildo & Herwig Ooms 1, 2, 3, 116, 165, 199, 210, 223 Frati, L. 208 Frederick II (Emperor) 50 Frederick III (Emperor) 304 Friedman, J. 289 Friedrich von Amberg 193, 209, 225227, 285, 288 Friedrich von Pernstein 228 Fries, A. 131 Fussenegger, G. 301-302 Gabriele Bruno Veneto 132 Gabriele da Verona 304 Gabriele da Volterra 207, 242

name index Gabriele Rangoni 168 Gaddoni, S. 75 Gaffuri, Laura 287, 292 Gal, G. & R. Wood 139 Galletti, A. 161 Gallo, Donato 306 Gamboso, Vergilio 286 García, Avelino Domínguez 129 García Oro, J. 154 García y García, A. 147, 148 Garin, Eugenio 169 Gatto, L. 74, 83 Gattuci, A. 229 Gautier de Bruges 187, 251, 286, 323 Gehl, Paul 249 Gemelli, A. 173 Georg Antworter 229 George of Trebisond 213 Gerard d’Abbéville 57, 241 Gerard de Pomerio 255 Gerard Groyt van Delft 42 Gerard Ithier 249 Gerard von Linz 232 Gerz-von Büren, V. 210 Châtillon, Jean 251 Gherardi, A. 50 Gherardino da Borgo San Giovanni 135 Gherardo da Borgo San Donnino 55-56, 91, 220 Gherardo da Firenze 106 Gherardo da Modena 199 Gherardo da Prato 128 Ghinato, Alberto 51, 157, 159, 161, 164, 168, 170-171, 212, 228, 272, 298, 303-305, 309 Ghisalberti, Alessandro 192-193 Giacomo Capelli 196, 257 Giacomo da Viterbo 135 Giacomo della Marca 159, 164, 212, 229, 304 Giacomo del Mugello 47 Giacomo de Tederischis 39 Giacomo de Tresantis 48, 128 Giacomo Fei da Firenze 104 Giacomo Montanari de Bagnacavallo 117 Giacon, C. 175 Gieben, Servus 188, 264, 266, 272, 286 Gilson, É. 174, 277, 280 Ginther, James x Giordano da Giano 7, 8, 12, 29, 43, 83, 312-313

393

Giovanni Bertoldi da Serravalle 171 Giovanni Buralli da Parma 4, 8, 45, 50, 55, 231, 251, 284 Giovanni d’Ariminio 38 Giovanni da Capistrano 158-159, 163166, 212, 229, 248, 303-307, 313 Giovanni da Casale 27 Giovanni da Cordova 164 Giovanni da Firmiano 241 Giovanni da Montecorvino 242 Giovanni da Piancarpine 254 Giovanni da Tivoli 49 Giovanni de Bassolis 192 Giovanni de Caulibus 257 Giovanni della Valle 153 Giovanni de Stroncone 153 Giovanni di Barga 159 Giovanni di Ferrara 39 Giovanni di Penne 27 Giovanni di S. Geminiano 288 Giovanni Graffeo 228 Giovanni Marchesini 132, 196, 286, 316 Giovanni Palastron 152 Giovanni Parenti 3, 8, 29 Giovanni Philippi 234 Giovanni Riparolio de Piemonte 39 Girolamo d’Ascoli 152 Giuliano da Muggia 109 Glorieux, P. 14, 56, 293, 321 Gneo, Fernando 261 Gobi, D. 306 Godefrey de Fontaines 135 Godet, Jean-François 272-274 Godfried von Erlach 210 Goering, Joseph x Golubovich, G. 152, 292 Gonsalvo Hispano 144 Gonzáles, Manuel Arias 131 Gosselin, E.A. 131 Grabmann, M. 174 Grassi, O. 183-184 Gratian 147-148, 287, 314 Gratien, P. 307-308, 321 Gregorio di Napoli 12 Gregory IX 44, 148, 198, 275 Gregory XI 153 Gregory the Great 195, 245, 249, 255 Grundmann, H. 198 Guarino 158 Guerrieri, R. 86 Guglielmo da Casale 160 Guglielmo da Prato 24

394

name index

Guglielmo di Piemonte 145 Guglielmo Sarzani di Genoa 48 Guibert de Tournai 163, 187-188, 237, 264-271, 283, 286, 291, 293 Guidi, Remo L. 290 Guido della Frassia 211 Guidolino da Parma 253 Guillaume d’Auvergne 14 Guillaume d’Auxerre 199, 206, 277 Guillaume de Baglione 293 Guillaume de Lanicia 256-257, 286 Guillaume de St. Amour 55-57, 85, 241 Guillaume de St. Thierry 186, 245, 249250, 255 Guillaume de Vorillon 128 Guillaume Durandus 251 Guillaume Josseaume 307 Guyotjeannin, Olivier 132 Gutowski, Stephan 77, 84, 149, 209, 229, 233, 320 Gy, M. 319 Hackett, J. 143 Halverson, James 191 Hamelin, A.-M. 185, 187, 195 Hamesse, Jacqueline 293-296 Hammerick, L. 60 Hanska, Jussi 290 Hartmann Schedel 305 Hauf, Albert 281 Haug, W. & B. Wachinger 287 Haymo of Faversham 8, 12, 21, 45, 74, 97, 151-152, 214, 231, 236, 251, 316 Heerinckx, J. 250, 254 Heijden, Maarten van der x Heinrich Hollen 137 Heinrich Kastner 285 Heinrich Kun 46 Heinrich Totting von Oyta 35 Heinrich von Barben 147 Heinrich von Isny (Heinrich Knoderer) 127-128 Heinrich von Langenstein 35, 258 Heinrich von Merseburg 147 Heinrich von Munden 229 Heinrich von Werl 40 Helwicus von Magdenburg 127 Hendrik Herp 257, 316 Hendrik Stoerman 42 Hendrik van Gent 135 Henquinet, F.-M. 135, 148 Henry VIII (King of England) 26

Henry de Baume 252 Henry of Costesy 150-151 Henry of Rereshby 12 Henry Wytbery 242 Herman Etzen 95, 195, 229 Herman von Sachsen 322 Heynck, V. 128 Heynlin von Stein 323 Hilarius Pichi 256 Hirschenauer, R.F. 53 Hoenen, Maarten J.F.M. 179, 181, 189, 192, 194 Hofer, J. 305 Hofmann, G. 208 Holzapfel, H. 86, 155, 159 Hombergh, F.A.H. van den 166, 307 Honemann, V. 128 Honnefelder, Ludger 173, 192-193 Honorius III 12, 238, 273-274 Horodisch, Abraham 233 Horowitz, J. & P. Menache 291 Houbaert, A. 73 Hübener, Wolfgang 176-178, 180 Huerga, Alvaro 238 Hugh of Newcastle 127, 187, 192 Hughes, Barnabas 144 Hugues de Digne 74, 236, 253, 278 Hugues de St. Cher 131 Hugues de St. Victor 163, 205, 246-247, 249, 256, 264 Hugues Ripelin 126, 288-289 Humbert de Romans 152, 198, 244, 265 Humphreys, Kenneth W. 198-208, 210, 212-214, 217-218, 220-223, 225, 231232, 234 Hunecke, Markus 84, 302, 322 Hunt, R.W. 210 Iacopo da Varazze 288, 291 Ianelli, Pio 50-51 Illuminato 170 Imbach, Ruedi 177, 182-183, 193, 226 Imle, Fanny ix Ingemund (lector in Stockhom) 86 Inglis, John 173-174, 183 Innocent III 272-273 Innocent IV 55, 74, 223, 238-239, 321 Iozelli, F. 235 Isidore of Sevilla 209, 211 Jacob Håkansson 86 Jacob van Amersfoort 42

name index Jacopone da Todi 4, 171, 258 Jacquart, Danielle 148-149 Jacques de Guise 227 Jakob Adam von Breslau 46, 225 Jansen, Katherine L. 315 Jean Clérée 308 Jean Colet 210 Jean d’Attigny 294 Jean de Cantois 126 Jean de Fécamp 256 Jean de La Rochelle 14, 126, 131, 140, 186, 281, 283, 286, 296, 315 Jean de Pouilly 322 Jean de Roquetaillade 129, 220 Jean Gerson 179, 271 Jean Joly 209, 225-227, 233 Jean Rigaud 316 Jodocus Gallus 229 Jodocus Graspach 225 Jodocus Langenberg 121 Johan Bloemendaal 132 Johan Bremer 42, 111, 134, 194 Johan Herwich von Ilten 132 Johan Lydiconis 233 Johannes Brugman 166, 307 Johannes Duns Scotus 117, 125, 127, 128, 139, 144, 172, 176, 178-181, 183, 185, 187, 189, 191-195, 206-208, 214, 270, 310 Johannes Hagen 84, 138 Johannes Henrici 42 Johannes Lillius 141 Johannes Melber von Gerolzhofen 288 Johan Röthaw 127 Johan Sack 144, 225 Johan Schwitzer 138 Johan van Valkenburg 233 Johan von Erfurt 124, 128, 132, 138139, 316 Johan von Minden 37, 139 Johan von Sommerfeld 132 Johan von Sterngassen 313 Johan von Werden 286 Johan Wimpfeling 258 John XXII 26, 35, 59, 112, 148, 226, 322 John Dedecus 142 John de Fonte 128, 226 John Foxal 47 John Iwyn 72 John Lathbury 210 John of St. Giles 13, 53

395

John of Wales 131, 137, 196, 265, 279, 283, 286-287, 289, 316 John Pecham 143-144, 187-188, 190191, 236, 241, 253, 257-258, 279, 287, 314, 323 John Rigaldus 289 John Russel 131 John Woodford 61 John Wyclif 61-62, 178, 322 Jörg, Christoph 227 Juan de Coïmbra 186 Juan de Torquemada 209 Juan Gil de Zamora 129, 142 Julian von Speyer 145 Kaluza, Zenon 177-178, 180, 192 Kedar, Benjamin Z. 292 Kenny, A. & J. Pinborg 182 Kerr, N.R. 202 Kilmer, C., E. Marmursztejn & S. Piron 48, 220 Kingsford, Charles Lethbridge 72, 209211, 236 Klauck, Hans-Josef 131 Kleinhans, Arduin 130-131, 287 Kleutgen, Joseph 173 Kloczowski, Jerzy 78, 154 Klukowski, C. 200, 223, 232 Knowles, D. & R. Hadcock 83 Knut Jönsson 86, 228 Köhn, Rolf 51 Konrad Grütsch 93, 142, 286 Konrad Holtnicker 7, 76 Konrad von Gelnhausen 35 Konrad von Mure 209 Konrad von Quervordia 137 Konrad von Sachsen 283 Konrad von Worms 29 Konrad Wimpina 126 Köpf, Ulrich 257 Kraft, B. 229 Kretzmann, Norman 177 Krey, Philip 131 Kristeller, P.O. 169-170 Krizovljan, Hadrianus a 189, 259 Kurtscheid, B. ix, 15, 16, 17, 28-29, 33, 35, 36, 39-40, 70, 85, 87, 89, 90, 92, 94, 97-98, 104-105, 114-115, 120121, 133 Ladner, G.B. 170, 209 Ladner, Pascal 233

396

name index

Lambert d’Auxerre 139 Lampen, Willibrordus 29, 40, 119 Landini, Lawrence C. 4, 235 Landmann, F. 121, 229-230, 234, 284, 290, 297-298, 300, 309, 322-324 Lars Edbersson 86 Lars Jonsson 86 Lars Nilsson 86 Lars Pålsson 86 Lasic, D. 229 Laurent de la Faye 308 Laurent, M.-H. 208 Lauwers, Michel 274 Lavery, P. 60 Leader, Damian Riehl 25-27, 39, 62, 64, 100, 140 Leclercq, Jean 249, 251, 279, 315 Lecoy de la Marche, M. 297, 307 Lee, Harold, Marjorie Reeves & Giulio Silano 220 Leff, Gordon 56-57, 59, 99, 108, 111, 175 Lehmann, P. 169 Leisibach, J. 232 Lemmens, L. 132 Lenhart, John M. 150, 198 Lenzuni, Anna 211 Leo X 155 Leonardi, Claudio ix Leonard Mackenrod 149 Leonardo Bruni 169, 213 Lerner, R.E. 131 Lesnick, Daniel R. 291 Liere, Frans A. van x Lindberg, D.C. 233, 261 Lioi, L. 147 Lippens, Hugolin 73, 227, 252, 322 Little, A.G. ix, 20, 21-24, 25, 27, 28, 34, 39, 58-63, 73, 79-80, 83, 88, 93-94, 97-98, 101, 103-106, 110-111, 122, 131, 142-143, 146, 150, 154, 167-168, 202, 210, 221, 232-233, 291, 315, 318-319, 321-323 Little, A.G. & R.C. Easterling 203, 242 Little, A.G. & F. Pelster 23, 26, 133, 286 Little, Lester K. 315 Löfstedt, Bengt 129 Logemann, Silke 84, 137-138, 209 Lombardi, Teodosio 2, 28, 44, 171, 279 Longpré, E. 45, 141 Lopez, A. 151 Lopez de Salinas 253

Lopez, Élisabeth 240 Lorenzo d’Aquilea 214 Lorenzo Valla 169 Louis IX (King of France) 13, 210, 243 Louis d’Orleans (Duke) 110 Louis de Toulouse 228 Louis Peresi 233 Luca, G. de 214 Luca Pacioli da Sansepolcro 50, 144 Lucas Wadding 34, 44, 159, 161, 166, 297, 306 Lucca da Bitonto 283, 289 Luder Massow 84, 137 Luigi Castiglione Aretino 24 Luise, Antonella 306 Madre, A. 288 Maier, Anneliese 139, 228 Maierù, Alfonso 18, 66, 125, 129, 133, 135, 138, 140 Mandonnet, P. 7, 174, 327 Manselli, Raoul 132, 151, 211-212 Maranesi, P. 1 Marangon, Paolo 36, 148, 279 Marchand, J.W. & S.W. Baldwin 129 Marcil, George 186 Marco da Montegallo 159 Marco d’Orvieto 289 Marco Trivixiano 207 Marenbon, John 177-178 Mareto, Felice da 171 Mariano da Firenze 297, 304 Marquard von Aschlaffenberg 29 Marquard von Lindau 257, 288 Marquard von Mainz 29 Marsiglio di Padova 209 Marsilius von Inghen 35, 37 Martin IV 59, 321-322 Martin V 47, 154 Martin, Hervé 110, 210, 220, 233, 280281, 291-294, 298-302, 307-308, 315, 323-324 Martin von Troppau 147, 211, 288 Mary Magdalene 118, 251, 315 Masnovo, A. 173 Masuccio Salernitano 169 Matanic, A. 234, 245 Mathis, B. 321 Matteo d’Aquasparta 47, 187, 191, 227, 228, 258, 296 Matteo de Cumis 228 Matteo della Porta 228-229

name index Mattesini, F. 170 Matthew Paris 2 Matthias Doering 37, 225, 300 Matthias von Aquis 119 Maurice de Provence 287 Maurizius von Görlitz 208 Mazzi, C. 208, 212 McGinn, Bernard 257 McKeon, C.K. 141 Mecacci, R. 161, 163 Meerseman, G.G. 318, 323 Mehr, Bonaventura 272 Meier, Ludger 7, 29, 36-37, 38, 46, 77, 93, 109, 111, 124, 127-128, 134, 138139, 147, 193-195, 225, 230, 285, 288, 294, 300 Mencherini, Saturnino 207 Meneghin, Vittorino 148 Menestò, E. 227, 272 Mengel, David x Menzel, Michael 272, 287, 321 Merlo, Grado Giovanni 292, 319 Mesini, C. 44 Meyer, H. 288 Meyer, Wendelinus 132 Michaud-Quantin, Pierre 287, 315-316 Michele Carcano 316 Michele da Cesena 45-46, 88-89, 94, 102, 114, 220 Michele Guardini 223 Michel Menot 291 Miethke, J. 35 Mignini, G. 203 Mills, Victor 257 Miner, John N. 68, 242 Minnis, A.J & A.B. Scott 264, 266 Mollat, Guillaume 242 Monaldo 207 Monfrin, J. 228-229 Moorman, John R.H. 1, 24, 26-27, 72, 83, 97, 111, 150-151, 202, 210, 221, 227, 240-242, 300, 303, 316, 322 Morenzoni, Franco 279 Morgese, Ippolita 145-146 Mormando, F. 310 Mugnaini, E. 171 Mulchahey, Michèle 1, 5, 14, 66, 68, 69, 71, 91, 130, 133, 142, 152, 189, 240, 242, 244, 250-251, 281, 286, 288, 291, 315, 317 Müller, Carlo 1 Murith, A. 93, 286

397

Murphy, John C. 12, 13, 19, 23, 58, 123, 157 Musto, R.G. 151 Muzzarelli, M.G. 306 Nappo, C. 131 Nardo da Sicilia 230 Navarro, S. García 139 Navone, John 170 Neumann, A. 313 Neumann, U. 317 Nevée, Joseph 291 Newhauser, R. 319 Niccolò d’Amato 230 Niccolò da Fara 304 Niccolò da Osimo 159, 164 Niccolò da Spinello 228 Niccolò de’Pepoli 2 Nicholas Bozon 288 Nicholas Byard 287, 316 Nicholas Rufus 12 Nickel, Ralf 77, 84, 302, 322 Nicolas Bonet 139, 141 Nicolas de Bas-sur-Aube 57 Nicolas de Liseux 57 Nicolas de Lyre 131, 150-151, 167, 194, 310 Nicolas d’Orbelles 128, 144 Nicolas Guiotelli 19, 94, 122-123 Nicolaus Eyfeler 309 Nicolaus Glassberger 37, 44, 100, 121, 156, 161, 165-167, 191, 194, 230, 234, 248, 284, 322-323 Nicolaus Lakmann 93, 111 Nicolaus von Straßburg 313 Nicola Vignuzi 207 Nicolini, Ugolino 75, 86, 155, 158, 234 Nocilli, Antonio Giuseppe 251 Nyhus, Paul L. 154 Oberman, Heiko 172-173, 175, 177178, 183, 196, 328 Obizzo II d’Este 37 O’Carrol, Maura 251 Oediger, Friedrich Wilhelm 7, 255, 258, 289 Oliger, L. 228, 232, 240-243, 316 Olivier Maillard 303, 307 O’Malley, John O. 287 Origo, Iris 285 Otto von Passau 256 Ovid 206

398

name index

Pacetti, D. 158, 161, 212, 229, 305, 310 Pacini, G.P. 306 Pagnani, G. 229 Palmer, Nigel 257 Paludet, Giampaolo 306 Paolino da Venezia 147, 227-228, 288, 300 Paolo Boncampi 159 Paolo da Gualdo 85-86 Paolo d’Assisi 159 Paolo de Tarento 144 Paoluccio Vagnozzi de Trinci 153, 157 Papias 214 Papini, N. & G. Abate 38, 111, 115 Papini, N. & E. Magrini 115 Pardi, G. 38 Parkes, M.B. 210, 264 Paul of Hungary 314 Paulus Scriptoris 144 Paulus Teutonicus 164 Péano, Pierre 45, 129 Pedro d’Aragon 27 Pedro Gallego 151 Pelbartus Ladislaus von Temesvar 126, 316 Pellegrini, Luigi 155, 301, 320 Pellegrino da Fallerone 2 Pelster, F. 128 Pergamo, B. 28, 39 Per Homgersson 86 Pesce, P.G. 310 Peter (Magister Oxon.) 22 Peter Christiani 257 Peter Quesel 147 Petrucci, Enzo 321 Petrus Berchorius 288 Petrus Cantor 277 Petrus Comestor 287 Petrus Hispanus 139, 208 Petrus Lombardus 14, 98, 123-129, 194, 211 Petrus Thomae 177 Pezzini, Domenico 245 Philip IV of France 16 Philippe le Chancelier 13 Piacenti, Ernesto 281 Piana, Celestino ix, 13, 16, 19, 20, 28, 30, 38-39, 41, 44-50, 71, 74-75, 8081, 83, 90, 93-94, 104, 106, 108-109, 112, 122, 129, 139, 148, 160-161, 164, 166, 170-171, 191, 207-208, 211-213, 222, 228, 234, 257, 304

Picciaforo, U. 159 Pierre aux Boeufs 233, 308 Pierre Cheriacho 294 Pierre d’Ailly 179 Pierre d’Auriole 46, 125, 127, 131, 207 Pierre Salomon 110 Pietro Catani 3 Pietro da Mogliano 164, 212 Pietro da Taorando 159 Pietro dell’Aquila 187, 192 Pietro di Giovanni Olivi 47-48, 66, 74, 96, 131-132, 139, 144, 187-188, 191, 196, 220, 241, 253, 257, 270, 310 Pietro Giovanni Strachia 43 Pietro Lucca de Albaregali 229 Pietro Mazoti 107 Pinborg, Jan 177, 182 Pino, Franco dal, 240 Pius II 47 Pius IV 116 Poggio Bracciolini 156, 169 Polica, Gabriella Severino 198-199, 232 Pompei, A. 235-237, 260 Ponce Carbonel 132 Poppi, Antonio 142, 186-188 Porphyry 138 Porzi, Alfonso 161, 170, 229 Post, R.R. 7 Poulenc, Jérôme 13, 19, 123 Pou y Marti, J.M. 132 Powell, J.M. 274 Pratesi, R. 158, 170 Priscian 138, 214 Pryds, D. 51 Pulignani, M.F. 153, 237 Putallaz, F.-X. 191 Radulphus de Rosa 12 Raedlé, Nicolas 226 Raedts, Peter 128 Raffaele da Varese 159 Raimundo de Peñyaforte 207, 314 Rainaldo (da Rieti) 15 Ralph Pigaz 72, 79 Ramon Lull 152, 316 Rashdall, Hastings 26, 27, 35, 36, 47, 54, 62 Rasmussen, Jørgen Nybo 41, 77, 86, 209 Ratzinger, J. 260, 263 Raymond Rigaud 279 Raymundo de Coïmbra 186 Raymundo de Peñyaforte 319

name index Redondo, Valentin 236 Redonet, F.L. 129, 281 Reiter, Eric H. 322 Ribaucourt, C. 73, 82 Richard Brinkley (14th c.) 139, 178 Richard Brinkley (fl. 1480) 151 Richard FitzRalph 60-61, 63, 322 Richard Ledrede 145 Richard Marsh 210 Richard Miller 21 Richard of Conington 25 Richard of Devon 21 Richard of Ingeworth 21 Richard of Mediavilla 128, 194, 310 Richard Rufus of Cornwall 22, 127 Riché, Pierre 249 Riedel, Friedrich W. 145 Riggi, C. 151 Rijk, Lambert de 177, 182 Ritter, G. 176 Rizzerio da Muccia 2 Robert Grosseteste 22-23, 126, 141-145, 149-151, 186, 188, 210, 223, 267, 315, 323 Robert Holcot 176, 184 Robert Lamborn 236 Robert le Mercer 21 Roberto Caraccioli da Lecce 159, 164, 168, 285, 303, 305, 313, 316 Robert of Anjou (King of Naples) 50-51 Robert of Flamborough 314 Robertson, D.W. 301 Roder, Chr. 322 Rodiges von Goldberg 84 Roelvink, H. 86, 209 Roensch, F. 189 Roest, Bert 51, 129, 131-132, 142, 147, 228, 257, 260, 264, 288 Roger Bacon 66, 85, 139-140, 142-145, 148-151, 186, 199, 255, 261, 268, 282-283 Roger Marston 144, 186, 188, 191 Roger of Conway 60 Roger of Thoriz 203 Roger of Wendover 273 Roger Wesham 22 Röhrkastern, Jens 242 Roland de Cremona 13, 53 Roletus Stoß 233 Romallo, S.M. da 320-321 Roncaglia, M. 150-152 Roncière, Charles de la 284, 290-291, 301, 313, 318, 321, 323

399

Ronzoni, Domenico 168, 303 Rossi, V. 171 Rossi, V. & A. Vallone 169 Rotolo, F. 34, 74, 106, 116, 146 Rouse, R.H. 288 Rouse, R.H. & M.A. Rouse 210, 221, 287 Rüdiger zur Dijck 149 Rudolf of Corbrigge 22 Rudolf von Biberach 210, 256 Rufino Bartolucci 145 Rufino de Aba 148 Rufino Gorgoni 45 Ruggero da Palermo 50 Ruggero de Platea 191 Ruh, Kurt 196, 245-246, 254-257, 328 Rusconi, Roberto 272, 285, 303, 310311, 315-316, 318 Russo, A. 144 Rutebeuf 56-56, 169 Rutherford, David 170 Sabatier, Paul 1, 44 Salimbene de Adam 3, 4, 8-9, 12, 15, 45, 74, 79, 82, 88, 91, 129, 145-146, 152, 199, 219, 227, 239, 241, 253254, 276-278, 284, 299 Samouillan, A. 307 Santinelli, N. 256 Sarri, F. 170 Sartoni, P. 310 Sartori, A. 36 Scaramuzzi, D. Schabel, Christopher x Scheeben, H.Ch. 301 Schein, Sylvia 292 Schlageter, Johannes 132 Schlotheuber, Eva 208 Schmidt, Margot 256 Schmitt, Clément 155, 279, 287-288, 321 Schmolinski, Sabina 77, 131 Schmucki, O. 155, 257 Schneyer, J.B. 286-287 Schnyder, André 256 Scholz, B. 255 Schubert, E. 35 Sebastian Münster 39 Sebastiano da Verona 144, 149 Seibt, F. 35 Senocak, Neslihan 6, 21, 72-73, 83, 143 Sensi, Mario 153-154 Seppelt, Franz Xaver 1, 53

400

name index

Serafino di Gaeta 164 Sérent, A. de 204 Servasanto da Faenza 47, 206, 283, 286, 288, 316 Sessevalle, F. de 11, 153-155, 157-159, 167, 227, 273, 279, 283, 291, 297, 299, 303-305, 307 Sharp, D.E. 141 Sheenan, M.W. 23 Sileo, Leonardo 14, 23, 126, 133, 135, 141, 186-187, 195 Sileo, L. & F. Zanatta 190 Simon Anglicus 7, 29, 83 Simon of Sanwyz 12 Sint Anthonis, S. 291 Siraisi, Nancy 149 Sixtus IV 228, 242, 322 Sixtus V 116 Smalley, Beryl 130-132, 170 Smith, Cyril Eugene 34 Solignac, A. 256 Southern, Richard 22 Stano, G. 116 Steer, Georg 196, 245, 257, 291, 305, 313, 328 Stefan Brulefer 308 Stefano de Ianua 241 Stegmüller, Friedrich 126-128, 131-132 Stephen of Hasingfeld 62 Stephen of Segrave 63 Sticco, M. 161 Stöckerl, Dagobert 37, 38, 39, 165-166 Stöckl, Albert 173 Stolfi Liberatus, D. 158, 212 Swanson, J. 131, 289 Tachau, Katherine H. 177 Tassi, Emilio 305 Teetaert, A. 57, 316 Tedaldo della Casa 170, 212 Tentler, T.N. 318 Teobaldo de Nardi 127 Thomas de Cantimpré 240-241 Thomas de Storlitis 46 Thomas Docking 127, 131, 144, 279, 315 Thomas Eccleston 8, 12, 13, 21, 23, 25, 45, 72, 74, 83, 126, 312-313 Thomas Hibernicus 287 Thomas of Chobham 314 Thomas of Jorz 63 Thomas of York 22, 25, 57-59, 127, 141

Thomas Walensis 22 Thomas Wynchelsey 209 Thomson, W.R. 323 Thouzellier, Christine 56 Tomasso da Celano 1, 2, 3, 43, 198, 238, 273 Tommaso da Pavia 45, 129 Tommaso d’Aquino 57, 126, 129, 141, 172-176, 179-181, 186, 188-189, 191, 194, 207, 319 Töpfer, Bernhard 56 Tremp, Ernst 226-227, 285-286, 288 Troeyer, B. de 257, 307 Ubertino da Casale 4-5, 16, 47-48, 66, 120, 129, 241, 252, 257, 282-283, 310 Ugo Pocapaglia da Reggio 276 Ulrich Aumayer 229 Urban IV 57-58 Urban VI 35, 112 Urribe, A. & F. Lejarza 154, 167 Uyttenbroeck, C. 322 Vaccari, P. 36 Valentin, T. 228 Van Steenberghen, F. 174, 183 Vasoli, Cesare 173, 185 Vauchez, A. 86 Vecchio, S. 279 Verger, Jacques 10, 35, 36, 99, 125, 130-131, 135-136 Vernet, A. 210 Veuthey, Leone 185, 188, 195 Vicaire, M.-H. 29 Vignaux, Paul 177, 182 Vincent Ferrier 226 Vincent of Coventry 25, 72 Vita del Toscano 145 Vital du Four 128, 287 Vogt, B. 185-186 Vorreux, Damien 13 Vovk, Michael 235 Wagner, Elmar 10 Walram von Siegburg 106-107 Walter Chatton 79, 184, 194 Weijers, Olga 98, 100, 136, 138, 140, 183 Weisheipl, James A. 266 Welter, J.-Th. 288 Wenzel, Siegfried 311 Werner Vermann 37

name index Werner von Appenburg 84 Werner von Ratisbonne 256 Wilelmus de Montoriel 139 Willem Hoygelant 42 William Britto 150-151, 214, 253 William Buttler 61 William de la Mare 129, 150-151, 188189, 293 William de Ware 186, 191 William of Alnwick 144, 187, 192 William of Everel 39 William of Meliton 14, 125-126, 186 William of Nottingham 21, 25, 83, 232233 William of Ockham 79, 125, 139, 175179, 184-185, 187-188, 193, 208, 214 William of Sherwood 139

401

William Woodford 79, 132, 221 Wilmart, André 250-251, 257 Wood, Rega 143 Worstbrock, F.J. 309 Wyardus van Groningen 42 Zafarana, Zelina 272-273, 279, 281-283, 289, 291, 303, 315 Zanotti, G. 208 Zawart, Anscar ix, 272, 280, 290, 297, 303-304 Zedelgem, Amadeus a 281 Zerfass, R. 273 Ziino, Agostino 145 Zink, M. 311 Zuhorn, K. 307

PLACE INDEX Alcalá de Henares 168 Altenlünen 302 Amatrice 86 Amelia 85 Amiens 302, 324 Ancona 70 Angers 30, 41 Apulia 74 Arezzo 74 Arles 74 Assisi 26, 28, 32-33, 41, 75, 85, 116, 205, 207, 216, 223, 227, 231, 233 Asti 33, 71 Auxerre 204, 323 Avignon 11, 29, 41, 74, 228 Aylesbury 83 Bamberg 165 Barcelona 74 Barletta 33, 41, 70 Basel 76, 128, 165, 323 Bedford 83 Berlin 77 Berwick 83 Bettona 85 Bevagna 86 Beverly 83 Bidegavense 41 Bisaccia 229 Bodmin 83 Bologna 6, 11, 28-33, 36, 38, 40, 41, 4347, 75, 82, 86, 108-110, 116, 128-129, 140, 148, 164, 208, 213, 223, 294, 305 Bordeaux 71, 73, 210 Borgo Sansepolcro 75, 85 Bork 302 Boston Doncastle 83 Bremen 77 Brescia 70, 166 Bridgnorth 83 Bridgwater 83 Bristol 23, 83, 205 Brogliano 153 Bruges 71, 73, 82, 166 Brussels 77 Burgos 74

Bury St. Edmunds 83 Caen 39 Calderara 75 Calitri 166 Cambridge 11, 20-21, 23, 24-29, 31-32, 35, 39-41, 62-64, 72-73, 79, 89, 97, 101, 103-104, 109-111, 142, 201, 205, 207, 210, 214, 221, 227, 233 Candia 208 Canterbury 21, 23, 83, 210, 314 Capistrano 229 Carceri 159 Cardiff 83 Carlile 83 Carmarthen 83 Cascia 86 Cefalù 229 Cesena 70, 75 Chester 83, 205 Chichester 83 Chiusi 74 Citeaux 210 Città del Castello 75, 85 Clairvaux 210 Clermond-Ferrand 324 Coesfeld 302 Coïmbra 34-35 Colchester 83 Cologne 11, 28-29, 31-33, 35, 36-37, 4042, 77-78, 98-100, 104-107, 116, 119, 128, 178, 233, 255 Como 70 Constance 76 Constantinople 74 Copenhagen 77, 86 Corbach 213 Cork 77 Cornhull 236 Coventry 22, 71-73 Cracow 116, 178 Deventer 77 Digne 74 Dijon 29-30, 73, 74 Dole 209, 220 Dorchester 83

place index

403

Dortmund 84, 302, 322 Dublin 35, 41, 77 Dülme 302 Dundee 83 Dunfries 83 Dunwich 83

Heilbronn 165 Hereford 23, 83 Hildesheim 7, 76-77, 95, 149, 209, 229, 320 Huckarde 302 Hyères 74

Erfurt 29, 32-33, 35, 36, 41-42, 71, 7677, 86, 95, 104, 124, 127, 128, 137, 178, 225, 285 Esztergom 32, 77 Exeter 71-73, 203, 242

Imola 75 Ingolstadt 165-166 Ipswich 83, 203

Fabriano 164, 207 Fano 41, 74, 79 Feltre 305 Ferrara 37, 41, 71, 75, 90, 129, 147, 163 Flensburg 209 Florence 28, 30, 32-33, 36, 38, 39-41, 47-50, 68, 71, 74, 86, 104-106, 113, 128, 147, 164, 170-171, 201, 204-205, 208, 211-213, 216, 223, 233 Foligno 86 Forlì 70 Forlivi 75 Frankfurt a. Main 38, 41 Freiburg in Breisgau 41 Fribourg 209, 225-227, 233, 285 Genoa 30, 33, 40-41, 74, 305 Ghent 73 Gloucester 23, 83 Görlitz 208 Göttingen 208 Grantham 83, 242 Greifswald 33, 37, 41, 86 Grimsby 83 Groningen 42 Grünberg 208, 213 Gualdo Tadino 85 Gubbio 75, 85, 207 Haddington 83 Halberstadt 77, 95 Hamburg 77 Hannover 77 Hartlepool 83 Haus Lünen 302 Haus Mengede 302 Haus Ruhr 302 Haus Schwansbell 302 Heidelberg 33, 35, 37, 39, 41, 71, 165, 178, 181

Kilkenny 77, 145 King’s Lynn 83 La Baumette 286, 308 Landshut 166 Langres 74 La Verna 207 Lecce 70 Leicester 23, 83 Leipzig 38, 41, 166, 285, 294 Leonessa 86 Lérida 40-41, 74, 289 Lewes 83 Lichfield 22, 83 Lincoln 21, 22, 83 Linz 232 Lisbon 30, 33, 40-41 Livari 228 Llanfaes 83 London 21, 23, 24, 26, 41, 71-73, 79, 209-210 Louvain 38, 77, 136, 168, 207, 302 Lucca 74, 79, 86, 166, 207 Lund 40-41, 77, 86 Lüneburg 83-84, 137-138, 209 Lünen 302 Lyon 45, 73-74, 210 Magdeburg 7, 12, 29, 31, 76, 78, 83, 128, 147 Mainz 76, 128, 165 Malta 116 Mantua 164 Marseilles 71, 74 Menden 302 Mengenberg 213 Metz 71, 73, 82, 166 Milan 30, 33, 74, 164 Modena 75 Mons (Bergen) 227 Monteprandone 229 Montepulciano 106

404

place index

Montereale 86 Monteripido (Perugia) 160-161, 163, 166, 212, 256 Montone 85-86 Montpellier 6, 28, 36, 40-41, 44, 48, 74, 128, 132, 210 Munich 322 Münster 84, 135, 255, 302, 322 Murcia 74 Nagy Varad 71, 77 Nancy 166 Nantes 41 Naples 33, 36, 40-41, 45, 50-51, 74, 116, 166 Narbonne 8-10, 71, 74 Narni 86 Nenagh 77 Nevers 324 Newcastle 71-73 Nocerna 85-86 Norcia 86 Nordhausen 285 Northampton 23, 83 Norwich 23, 41, 71-73, 79, 214 Nottingham 83 Orléans 32, 324 Osnabrück 84 Oxford 7, 11, 20, 21-24, 26, 27-29, 31, 35, 39-41, 48, 58-62, 64, 70, 73, 79, 89, 93, 97, 99, 101, 103-104, 106, 108-111, 126-127, 139-140, 142-145, 152, 167, 178, 180-181, 186, 195, 201, 210, 214, 221, 223, 224, 294, 322 Paderborn 84 Padua 28, 33, 36, 39, 41, 45, 48, 108, 116, 118, 148, 161, 207, 228, 233-234 Palermo 106, 228 Pamplona 74 Paris 7, 11-21, 26, 27, 29, 31-32, 35, 3942, 45, 53-58, 70, 79, 88-94, 97-104, 106, 108-112, 115-116, 122-123, 125, 128-129, 136, 140, 142-143, 146, 149, 152, 166-167, 178-181, 186-187, 189, 193, 195, 210, 218, 221, 224, 227, 280, 294-295 Parma 36, 41, 49, 71, 75, 79, 90, 129, 135, 305 Pavia 36, 40, 49, 70, 164, 207, 305

Pera 152 Perugia 28, 33, 36, 39-41, 49, 69-70, 75, 85, 148, 161-164, 166, 212, 234 Petit-Thon 220 Piacenza 70 Pinerolo 70 Pisa 30, 32-33, 39, 41, 49, 71, 74, 79, 86, 106, 207 Pistoia 86 Plymouth 83 Porziuncola 85, 159, 200, 212 Pozzuoli 227 Prague 33, 35, 41, 71, 77, 116, 136, 178, 181 Prenzlau 77, 95 Preston 83 Provins 73 Ragusa 166 Ravenna 75 Reading 83 Regensburg 29, 76, 205, 229, 244 Reggio 305 Reims 71, 73, 82 Richmond 83 Rieti, 74 Riga 228 Rimini 33, 70, 71, 75 Rome 29, 32-33, 35, 40-41, 48, 74, 116, 152, 166 Roskilde 33, 77, 86, 233 Rostock 38, 41-42 Rouen 71, 73, 82, 166, 324 Rovigo 75 Roxburgh 83 Salamanca 30, 32, 36, 40-41, 98, 101, 152, 166 Salisbury 83 San Gemini 86 Scarborough 83 Schüttorf 302 Segovia 74 Sevilla 74 Shrewsbury 83 Sicily 74 Siena 33, 39-41, 49, 74, 86, 158, 166, 210, 212 S. Miniato 86 Soest 84 Southampton 83 S. Paolo in Monte 213

place index Spello 85 Spoleto 75, 85 Stafford 83 Stamford 71-73 Stockholm 86, 209, 228, 233 St. Omaars 166 Strasbourg 29, 31-32, 73, 76, 90, 142, 226, 256, 257 Telgte 302 Terni 86 Thann 300 Tienen 77, 237, 320 Todi 33, 41, 71, 75, 85, 203, 227 Toledo 74 Toulouse 6, 11, 19, 28-30, 32-35, 39-41, 44, 73, 107, 132, 166, 210, 284 Tours 45, 74 Trevi 86 Trier 41 Troyes 208 Tübingen 166 Turin 39, 41 Umbertide 86 Uppsalà 41, 77, 209 Urbino 116 Valencia 33, 74 Valenciennes 232

405

Vallo di Nera 86 Venice 30, 33, 71, 164, 232, 233-234, 305 Vercelli 74, 166 Verona 164, 166 Vézelay 11 Vienne 152, 322 Vienna 35, 41, 100, 178, 181 Villacrecia 167 Visby 86 Visso 86 Viterbo 70 Voßwinkel 302 Wagendorf 302 Walsingham 83 Ware 83 Winchelsea 83 Winchester 83 Witten 302 Wittenberg 38 Worcester 83 Würzburg 76, 229, 257 Yarmouth 83 York 71-73 Zabern 322 Zaragoza 74, 129

EDUCATION & SOCIETY IN THE MIDDLE AGES & RENAISSANCE ISSN 0926-6070

1. M.M. Hildebrandt. The External School in Carolingian Society. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09449 0 2. B. Lawn. The Rise and Decline of the Scholastic ‘Quæstio Disputata’. With Special Emphasis on its Use in the Teachings of Medicine and Science. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09740 6 3. A. Maierù. University Training in Medieval Europe. Translated and Edited by D.N. Pryds. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09823 2 4. T. Sullivan, ... Benedictine Monks at the University of Paris., A.D. 12291500. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10099 7 5. C. Fuchs. Dives, Pauper, Nobilis, Magister, Frater, Clericus. Sozialgeschichtliche Untersuchungen über Heidelberger Universitätsbesucher des Spätmittelalters (1386-1450). 1995. ISBN 90 04 10147 0 6. M.J.F.M. Hoenen, J.H.J. Schneider & G. Wieland (eds.). Philosophy and Learning. Universities in the Middle Ages. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10212 4 7. J. Verger. Les universités françaises au Moyen Age. 1995. ISBN 90 04 10312 0 8. J. Davies. Florence and its University during the Early Renaissance. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11003 8 9. C. O’Boyle. The Art of Medicine. Medical Teaching at the University of Paris, 1250-1400. 1998. ISBN 90 04 11124 7 10. W. J. Courtenay & J. Miethke (eds.). Universities and Schooling in Medieval Society. With the Assistance of D.B. Priest. 2000. ISBN 90 04 11351 7 11. B. Roest. A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1210-1517). 2000. ISBN 90 04 11739 3